Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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F. U. STA'IV, I’roHidont. T. O. Waimh.aw. Vice President THE NATIONAL BANK OF GAFFNEY. Cupitftl $50,000.00. It i Wit.l. buy fountv claims, recoivo (lept)sit d make lllieriil loans u iinprov»Ml paper i». P. Koss. Onsbler. rirs ** SEMI-WEEKLY—PUBLISHED TUESDAY AND FRIDAY. WE GUARANTEE The Reliability of EviryAdvei- tiser Who Uses the Col umns of This Paper. A Newspaper in all that the Word Implies and Devoted to the Best Interests of the People of Cherokee County. ESTABLISHED FEB. 16, I81M. GAFFNEY CITY. S. C.. FIUDA1, JULY 7, 1896. A YEAH. I THE GHEAT AND 0, .OHIO" Uii Hew It Was Celebrated in Gaffney. EXCELLENT SPEECHES. (Jen. M. C. Hatlcr and lion, .loscpli A. .Mc- t'ollousli AddrcHH liio Asscnil.lcd llosla. Hood Hicyclt Kncintjantl Ollier AmuHlnvr | Sports. '1 he ^.reat and glorious fourth i? r. thing of tho past. It was an ideal liny for the GalTney celebration. Monday night it rained just enough to .settle the dust for the day and Tuesday morning came in with a few clouds which finally disappeared and O'd Sol shone forth in all his splen- <1 r and beauty. The band arrived on the afternoon train from the Nonh on Monday. At night the Hu. m hers of the band attended a meet ing of the Municipal I.'-ugno at tho hull and discoursed patriotic music that inspired the members to greater enthus'usin. This band was com posed of about ten players, each of whom seemed to know his business and was willing to preform it. The leader, Mr. It..(h Freeman, is an ex ceptionally clever gentleman and did all in his power to make his part of the program a perfect success. The band was from Dixie, N. C., and they played ‘•Dixie” in good style: Tuesday morning at 8 dill the mem bers of the Municipal League formed in front of the hall, headed by the band, and marched to the Gaifncy Manufacturing Co., where they were joined by the scholars and ollioers and teachers of the Second Haptist Church. I’astor bridges met the League and saluted it with a large I'liitu! St at is flag and a friendly word of welcome. There were about loO of tho school. The members of the League opened the way and the school was allowed to take a position immediately behind the band. J’irst Yice-l’residi nt Stegall was color- bearer. Along the line of march the band discoursed sweet music. When the procession reached the graded school it halted for the little folks to rest and the band played a selection. As the procession entered the ground of Limestone College the band played ‘Dixie.” There were several thous and people on the ground when the procession arrived and they kept coming some by private conveyances, some walking, and some by the Lime- alone Springs Itailway until there were between five and six thousand present. The exercises of tho day were in augurated by Mr. (ieorge \V. Cotton, who introduced the president of the League, Ed. Ji. DeCamp, wiio, in a brief addiess, explained the objects of the League. The chairman then introduced j-Mr.fcWm. G. Lees, who made a speech full of information and patriotism and concluded with the reading of tho Declaration of Inde pendence. ‘‘Tho Star Spangle Dan- uer” was then sung by the children, led by i’rof. W. L. Johnson. Col. T. 15. Butler was then introduced and made a short but cordial address of welcome. Mayor N. II. Littlejohn thin in a few brief remarks turned the city over to the tender mercies of the assembled hosts. *‘.My Country, 'Tis of Thee” was then sung by the Children. .Hon. Joseph A. McCullough, of Greenville was then introduced. Mr. McCullough made a most excellent speech. It treated of ancient and modern goverment, was full of truth and.wisdom and as patriotic as the most enthusiastic could have desired. Tho following’is a pretty full synop sis of Mr. McCullough’s speech : Mr. .Mi ( i.lloiijjirM This is a sacred occasio i and this is a sacred spot. Standing here I feel like obeying the command of God given to Moses when he stood in the presence of the burning bush, ‘‘put off thy shoes from off thy feet; for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground.” it has been baptized with the blood of our fore-fathers who died that we might enjoy that civil and religious liberty set forth in the Declaration of Independence and guaranteed to us by the Constitution of tho United States. ‘ I'ount li-ss i-yi-s liiivi* cumn'il tliolr ntory, l ouiitii'fs In :u-ts itiowh lii'iivt; (.lii-rctiy, I.rl us I liuiik I lie tiiid uf Glory \Vt; liuti Hut'll to (lit*.