Gov. Tilmam s Iauual.
A KEY TO THE POLICY OF THE NEW
jPARTY IN THE STATE.
Public'Officers to be Held to Strict-Ac
countability-Taxes to be More Equit.
ably Imposed and More Rigidly Col
lected-The Phosphate Royalty to be
Doubled-The School System to'be'
Revolutionized-Clemson College to be
Lavishly Supported-The South Caro
lina College to be Allowanced at $30,
000 'a Year-The Citadel to be Suf.
fered to Exist-A Girls Industrial
School Suggested-Constitutional Con
vention to be Called-Other Recom.
mendations.
A CoLuMBiA, December 4.-Special:
The following is the full text of the
inaugural address of Governor Till
man delivered to-day:
Gentlemen of the General Assembly:
It is seldom in the history of politics
that a man is so honored as I am.
It is customary to perform the cere
mony of inauguration in public, but
only once before that I am aware
has it been necessary in South Car
olina to hold it in the open air in or
der to let the people see- To the
large number of my fellow-citizens
who have done me the honor to come
as witnesses of this impressive cere
monial I can only say in simple
words, I thank you. To the people
I owe my election after a most mem
orable canvass. To the people only
I owe allegiance, and to the people
I pledge loyal service. This is no
mere holiday occasion. The citi
zens of this great Commonwealth
have, for the first time in its history,
demanded and obtained for them
selves the right to choose their Gov
-ernor, and I, as the exponent and
leader of the revolution which
brought about the change, am here
to take the solemn oath of office and
enter upon the discharge of its oner
ous duties. Before doing this it is
proper,'and usage makes it obliga
tory on me, to make known my views
and opinions on the important ques
tions agitating the public mind,
and to show where and how the re
forms are needed and can be
wrought.
With such an audience as this,
sympathetic and enthusiastic, I might
if I were an orator, attempt to play
upon your feelings and win applause
by flights of what some call elo
quence, but which sensible people as
"glittering generalities," the tinsel
and brass buttons of a dress parade,
meaning nothing and worth nothing.
The responsibilities of my position,
the reliance of the people upon my
leadership, the shortness of our leg
islative session (one-fourth of which
is already gone) alike demand the
display of
PRACTICAL STATESMANSHIP AND BUsI
NESS METHODs.
We are met to do the business of
the .people; not to evolve bountiful
theories or discuss ideal government.
We come as reformers, claiming that
many things in the government are
wrong and that there is room for re
trenchment and reduction of taxes.
'Our task is to give the people better
government and more efficient gov
ernment as cheaply as is possible.
We must, however, never lose sight
of the fact that niggardliness is not
always economy.' The -people will
pay even more taxes than at present
.if- they know those taxes are wisely
expended and for their benefit.
A POLITICAL PHENOMENON.
Before I proceed .to discuss in
plain, straig'htforward fashion the
legislation I' shall ask you to consid
er, I desire to congratulate you upon
the signal victory achieved by the
people at the recent election. Dem
ocracy, the rule of the people, has
won a victory unparalleled in its mag
nitude and importance, and those
whose hearts were troubled as they
watched the trend of national legis
lation in jits unblushing usurpation
of authority, its centralizing grasp
upon the throats of the State, its ab
ject surrender to the power-of cor
porate money and class interests-all
such must lift up joyful hearts of
praise to the All-Ruler and feel
their faith in the stability of our re
publican institutions strengthened.
In our own State the triumph of
Democracy and white supremacy
over mongrelism and anarchy, or
civilization over barbarism, has been
most complete, and it is gratifying
to note the fact that this was attend
ed by a political phenomenon which
was a surprise to all of us. Our
colored fellow-citizens absolutely re
fused tobe led to the polls by their
bosses. The opportunity of having
their votes freely cast and honestly
counted, which it has been claimed,
is denied the negroes, caused scarce
ly a ripple of excitement among
them. They quietly pursued their
avocations, and left the conduct of
the election to the whites. Many
who voted cast their ballots for the
regular Democratic ticket, and the
consequence is that to-day there is
less race prejudice and race feeling
between the white men and black
men of South Carolina than has ex
isted at any time since 1868.
-THE DISMAL EXPERIMENT OF UNIvERSAL
NEGRO SUFFRAGE
inspired by hate and a cowardly de
sire for revenge, the rotten Govern
ment built upon it and propped
with bayonets--the race antagonism
which blazed up and is still alive,
the robbery under the form of taxa
tion--the riot and debauchery in our
legislative halls and in our Capital,
the prostitution and impotence of
our Courts of justice while rape, ar
son and murder stalked abroad in
open daylight, the paralysis of trade,
the stagnation of agriculture, the de
moralization of society, the igno
rance, the apathy, the despair which
followed and brooded over the land
-all these things have we endured
-and survived. Nearly a quarter of
a century has passed since the two
* peoples who occupy our territory
were taught to hate each other. The
carpet-bag vampires and base native
traitors who brought it about and
have kept it alive for their own sin
ister purposes are nearly all gone.
the white men and black men of <
Carolina should not live together in s
peace and harmony. Our interests <
are the same, and our future, wheth- t
er for weal or woe, cannot be di- <
vorced. The negro was a staunch i
friend and faithful servant during s
the war, when there was every op- t
portunity to glut upon our wives and t
children any hatred or desire for re- 1
venge. He had none. There is not
a single instance on record of any
disloyalty to his master's family
during that trying and bloody period.
