Lancaster enterprise. [volume] (Lancaster, S.C.) 1891-1905, April 15, 1899, Image 1
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i nave you
rm w r '
grippe or a hard cold. You
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H malaiia or a slow fever; or I i
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1 1
W? k>T( tka axr'.ailra aarrteaa II
( tk? ittmlMnt akril
) alaaa la tfca Ualta* Suta*. Wrlta !
r fraaly aaS raaalva a yraaapt rayly, ll
wllkaat ?a>t. A
AMrau, ?*. J. C. ATM, " ' 1
Chas. D. Jones,!
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
LANCASTER. 8. C. i
Office In the Courthouse. Will ,
practice In all the Courts. Prompt 1
attention will be given all business <
entrusted. Collections a soeclaltv. -
lv. ' ;
COMING TODAY! ?
: I
Anotlier Carload of Fine Mulct* ,
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and don't l'oll(hit
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Our large sales of vehicles is the best j
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or coritsr vor know :
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No better made than the best grades
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yuii r*f ii.
ELLIOTT it CKAWFOUD. i
March 15. 18!)! t,
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1 AST E
\
^7" LANCASTER
BRYANT REPLY TO BEL- i
MONT.
?v- i
lie Denies Tliat the Gold Demo- i
orats are the Jeffersoniati i
Element.
Lincoln, Neb., April 10.?Colonel
W. J. Brydfn on yesterday
mailed his answer to the last letter
received from Hon. Perry
Belmont some weeks ago. The
correspondence thus far has dealt
largely with the rival Jefferson
dinners to be held in New^York,
but Mr. Bryan ignores that matter
and devotes his attention to
the differences existing between
tiimeelf and Mr. Belmont, oi^
questions of Democratic party
policy. His letter, 111 part, follows
:
Lincoln, April 8, 1899.? lion.
Berry Belmont, New York.?Dear
Sir: Upon my return to Lincoln
I found your ^letter containing
the original letter and postcript
jiven to the press some days be
Fore. 1 cannot (ind anything in
my letter to which you can consistently
object.
You began your speech at Madison
|iSquare Garden on August
S, 189G, by saying it was time for
'plain speaking," and proceeded
to accuse the Chicago convention
t)f a "betrayal" of the Democratic
party. In your Brooklyn speech j
jn September 1, 189G, you Hpoke
at the Chicago platform as "the
strange element of the old party
and the Socialists who masquerade
as Populists."
It seems that in using the
words "betrayal" and "masquerading,"
I unconsciously fell into
the style which you employed in
1896, but I*did not rellect upon
the intelligence of the gold standard
advocates by characterizing
them as an "unthinking element."
You ask first that I point out
wherein your utterances are "unpatriotic,
un-Democratic, unAmerican
and in conflict with
the Democratic creed as set forth
in .Toflfaronn^u firof inoiiwiipal nrl ?.
tress." We have no accepted
itandard by which to determine
whether a given opinion is patriotic
or American, but we have
means of determining whether
in opinion is Democratic and in
iccord with the teachings of Jef
Feraon. I presume you uae the
word Democratic in the party
lense, otherwise that term would
be as difficult to define as "patristic"
and "American."
The right to determine what is
temocratic in party sense belongs
to the Democratic party. The
Chicago convention was more j
purely representative than any j
sther convention held in recent
years, because the rank and filej
jf the party spoke on public quos->
tions through instructed dele-'
eates. The Chicago platform is |
In toot onf hnrifofiua rtofinifinn ' t
[)f Democracy as applied to ex-11
isting conditions. If a minority''
af the delegates to a national con- f
mention representing a minority
[>f the members of the Democratic
paity has right to determine;
what is Democratic, then each
member of the party has a right
to define Democracy for himself
and to assert that he is a better
Democrat than any oue else. Let
me apply this principle to three
questions upon which you have
taken a position in the volumes
sent me:
First, standard money ; second
R EN
6RMI-WRRKLY,
r^C7SATURDAYr
paper money ; third, income tax.
Jefferson favored the double
standard as against the single
jold standard, and during his administration
our nation had the
free and unlimited coinage of
sold and silver at the legal ratio
if 15 to 1.. The ratio was changed
[o 10 to 1 during .Jackson's administration.
The Chicago platform
pronounced against the goM
itandard in favor of the return
to the free and unlimited coinage
if gold and silver at the ratio of
10 to 1 without waiting for the J
iid or consent of any other nation.
As a delegate to the Chicago
convention you voted for a minority
report which declared
igainst independent free coinage
in the ground that it would not
inly imperil our finance", "but
would retard ??r entirely prevent
nternational bimetallism to
which the effort of the governiient.
should he steadily directed/1
\s a delegate to the Indianapolis
convention two months later you
mpported a platform which declared
in favor of the gold standlrd
without any declaration in
avor of international bimetallism.
You may be able to explain
why the minority rejected
<t ?I ndianapolis the plank for
which it fought at Chicago.
Mr. McKinley in 1891 chatged
n a public speech that Mr. Cleveand,
during his first administration,
was dishonoring one of
:he precious metals, discrediting
lilver and raisiug the price of
gold. lie insisted that Mr.
Jleveland was trying to make
'money scarce, and therefore
lear," and added "he would have
ncreased the value of money
md diminished the value of
iverythiug else. Money the
ziaster and everything else the
lervant." If Mr. McKinley then
inderstood the real purpose of
he gold standard, as I believe he
lid, who could think Jefferson
sapable of advocating a policy
which instead of securing equal
ind exact justice for all makes
'money the master and everyhing
else the servant?"