** How many of us appreciate the privilege of being an American citi zen? When dissatisfied or disap pointed from any cause we are all more or less inclined to give vent to our feelings by complaining at and abnsing the government. It is true that some times there is just cause (or (his, but very often tht.ro is not. '1 he cheapest money that one spends «nd that which brings in the largest returns is tuxes when eijuitably ad justed. What would your life or your property be worth but for tho protection which the law throws around them. Just think of it; tho whole army and navy of tills nation and the life of every citizen thereof is pledged to your protection. -Were u foreign power to invade one inch upon your rights as a citizen of this nation; to protect you in the enjoy ment of them, or to redress a wrong or injustice which may be done you, if needs be, this nation would declare wav and involve perhaps two hemi spheres in blood. It is my purpose oti this occasion to speak to )ou for a short time on the subject of our country, its pecu liar formation, its purposes and probable future. South Carolina, and I speak it advisedly, and in the light of im partial history, is peculiarly and truly the mother of American liberty; but for the part which she played in the Revolution, judging from the conditions as they then existed, the result of that bloody struggle might have been entirely dillerent. She furnished the inspiration which be came an important factor in the glorious results at two critical pe riods in the struggle for American liberty. Just after the war first be gan, in October 177.'), the King de cided that the South,which had thus Ltr done nothing, but sympathize with the North and sustained .Mas sachusetts in Congress, roust be at tacked and brought by force into proper frame of mind. Sir Henry Clinton was placed in command and at once undertook the work. He at- tempted to capture the fort at Sulli van’s Island. <>ur own gallant, but modest, Moultrie, with a force of 1,70 men undertook the defence as against forty or fifty British vessels, lie had everything to discourage him; Generd Clms. Leo, an English man by birth and English in sym pathy, id vised him not to undertake it and appealed to the Governor to withdraw support. To..ali of the emtnissuries of evil, Moultrie had but one reply; and that was that he thought he could hold the Fort. Lee took the view that the British were invincible and proceeded to do every thing in his power to make them so. He advised Moultrie,to build bridges so that his men might retreat, and Moultrie replied that he had come to fight and not to retreat. Every school boy is familiar with the details of that memorable fight; how that, when Sergeant Jasper saw the ilag out by British bullet, amid a regular storm of shot and shell, he mounted the bn ast-works and again put it. in its place; that deed of heroism has never been surpassed, by any man in the history of any country. As a result of the conflict the Americans only hud 11 killed and tlfi wounded, while the Britisli had 200 killed and wounded. It is said that when Washington assumed command of the American forces after the battle of Bunker Hill, the first question that he asked and without inquiring as to the result of the battle: ‘‘Did the Americans fight?” When as sured that they did, he replied. “Then the liberties of the people are safe.” This magnificent defence on the part of Moultrie and his men served two valuable purposes. In tiie first place, it convinced the world that the Americans could and would fight, the Southerners par ticularly, and this in tho second place discouraged the Britisli and en couraged the friends of American liberty. It was an invaluable in spiration at a critical period. South Carolina caused the tide to turn at another and tho darkest pe riod of that memorable struggle. Washington had been driven back into Bennsylvania and New Jersey; the British were in possession of the principal Northern ports. Her army iiad swept over Georgia, leaving noth ing but ruin, devastation and de moralization in its trucks. General Lincoln had been sent to South Caro lina in charge of 2.0U0 men and in stead of remaining in the open where at leust his army could serve us a ; nucleus for an army in the South, he ! committed the fatal blunder of going | into Charleston, where he was easily hemmed in and captured. This left the South with no regular army at all. It is true that Marion had a handful of JO men with which he became a ; successful annoyance to the British, and achieved several remarka ble victories. But tho entire South was demoralized. Savannah and Au gusta had been taken; Charleston had fallen. Three weeks after the fall of Charleston, Sir Henry Clinton wrote home to the Britisli ministry: ! “I may venture to assert ihat there are few men in South Carolina who are not either our prisoners or in arms with us.” Muj. James went tothe representa tive of His Majesty to propose terms of neutrality. He was met with the usual choice; confiscation, imprison ment, and ruin on the one side, or active service in the British army on the other. Mnj. James true to the spirit of Carolina, refused emphati cally to accept the terms; whereupon the representative of His Majesty re plied “Dam rebel, I will then have you hanged.” Maj James vigor ously, but politely, seized a chair near by and knocked him down. The little