The recollection of this fact should
make us charitable towards him for
the excesses to which he was excited
by the opportunity, example and in
stigation of his white leaders during
the dark days I have just depicted.
His conduct in the recent political
campaign shows that he has begun
to think for himself and realizes, at
last, that his best friends and safest
advisers are the white men who own
the land and give him employment.
When it is clearly shown that a ma
jority of our colored voters are no
longer imbued with Republican ideas
the vexed negro problem will be
solved, and the nightmare of a return
of negro domination will haunt us no
more. Cannot I appeal to the mag
nanimity of the dominant race ? Can
not I pledge in your behalf that we
white men of South Carolina stand
ready and willing to listen kindly to
all reasonable complaints? To grant
all just rights and safe privileges to
these colored people? That they
shall have equal protection under
the law and a guarantee of fair
treatment at our hands?
That the colored people have griev
ances it is idle to deny. That the mem
ory of the wrongs and insults heaped
upon the whites by the blacks during
their eight years' rule has provoked
retaliation, and often injustice, is
true. It was natural and inevitable. t
But we owe it to ourselves as a
Christian people; we owe it to the
good name of our State, which has
been blackened thereby and its pros
perity retarded, that these things
should be stopped. The whites have
absolute control of the State Gov
ernment, and we intend, at any and E
all hazards, to retain it. The intel
ligent exercise of the right of suf- .
frage, at once the highest privilege
and most sacred duty of the citizen,
is as yet beyond the capacity of the
vast majority of colored men. We
deny without regard to color that I
"all me are created equal"; it is not
true now, and was not true when
ferson wrote it, but we cannot
deny and it is our duty as the gov
erning power in South Carolina to
ensure to every individual, black and
white, the "right to life, libeaty and
the pursuit of happiness."
With all the machinery of the law
in our hands, with every department
of the Government-executive, legis
lative and judicial-held by white
men, with white juries, white solici
tors, white sheriffs, it is simply in
famous that resort should be had to
lynch law and that prisoners should
be murdered because the people have
grown weary of the law's delay and
of its inefficient administration. Ne-1
groes have nearly always been the
victims; and the confessions is
-A BLOT o~ OU:R CIVILIzATION.
Let us see to it that the finger of
scorn no longer be pointed at our
State because of this deplorable con- ~
dition of affairs. Let us hunt out:
the defects in our laws, let us make
plain and simple the rules of Court h
which have outraged justice by:
granting continuance and new trials
upon technicalities. Let us insist
that only intelligent, sober, virtuous 1
citizens sit on our juries. Let pun
ishment for crime by whosoever com
mitted be prompt and sure, and, with
the removal of the cause, the effect
will disappear. And as a last des
perate remedy to use only when oth
ers fail, grant the Executive the pow- 1
er of absolute removal of any sheriff3
who fails to prevent any such act of
violence in his county after the law
has taken control of the prisoner.
I have thought it wise to speak in
emphatic terms on this subject be
cause every Carolinian worthy of the
name must long to see the time when
law shall reassert its sway, and when
our people will not be divided into
Ihostile political camps,and all classes
and colors shall vie with each other
in friendly rivalry to make the State
prosperous and happy.
Having never aspired to or held
any political office before, my place
in South Carolina has simply been
that of a voter and taxpayer. Hence
I am not as conversant with the de
tails of the different departments of
the State Government as I could
wish. With such knowledge as I
possess I will now as briefly as pos
sibly direct your attention to such
matters of public interest as seem of
most importance:
THE PUBLIC SCHOOLs.
The improvement of the free
school system and the wise adjust
ment of means to ends in the 1r.m
agement of our institutions of higher
education so as to obtain the best re
sults demand your best care and
prompt action. The patriotism, in
telligence and virtue of the indi
vidual citizens is the foundation
upon which rests free representative
government. The education and
proper training of the voters, who
must choose the public officers to
carry on the States's affairs is, there
fore a sacred duty, which cannot be
neglected without injury to the State
and to society. No one will dispute
this. But how much is South Caro
lina doing in this behalf? Is our;
present system a good one ? Are we:
doing all we can to train our youth
and fit them for the duties of life?