Mr. Carlisle, in a speech in
1878, said: "The conspiracy to
lestroy by legislation and othervise
from three-sevenths in onelalf
of the metallic money of the
world is the most gigantic crime
)f this or any other age."
If Mr. Carlisle was then right,
t : - i? . -
*o x uuurto liO v>'flfl, III IIIH UOaunciation
of the gold standard,
who can believe Jefferson capable
of being a party to such a
crime ?
After the election Mr. Me Kinley
sent a commission to Europe
to Recuro international aid in
;etfing rid of the gold standard
ind a Republican congress appropriated
money to pay the expenses
of the commission. The
commission failed because of
English opposition, and English
opposition was duo to the opposition
of English financiers. Jefferson
Democrats must have a
better reason for submitting to
the gold standard than the fact
hat the English financiers favor
t as a means for raising the purchasing
power of their money. I
bave selected these three questions
because they are important,
&nd because your position upon
them has been clearly defined.
Your speeches abound in expressions
of confidence in the
gold standard, your correspond
TERP
APRIL 15, 189a
Absolutely
Makes the food more de
ence wiih Mr. Warner sets forth |
your opposition to the income
tax, and a newspaper item,
quoted in your hook, gives you
credit for drafting that portion of
the Indianapolis platform which
related to tli retirement of the
greenbacks and the substitution
of bank currency.
Your prophecy that "a law to
praveut wi^a flini?rs an 1 stl j
ary earners from demanding and
securing payment in gold dollars
would not be a winning issue"
evinces a tender solicitude for
the laboring man. I might sug
gest that bimetallism alarms you
more than it does the wage earners.
It was not the employes
who were frightened at the specter
of free silver in 189G ; neither
did the laboring men share your
desire to add to the privilege of
the banks.
On December 20, 1997, a year
after the election, the Federation
of Labor adopted the following
resolutions:
"Resolved,That we declare ourselves
most positively opposed to
the Gage financial bill recently
introduced in congress by the
secretary of the treasury. It is a
measure that if adopted as a law
will only .the more firmly rivet
the gold standard on the people
of the country and perpetuate its
disastrous effects in every form.
"Resolved, That we pronounce
the Gage bill an undisguised effort
to retire our greenback currency
and all government paper
money with a view to the substitution
of national Jbank notes
in their stead, and thus fasten
the national bank system for
years upon the American people."
I am not willing to believe that
you are more interested in the
laboring men than they are in
i themselves, or that you know better
than they what is |good for
them, Yours srulv.
W. J. Buy AN.
Dr. Knit's Cough Syrup is a
a true friend to all suffering with
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LYNCHER'S AWFUL STORY.
I
Man who Fired Baker's House
Tells ot the Plot.
Greenville News.
Charleston, April 12.?District
I Attorney Lathrop put up his
strongest witness this morning in
[ the Lake City lynching case now
being heard in the United States
circuit court here.
J. I*. Newhara, by his own admission
one of the two men who
set fire to the Lake city post office,
told the story of the crime of
which Baker and his family were
the victims. Nowham is now em
ployed by the government in
Washington and while he stated
on the stand to-day that he could
neither read nor write he display%
?
RISE
"" ""NO 8
m ftAKINO
^ Powder
>URE
licious and wholesome
OCR CO., HEW YORK*
ed more than ordinary intelligence.
He told his horrible story
clearly from beginning to end
and though the attorneys for the
defence made every possible effort
to tangle and confuse him, he
stuck to the essential facts as he
had first stated them in a manner
which must have left an impression
on the jurors.
Nevvham said ho had been invited
to a meeting at Stokes'store
in Lake City on the Friday night
prior to the lynching. lie found
there the defendants Strikes
Goodwin, Epps, Lee, VVhittaker
and Singleterry. Stokes said they
had to kill Baker hut tho meet
ing was not large enough to act
then. They agreed to meet Monday
night and carry out their
purpose.
Members were assigned to go
out in the county tocollecta crowd
for that night. The party met
again Monday. lie remembers
that Stokes, Goodwin, Lee, Epps,
Webster, Ward, Alonzo, Kodgers
and Singleterry were present*
They went to the post office. He
and Lee were assigued to set fire
to the house while the others remained
in front to shoot Baker
wheu the lire forced him out.
Lee started to back out but was
finally prevailed upon to go on.
They poured oil on a pile of shavings
and the some on the sides of
the house. Lee stuck a match to
the place and it blazed up. As the
fire climbed to the roof he heard
the cries and screams of the people
inside. Then the shooting began,
and he and Lee turned and
ran. They afterward met the
members of the original party at
? _ i ; 1 L
a uci^iiuuiiii^ cuurcu.
This is. of course but au outline
of the story which New ham told
in the great ordeal. In it all but
three of the prisoners at the bar,
Kelley, Clark and E. Rogers, are
directly implicated in the conspiracy
and murder alleged in the indictment.
The second witness sworn was
M. If. Springs, a white shop keep
er ol Lake City. lie swore that on
the day of the lynching Stokes
asked him to help kill Baker that
night, but he refused to do so.
While Springs was being cross
examined 111 the afternoon Juror
Murphy was taken sick and court
adjourned till to-morrow morning
I at 10 o'clock.
Last Formalities in the Restoration
Take Place.
Washington, April 11.?The
condition of war which lias existed
between the I'nited Slates and
Spain since April 21, 1898 terminated
to-day when the last for
malilies 111 the restoration of
peace were performed by the exchange
of ratification of peace
treaty. Co-incident with this
President McKinley issued his
proclamation declaring that the
war was at an end, and the appointment
of Bellamy Storer was
determined upon as United States
minister to Spain.
I