incident was magical in its i fT, et of arousing tho spirit of resentment, indignation and patriot ism in the hearts of his countrymen. They flocked around Marion, Davie, I’ickens and Davidson and Sumter (whose home hud been burned and whose wife was a wonderer.) They shook oil their lethargy; forgot their deepondeney, and resolved to make one more elfort and if needs be, die in the attempt to revenge the wrong which they hud suffered, and defend their sacred rights which had been so cruelly and ruthlessness trampled upon. On July 12th, 17!M>, Cupt. Huok and a detachment of British soldiers were camping at the cross roads near Fishing Creek. Women and children were there, begging for their lives and their homes. Marion, aided by men of the Maj. James type, swooped down upon CupL Huck and his men like an eagle upon its prey, captured them and their entire outfit. "It was the first slight change in the long run cf defeat,” say.< one, who, though a Northerner, Is honest enough to give the South justice in his “History of the Revolution.” It was followed by another victory at Hang ing Rock. Cornwallis, who up to this time hud thought that lie had every thing secure behind him in his march Northward realized for th« first time that he held only the ground he then occupied. The inspiration furnished by tlie victory at the Cross Roads in spired the hear!s and inflamed the minds of the people everywhere. They arose en masse and rallied around the standard of their leaders. Cowpens, King’s Mountain, Gil ford Court House, and Vorktown was the result. Let us next notice the peculiar structure of this government, in what docs the strength of this gov ernment consist? In the President of the United States? No. In the Con gress? No. In the Cabinet? No. You might wipe all these from the face of the earth and they could bo readily replaced by men equally as capable and the strength and efficien cy of this government would not he in the least impaired. Its strength consists not in its officials, but in the character and intelligence of the in dividuals composing the government. It is otherwise, however, with u mon- archial form of government. With these the strength of the government consists in the strength of the armv and navy; demolish these, and the strength of the government is gone. When the United States ir, the Span- ish-Amcrican war demolished the Spanish fleet, to all practical intents find purpose*) so far as were con cerned, the government of Spain had been wiped from the map of nations. But you might with one f< !i stroke wipe fr^m existence our army and our navies, and wo would still remain one of the grandest nations i:i the history of the world, li is said that on one occasion the King of Asia Minor vis ited the King of Sparta and was sur prised when he saw no walls around their cities. Ho asked the King of Sparta “Where were his walls ?” That afternoon the King of Sparta called his army into review and point ing to it he remarked to tho King of' Asia Minor, “These be the walls of Sparta ; .every man is a brick.” In a republican form of government each individual man, woman and child is an important factor, is a unit, is a brick in the fabric of government. There is not a child within the hear ing of my voice who is not in this sense as important a factor in our government as the President of those United States. He is a unit in the column of unit which go to make up the result. The presient is no more. Whatever therefore affects the in dividual to that extent affects govern ment. Having noticed briefly tho origin and peculiar format ion of Dim govern ment, let us next note its object and purpose. It should he to develop the individ ual citizen. The declaration of rights which you have just heard read, have as their ultimate purpose tliis object: Government should assist the indi vidual in wording out his own salva tion by making it as easy as possible for him to do so, and by removing those evils which would hinder him. It is not my purpose on this occasion to make an application of these prin ciples in any particular case. I de sire simply to impress them upon your mind, and you can make the ap plication from time to time as the occasion may require. When any matter of public concern is under discussion and is to he decided by your sovereign will as voters, asic yourself but one question, “What is the effect of this measure upon the individual; what will bo its effect upon society? If it lias as its ulti mate object the upbuilding of the in dividual, then it is the duty of the citizen to give it his support. If on the other hand, 'ts effect is to demor alize the individual, demoralize eocie- ty, then he should fight it as h public evil and one that threatens the very life and existence of his government. You hoar a great deal said these days about not mixing religion and politics, and when a minister of God assumes to give his opinion as to a matter of public concern and involving a moral