I answer unhesitatingly: No ! In
our towns and villages by reason of:
supplementary taxes or voluntary
contributions the schools are fairly
good. Among the farmers in the
country the good school is the ex
ception; while inferior schools, which
run three or four months, are the
rule. There is just enough effort by
the State to paralyze private schools,
and there is absolute retrogression in
education with corresponding in
crease of illiteracy. We spend in
round numbers for free common
schools per annum about five hun
dred thousand dollars, and for high
r education about one hundred. tbou
and. This is fifty-two cents per
apita of population, which is less
han many of you spent here to
lay for whiskey, and allows less
han two dollars to each child of
chool age. It must not be forgot
en that the whites pay nearly all of
his, except what is obtained from
he poll tax. Without giving reasons!
hich will readily occur to every
hinking mind, I suggest the follow
ng scheme to improve the free ]
;chool system:
SQ'UARING THE SCHOOL DISTR ICT.
As a basis of permanent and last
ng schools, the respective count:es
;bould be divided by a reliable sur
rey into school districts as nearly
;quare as their contour and the
arger streams and swamps will per
nit. These should be of an area
iot greater than thirty-six nor les
han sixteen square miles, in propor
,ion as population is dense, and with
me white and one colored school in
ach, all the public school funds
hould be concentrated to run these
Lone. The trustees s hould be
4ected by the residents of said dis
ricts, only freeholders being (legi
)le to that office. The poll tax
hould be three dollars instead of
>ne dollar as now, and this will re
juire a constitutional amendment.
Empower the trustees to erect suita
)le buildings as near the centre of
listricts as practicable, with money
)orrowed for that purpose, and set
tpart for each year so much of the
chool fund as may be necessary to
iquidate the debt in ten years, prin
ipal and interest. Then allow the
-oters of each district to levy at their
>ption and without further legisla- I
ive action a supplementary tax for
ts sole use and benefit up to 5 mills
f they so desire, with the privilege
o each taxpayer of designating the
chool to which this additional tax
hall be applied. Finally let the
tate arrange alone if need be, but
n company with other Southern
tates if possible, to have suitable
chool books compiled, or published
m royalty, or bought at wholesale,
LS may be cheapest, and furnish the 1
ame to scholars at cost, allowing no
>thers to be used in public schools.
THE SCHOOL-BOOK TRUST
I
obs our people of an enormous 4
tmount of money every year. It is
)ossible to buy an edition of the
Waverly novels, twenty volumes, for t
me dollar, while a child's primer
osts twenty-five cents, and all other
)ooks in proportion. Then we find
n our school histories Confederate
oldiers designated as "rebels" and
5outhern statesmen called "traitors."
Che State alone can remedy these t
,vils, and the State should do it. It
ieed not cost anything except to
~nact the law and put its execution
n competent and loyal hands. And
n regard to the proposed changes in
he management of our free schools
here is a popular demand that the
state shall do more. Make the sys-t
em effective, or do nothing, and
bolish the two mill tax, leaving ed
ication altogether to the people
hemselves.
HIGHER EDUCATION.
The condition of our higher insti
utions of learning is equally unsat
sfactory and the State has been
naking some costly experiments. <
~or five years there has been active
nd persistent agitation on the sub
ect of what the State can afford to <
lo in this line and what is best for it
o do. One side contended for lite-<
'ary and scientific training and the]
mniversity system, which necessarily
ost the student more and the Statet
nore per student educated. The
>ther demanded cheap, practical edu- <
:ation, in which the application of
nowledge and.- science to the busi
ess of br.ead-winning and the up
>uilding of our agriculture and the
neehanic arts should be the main
>bjects. Both sides were right from
heir standpoints, but no argument
>r compromise has been possible
ieretofore. The State has lost three
aluable years, has wasted some
righty or ninety thousand dollars,
tnd now the whole system must be
>verhauled and readjusted in accord
ince with the will of the people as
hown at the recent election. Let us
iow exert our energies in trying to
~tart right at last, and endeavor to
iarmonize conflicting interests and
>pinions. The people have decided]
hat there is no use for a grand uni
rersity at Columbia, but they are
squally determined that the South
larolina College, as a school of libe
'a education in the classics, in the
heoretical sciences and in literature
'shall be liberally supported."
ABOLISHING THE UNIVERSIT'f sYSTEM.
After consultation with the presi
lent and some of the professors and
rustees, I recommend that the uni
rersity system be abolished, the
~upplemental farm at Columbia sold
md the proceeds covered into the -
reasury, the mechanical department,
with all its belongings, transferred to
31emson College, and that a complete
:eorganization be ordered. A "lib
aral" appropriation, and one which
will suffice to give the institution
stability and character, ought to be
nade. Thirty thousand dollars for
ill purposes and tuition fees can be
profitably used, in my opinion, and I
1ope it will receive that amount by
perpetual annual grant, so as to re
nove the College altogether from
olitical influences and antagonisms.
THE CLEMSON COLLEGE.
The work on Clemson College, as
rou have been informed by the re
,ort of the board of trustees-of
vihich I am one-has been delayed
>y the failure until recently to make
uitable brick on the ground. The
~onnding of a grand agricultural and
nechanical industrial school, with all
~hat goes to make up a suitable
plant, is a costly job at any time or
lace. When it is remembered that
:he trustees had to go in the woods,
md must build everything from the
pound-college, mechanical depart
nent, laboratory, mess hall, dormito
.ies, professors' houses, etc-it can
se readily seen that a large amount
af money will be needed. After close
3alculation, based upon our experi
mece thus far, we find it will require
aot less than one hundred and fifty
thousand dollars to complete and
equip all the necessary buildings in a
plain. substantial manner. The last
Legislature appropriated forty-three
thousand dollars for this purpose,
and it will require at least one hun
Ired thousand dollars more to conm
plete all the departments and start
the College. We can build the
school without any additional appro
priation, but it will be two years be
Fore it can be started, and I will show
iow this can be done.
HOW TO COMPLETE THE COLLEGE.
The experimental station is in re
!eipt of fifteen thousand dollars per
.ear from the United States Govern
nent. A part of the legitimate work
)f the station will be the analvtical
vork for L_ the State-fertilizers.
vaters, ores, etc. The thorough
nspection and control of the sale of
:ertilizers and the other necessary
luties of the department of agricul
,ure, which the peopl!e have decreed
;hould" be abolished. need"not cost
iore than ten thousand dollars. if
hat much. The trar sf1r of the agri
-ultural bureau's work to Clemson
Jollege would naturally carry with
t the fertilizer fees. amounting this
rear to i42,50). After deducting the
10,000 as above there will be left
or use next year an estimated
tmount equal to $32,800 from this
ource.
The department building at Co
umbia should be sold and the pro
,eeds can be applied to building
murposes. This building Las cost up
vards of $25,000. and should be
vorth at least ?20,000. If more, so
nuch the better. The experimental
arm at Columbia, I am told, is worth
>robably $5,000. So*to tabulate, we
ind:
'ross privilege tax................... V3t,500
)epartment building...........20,000
iarm at Columbia................... 5,000
vaila ble for building purposes, $57,500
There is, besides, an annual in
ome from the land scrip fund of
5,750, and about $4.000 from the
,lemson bequest.
As soon as the General Assembly
hall take proper action there will
>e $15,000 more under a recent Act
f Congress, which is to be divided
)etween Clemson and Clafflin, on an
Lunual appropriation which increases
>y $1,000 per annum till it reaches
"25,000. But this money must be
ised exculsively for teaching. With
his last appropriation from the Na
ional Government, half of which
uust go to Clafflin, there will be no
ieed of the whole of the permanent
Lppropriation of -5,000 from the
state treasury for that school, but
he State must appropriate something
!rom the treasury to Clafflin, in order
.o get this last fund.
On the basis of these recommenda
ions and the income from the Clem
on bequest we can see $05,000 at
east in sight as a building fund for
iext year, and $45,000 in,1892,
mough to complete;the Clemson Col
ege in two years, and it is for you
o decide whether you will put off
>pening the College till October,
[S92, or give money out of the trea
;ury- to enable it to be completed
mnd put in full operation next Octo
>er.
loRRowING MONEY ON CLEMsON BEQTJEsT.
There is another way by which the
iecessary funds can be raised with.
mut appropriations. I have consulted
~he 'Attorney General in regard to
he will of Mr. Clemson and he is of
)pinion that none of the principal of
he Clemson bequest can be used,
mnly the interest being available.
But by Act of the Legislature it
night be borrowed or used as colla
eral, and there is enough money in
ight to run the College after it is
tompleted without calling on the
state for a dollar.
The annual income of the institu
ion will be as follows:
fntch fund, Unlted State's..........15,00 r 0
land Scrip fund United Sta'es....5,750 00
)ne-half Morrill, 1890, fund United
States................................ 7.500 00
?rivilege tax, say.........................-0,002 00
A total of...................... ....68,250u 00
Some of this can only be used for
eaching and reverts to the United
states Government if . not so em
loyed, and $25,000 will go to the
~xperiment station and the work of
~he agricultural department. If the
lemson bequest is borrowed provi
sion should be made for its restora
ion in ten annual instalments, and
:his is the course I advise. The peo..
?le are very impatient for the Clem
son College to open. and I hope you
vill see your way clear to following
>ne or the other of these plans, so as
o enable the trustees to complete
he buildings and start the College
1ext October.
THE CITADEL ACADEMY.
Of the Citadel Academy I shall
1ave little to say. It is unfortunate,
n my opinion, that it was ever re
>pened as a beneficiary military
school. The money, $00,000, which
2as been recently spent in rebuild
.ng the burned wing and in repair
.ng and equipping the whole build
.ng, could in my judgment, have
>een far more profitably used in
erecting an industrial and normal
school for girls, and the $20,000 an.
anal appropriation which it takes to
r~un the Citadel would have gone far
oward supporting such a valuable
mnd necessary addition to our educa
ional system.
But the money has been spent.
I'he buildings are in splendid order;
he school is in a flourishing condi
ion, and it holds a warm place in the
aearts of many of our people as a
andmark of the old regime. A con
servative regard for the rights and
wishes of even a small majority ought
:o have weight with those who have
ahemselves so long been denied what
they wish. There are too few lights
in South Carolina for us to wantonly
put out any of them, and, for the
present, I recommend that the usual
appropriation be granted. Under the
terms of the Land Grant Act, mili
tarv science and tactics must be
taught at the Clemson College. At
that College a boy can learn every
thing now imparted at the Military
A.cademay and much besides. Its in
dustrial feature will help poor boys
to educate themselves without dis
erimination, while the Citadel fur
nishes free education, board, clothing,
etc., to a limited number under con
ditions which savor often of favoriL
ism. Whe.her after the Clemsor
.oilege is started and there will be
duplicatioa of teaching force and
identity of culriculum with the Cita
del the State can afford to' maintain
three schools for her sons and not
one for her dauglters will be for the
people to decide. At present the
Citadel is doing better work in pro
portion to cost than the University.
When, however, the latter shall be
reorganized as proposed, and when
the Clemson College shall furnish
the military training and practical
scientific education which can now
be obtained only at the Military
Aca-demv, that school will have to
show cause for its existence as a
charity school for military training.
AN INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR GIRLS.
But, whatever is done in that re
gard. there is imperative need for an
industrial school for girls in the
State. Our system of education for
women looks to training their minds
and giving them accomplishments for
the adornment of society. But re
verses of fortune or death often bring
the necessity of bread-winning, and
the tender mother, left a widow, or
daughter, left an orphan,!finds how
little worth, in dollars and cents, is
the music, drawing and painting,
etc., upon which money and time had
been lavished in her so-called educa
tion. The State has never done any
thing for its women except appropri
ating a small amount to the Win
throp Training School for Teachers.
It would be wrong to enter in com
petition with.our private female col
leges by establishing 'an ordinary
school; but one in which the indus
trial arts and sciences, telegraphy,
designing. stenography, bookkeeping,
the chemistry and practice of cook
ery. housekeeping, etc., are taught
will, I am sure. supply a long felt
and pressing want.
The State may not be prepared to
undertake this work right at this
time, but justice and enlightened
statesmanship will not long allow it
to be delayed. As a step in this
direction I recommend that the Gov
ernor be authorized to appoint three
commissioners to ascertain and re
port on:
First. What are the proper require
ments for such an institution and
what will be the probable annual cost
of its maintenanca.
Second. What. inducement in the
way of grounds, buildings, moneys
or other securities may be offered by
persons or towns in the State to
secure its location, and to make
recommendations thereon after visit
ing the same if necessary.
. The expense incurred in getting
this information should not exceed
three hundred dollars. to be paid out
of the Governor's contingent fund.
THE WINTHROP TRAINING SCHOOL.
After a thorough examination of
the methods and work of the Win
throp Training School I am positive
in saying no money spent by the
State for education promises a richer
return than that given this institu
tion. The cry comes from all over
this State for better teachers and
trained teachers. There are in our
white public schools 1,102 male and
1,586 female teachers, showing that
women are most. in' demand. What
effort is made to supply it? The
State gives $150 per annum to one
woman beneficiary from each county
who attends the Winthrop School,
and none. are admitted except those
who are avowedly preparing them
selves as teachers. The co'urse is
one year. Now mark the contrast.
Three hundred dollars are spent an
nually on each beneficiary at the
Citadel; two are allowed from each
county; the course is four years, and
the graduates are virtually released
from the obligation to teach in the
public schools while many of them
have left the State as soon as they
graduated. Truly it would appear
that
"'Man to man so oft unjr-st,
Is always so to woman."
And here we have not only injus
tice, but a woful lack of common
sense and no regard for that adjust
ment of means to ends which alone
can justify taxation for education. I
will close these extended remarks on
education by repeating the words of
a deep thinker. "If we educate our
men their children may be educated;
but when we educate our women we
know their children will be educated."
Carolina's daughters are her bright
est jewels. Love, patriotism, justice,
all demand that they be no longer
neglected or treated like poor rela
tions.
THE LUNATIC ASYLUM.
I have made one brief visit to the
Lunatic Asylum and have made such
inquiry and investigation as I could
in regard to its system of manage
:nent. The institution is very full
and the appropriation for this year
has been 8 110.000, with an income
in addition of about $10,000 from
pay patients. The outlay on this
charity after deducting the interest
on the State debt is about one-fifth
of our entire State expenditure. The
report of the superintendent shows
44-5 white and 333 colored patients
in the institution and a percapita ex
penditure of 87 cents a day.
But the comparison with institu
tions whose patients are all White is
unfair and misleading. A glance at
the accommodtaions, clothing, etc.,
of the colored patients shows that
they do not cost anything like this
amount, and, therefore, the white
Ipatients are costing much more per..
capita than is shown in the report.
I am not prepared to say whether
there is room for retrenchment or
not in the management, but I am
very positive on two points: First,
there are people in the Asylum who
ought not to be i here, because they
can be more economically supported
elsewhere; and second, a change
should be made in the law so as to
reqjuire each county to support its
own insane. There are many rea
sons for this changej which "I will
enumerate.
The Asylum has three classes of
patients: 1. Those who are sup
ported by the State. 2. Those who
are partly supported by the State.
3. Those who pay for their own sup
port.
Again, its patients are divided into:
1. Patiennts who are insane 1-mt c1ra.
ble. 2. Patients who are insane an<
incurable. 3. Patients who ar
idiots. 4. Patients who are epilep
ties. 5. Patients who are imbeciles
Lastly into two general classes
patients who are dangerous and pa
tients who are harmless.
THE PAY PATIENTS AND THE PAUPERS
Society for its own protection an<
for the sake of humanity must pro
vide for its unfortunates. There car
be no dispute about this. Pay pa
tients whose friends can watch afte:
their welfare and provide for it caI
be left out of the account. Paupe:
patients should under restraint when
Qeeded receive kind treatment, plain
substantial food, skilled medical at
tendance and comfortable clothing
Every tax-payer wants this muc
done. But poor tax-payers, of*whom
we have plenty, ought not to be ex
pected to support pauper lunatics it
better style than they themselves are
able to afford.
Under the law as it now is, the
power of committing patients to the
Asylum rests with the county com
missioners, who have large latitude
in some things, and are under strict
regulations in others. The law is to
blame for some of the extravagance
and abuses which are apparent.
Probably neglect of duty or conni
vance on the part of these officers
must explain the others. Out of 445
white lunatics in the Asylum thirty
one are pay patients and twenty
three pay in part. The per centage
of paupers in this institution is so
large that we are forced to ask
whether only the poor people go
crazv?
The law provides that the lunatics
who have property shall be supported
out of the income therefrom. I have
known of instances in which this has
been disregarded, and not only the
income, but the estate itself has been
used by relatives while the State was
called on to support the lunatic. It
is probable that many of the patients
in the Asylum belong to this category
and the County Commissioners,
whose duty it is to prevent it have
either been imposed upon, or have
wniked at the wrong to please some
friend, and curry favor with some in
fluential voter. The law provides for
punishment, it is true, and what is
everybody's business is nobody's
business. Few people know any
thing about such a law. The Asylum
is at a distance, the patient enters it
and is soon forgotten. The neighbors
talk. awhile and there's an end.
PUTTING THEM IN THE POOR HOUSE.
Again, when time and treatment
have shown that a pauper lunatic is
incurable, but harmless, needing
nothing but a little food and cloth
ing, why should the institution be
crowded to its present overflowing
condition with such a class of
patients when they can be as safely
and more cheaply cared for in the
county poor house ? Many of the in
mates of the Asylum are of this class,
and in consequence all of the negro
men are in the cheap temporary
wooden building which cannot be
well heated in very cold weather
when there must necessarily -be
suffering among them.
Now if each county was required
to support the patients it s'ends to
the Asylum, and the bill of coats sub
mitted to public inspection through
the county press, and the whole
matter of commitment, support, etc.,
came under the eyes of the grand
jury, I feel sure immediate relief for
the existing plethora would follow,
and the cost to the people be greatly
lessened. All who ought to pay
would be made to pay, and instead
of bundling off every idiot and harm
less imbecile to Columbia there
would be careful calculation as to
whether they should not go to the
county poor house. The whole mat.
ter of cost would resolve itself into
the question which is cheapest and
best, to send them to the one place
or the other, for it should be lefi
optional, and when the matter is
brought squarely home to each com
munity the enlightened self-interesi
of its citizens will solve it to its own
satisfaction, and each will pay foi
what it gets.
Another thing: Many of the in.
mates of the Asylum who are harm.
less are placed there by their un
natural relatives to get rid of the
burden of their care and support
and those having no property in thei,
own name are classed as paupers
Were each county made to supporl
its own lunatics the authorities would
refuse to send such to the Asylum
Pride would prevent them from be
ing sent to the poor house, and so.
ciety would be relieved of a burden
which it ought not to bear, and
these unfortunates be supported and
cared for at home as they should be
' WEEDING OUT THE AsYLUM.
To relieve the existing pressure
and to restore the institution to its
proper uses as a hospital for danger.
ous and curable lunatics I advise thai
a commiscion of three physicians and
two citizens be appointed by the Ex
ecutive, and to be paid out of his
contingent fund, who shall make a
thorough examination of the inmates
confined there and return to the
counties from which they came al]
persons who can be safely sent away.
Time for the necessary preparation
on the part of county authorities tc
care for them should be given, bui
the Asylum should be purged as
soon as possible. Another point it
connection with the Asylum is thai
under existing law the Governor has
no connection with the Asylum ex
cept to appoint regents and other of.
ficials and employees, and after this
is done any interference on his par
in its management can be considerei
intermeddling. As a matter of souni
public policy the Executive ought t<
be ex-officio a member of every boari
in the State having the expenditur<
of public money and should hav<
personal supervision of its work.
THE ASYLUM REGENTs AND THE OTHE]
BO.RDS.
In connection with this matter o
boards I find that all the regents o
the Asylum hold office for six years
and that their terms all begin th4
same year; that the six State trustee
of Clemson College all have the sam<
tenureannd o out together, while tha
I board of commissioners of the Deaf,
Dumb and Blind asylum and the
board of visitors of the Citadel have
a life tenure. This appears to me to
- be all wrong. There is no chance of
injecting new blood into these impor
tant administrative positions if such
is needed, and then there is always
the danger of an abrupt change in
the management of these important
institutions, which a change of all
old men for new might bring about.
They should be continuing bodies
with new men when needed coming
in, but preserving these institutions
from harm by retaining a part of the
old appointees. Long tenure of of
fice has invariably produced careless
less'and the growth of abuses, and
new brooms sometimes sweep too
clean. I advise that the General
Assembly take steps to remedy these
defects in existing.)aws.
THE PEXMIENTIABY PBOBLEM.
Next in magitude and importance
to the Asylum of our public institu
tions is the Penitentiary. The num
ber of convicts in the latter is nearly
the same as the patients in the form
er, and I am of opinion that the
Penitentiary ought at least to sup
port thejAsylum. The Tresults ob
tained at the institution have not
been satisfactory to the people, and
the bane of its management is poli
ticts. The'General Assembly, when
called on to fill positions of honor or
profit, finds itself besieged by a class
of men who are hunting a "soft
place" and who have or make claims
on individual members for votes as a
reward for political support in the
past, or promise of such support in
the future. Officers requiring a
high order of business talent are
given to men who can speak well or
who have rendered political services,
while they are wholly lacking in ad
ministrative ability.
This being the case, it is small
wonder that we so often find mis
management in government business
and incompetent men in high offices.
This is a vice that is inherent in re
publican government, and in propor
tion as its influence is great or small
in legislative bodies is that govern
ment good or bad. The antidote is
an opposition party to watch those
in office and show to the people any
shortcoming. We have be6n denied
this blessing in South Carolina by
reasonof the necessity of the whitesre
maining united. But the present Ad
ministration and the present General
Assembly will be watched by the
people as no other in our history has
been watched and we must bear al
ways in mind that reform cannot
come from any such line of action.
Having given this caution, I will rely
upon your sense of duty to vote in
teligently and for the best interest of
the State in fulfIlling all ofices in
your gift. In makingthese observa
tions I in nowise mean to cast any
reflections upon the gentlemen -in
charge of the Penitentiary.
FABMING OUT THE coNvICTs.
I have only a few observations to
make in referenee to the manage
ment of the institution. Its failure
to yield anything like an adequate
income from so much labor is at
tributed to the losses by freshets in
the river. Year after year in spite
of these losses the attempt to farm
has been persisted in, andlI see the
board has presumed to make con
tracts on these same places for next
year, thus tieing the hands of the
next Administration. If the State
is going to farm,,.it ought to work its
own land so as to derive the benefit
of all improvements. It ought to
farm or it ought not, and in my
judgment, the best results to make
the institution yield an income com
mensurate with its worth can be se
cured by removing all restrictions on
leasing or hiring the convicts and
allowing them to be employed in
any work, public or private, that
pays best. Agricultural labor is, and
always has been, the least renumera
tive of any in the world, and I think
the best results will follow when the
directors of the Penitentiary are al
lowed to contract for labor at so
much for so many days' labor of ten
hours, the contractor having nothing
to do with finding, clothing or guard
ing the convicts. The State should
retain control of the convicts to pre
vent abuse.
BETAINING THE sWAMP LANDS.
The recent purchase of a farm
which is subject to overflow is con
trary to law, and therefore, to be
condemned; but I think the law
which forbade it was unwise, because
when the State shall by levees keep
out the water the object lesson may
induce capitalists to invest in these
swamp lands and reclaim them.
With the large amount of labor at
command it is certainly cheaper to
keep out water than to buy up lands
as rich. One such farm the State
ought to have, both to show the
value of these lands and to employ
its surplus labor at certain times; but
leasing the convicts on the plan I
promise will'I am sure, yield better
results. But I must hurry on, for
there are so many important ques
tions with which we have to deal that
I shall tire your patience and still
leave much unsaid.
WANTED-A NEW cONsTIrTUrIoN.
It is twenty years since the Con
stitution under which we live was
forced upon an unwilling people by
aliens. While many of its provisions
are wise and cannot be improved,
there is much in it unsuited to our
condition and wants. All attempts
to remedy its most glaring defects
have failed. Some provisions in it
cannot be obeyed, others we have
never tried to obey, while others still
have been trampled under foot to
the great injury of certain counties
and sections. I cannot consume
time in pointing out all these things.
but I am unalterably fixed inthe be
lief that a convention of the people
should be called to make the change
if needed and incorporate such addi
tional features as will adapt it to our
people and their surroundings. The
cost of such a convention should not
!weigh in the least against such ac
tion, for the benefits to be expected
will so far exceed the cost that
money cannot enter as ~factor. The
nann1l.,-T am ure, .a new or.
ganic law and are willing to
it. If they do not they c
by their votes and the serv
people should not refuse.
them the opportunity.
demanding a new Constit
events have shown, in no
way, that our people are
termined to allow no w
pudent disregard by the Ge
sembly of the present
The wrong perpetuatP.
failure to reapportion repre
will be righted beyond doubt
Legislature, but I feel in duty
to call your attention to an
outrageous and uncall
fringement of its clear
takable behests which has
challenged for ten years. I
TE DIVISION OF CHARLESTON"'
There is no doubt in the
that Charleston County, as it
present, is unconstitutional. It
the required area, and theref.
Act creating Berkeley Counti
law. It can only remain of
failure on your part to
your duty as required by your
of office. Without pretending
advise what shall be done I point
the defects and leave to you
remedy. There is one aspect of
case to which I direct your
The Constitution of 1868
Charleston County two Senators,
it was clearly by reason of its I
area and population. Now if
county is divided and a new co
created, the question arises shall
same area and population 'have three
Senators by reason of such di 11"
and if so, what part of the coun
shall retain the name of Charl
and thus hold its two Senators?
is just as easy, just as lawful andi
as right for that part not con
the city to claim and be given
name as the other, and I am, -
fore. clearly of opinion that the di
vision of that county carries with i
the loss of a Senator to that part
which retains the name, else injustice
is done to the rest of the State. Here
is most pressing reason for a consti
tutional convention, for I do not see
how else the muddle is to be settled7
without ordering a new election in
that county.
REGULATING THE RAILROADS.
Thus far matters which r
outlay and increased expenditure
from which no income is de'
have been discussed. I will
touch on the means or saving t
people money, reducing and equA
ing taxes and increasing the Sta
income from the phosphate royal
There is nothing which will save
people more money than a
railroad law, administered by'
honest, impartial, fearless co
sion. The people have demaded re
lie[ from the imposition and injns
tice of these powerful corporatians.
Hitherto all afforts to legislate in
their behalf have failed because the
railroads have wielded an undue in
fluence wlth our General AssemblyA
With the present body I am su.re
the only question is as to whit is
best tobe done, and, after such in :
vestigation as I have been able to
give the subject, I unhesitatingly a
vise that a law similar to that of
Georgia be enacted. The people of.
that State are perfectly satisfiedwith
it and the railroads must be, because
our sister State leads in the miles of
new road constructed. Whether the
choice of commisioners shall devolve
upon the people, the General Assem
bly or the Executive, is for you to
determine. Our platform demands
that it be given to the people, but an
immediate reorganization of the coin
mission is desirable, while our next
election is two years off, and if prop
er men are selected I am sure that
the State will receive instant and
great benefit.
Of one thing I am certain, the di
vision of the State into sections from
which the commissioners must be -
drawn is wrong .in principle and in
policy. We need the best men for
the place, let them come from where
they may, and let us hope that as
there was absolute obliteration of the
line between "low-country" and "up.
country" in the last political cam
paign, and the reform wave swept
from the mountains to the sea, so
may the Democrats who won and
those who lost bear and forbear with
each other, and locking shields
again, as becomes brethren and Car
olinians, forget and forgive the bit
terness which has been engendered.
Let us, in future, know no sectional ~b
line in the State, and in selecting if
men for positions of honor or trust
ask not whether a candidate is a
"Reformer" or not, but whether he
is the best man for the place. De- j
mocracy and fitness alone should de
termine the matter. A law may be-i
ever so good and wise, but if it is not
properly administered it will fail to
give satisfaction. The General As
sembly may enact
THE GEORGIA LAW, ?S
but if it fails to obtain the right men
there will be no relief to the people.J
We must get men like the Georgia '
commissioners, able, honest and fear.
less, or we had better abolish the
commission and make no attempts at
controlling the railroads at all In
this connection it may be well to say
that in seeking to control railroads
and other corporations strict regard
should be had for their rights and
interests. Corporations are not pub
lic enemies, although they are. if un
bridled, apt to be oppressive. Much
of the material development and pro
gress of the age is the fruit of cor
porate effort, and many men, acting
under one head and guided by one
will, have done for our country what
no individual could have possibly ac
complished. Therefore, we should
carefully watch to see that nothing
is done to injure our railroad or
manufacturing companies. Let us
protect the people against their
greed. but let us be just and fair in
our dealings with them.
EQUALIZING THE TAXES.
The question of equalizing taxes
is one of the most important and
perplexing with which we have to
deal, and while the laws are defect
ive their administration is equally- at
fault I will touch on the latter
trouble first.
Under the law auditors-and treas-~