issue, you hear the cry on every hand “I hat the preacher should not dabble in politics.” J believe us firmly as anybody that as organizations the church and .Stale should be kept for ever distinct, but viewed in this other light their purpose and object is the same. And as to such an issue, the minister of God would he derelict in his duty and unfaithful to the sacred trust devolved upon him if lie did not throw the weight of his inlluence upon that side whic^ had as its ob ject the development of the best in man and the .uplifting of society. They should stand separate and dis tinct and yet shoujder to shoulder battling for the cause of the right, which is alike the common cause of God and government. Laws then should represent the ag gregate wisdom, strength ami virtue of the people. Wherever one indi vidual citizen is being imposed upon in the great struggle of might against right, whether it be by corperate in fluence or power, trust or monopolies, or from whatever cause, it is the duty of the government, as representing the aforesaid cardinal virtues, in its wisdom and in its strength, to come to the rescue of the oppressed citizen. If emissaries of evil exist in the body politic, debauching and corrupting the character of the individual citi zen, it is the duty of the .State in her sovereign virtue lo ( vercUe the moral attribute of nature and expel Hum us public enemies. So then when re duced to its ultimate analysis, we see that the aim and object of govern ment should be lo compel an obe dience to the golden rule. There is no law upon the statute books of the State or nation which is worth the space it occupies that has not this as its ultimate object. Whenever an in fraction of tho golden rule on the part of any member of the political body is fraught with the most serious con sequences to society, the government steps in, exercising the prerogative above set forth, and punishes the act, or rather the one who commits the act. 1 could, if time permitted, illus trate this by simply drawing your at tention to many of the laws now ex isting. Ho then you see at a glance that it is a dangerous fallacy embod ied in the maxim, “You cannot legis late virtue into a people.” In a lim ited and peculiar sense it is true. As a general proposition, it is erroneous. A few j curs ago you heard a great deal of discussion about public ownership of certain rights and franchises. Be cause of the source from which the discussion originated, quite a large number were loud iu their denuncia tions of the doctrine. It was de nounced as un-American and un- demorcrutic. Home of those who were loudest in the said denuncia tion are now warmest in its support, as it affects municipalities, which are but the sub-agencics of government. Both the great parties in the larger cities in the North and Northwest profess allegiance to the doctrine by advocating ownership by the muni cipalities of water, light, electric railway ai.d other franchises. With out entering further into a discussion along this line and even at the risk of being accused of beingpopulisticin this view, 1 announce as my opinion another maxim peculiarly applicable to a republican form of government, viz: That whatever thing of a pub lic nature when controlled by the public can bo best controlled in tho interest of ihe public, should be con trolled by the public. It also follows from what 1 have just said that the policy of this gov ernment should be us flexible as are the needs and necessities of the peo ple. Many of us are afraid of criticism because of a change of view ns to the policy of government under various conditions. If the above maxim bo truo then it may he the duty of one who loves his country and is true to the genius and spirit of her institu tions, to advocate totally diH*rent remedies as applicable to totally diff erent conditions. What would you think of a doctor, who, because for sooth he treated at one time a pa tient successfully with .quinine, would, for fear of being considered inconsistent/give quinine in every case, although the condition of the patient at other times might be such as the quinine instead of being medi cine might he poison. That is the man who, under a republican form of government, never changes his views nor advocates a change of remedies. If, under certain conditions, the commercial interests of the nation demand more currency, if there is a scarcity of blood in the veins of the body politic then it should be replen ished. If, on the other hand, there should be too much it should bo di minished; if it should become con gested the remedy should be neither more nor less, but something which would cause a better circulation. I use tliis simply as illustrative of the point under discussion, and not nec essarily with reference to conditions ns they now exist. The man, then, who follows honestly and conscien tiously the above maxim is the only really consistent man. Ho is con sistent in Ids fidelity to the real pur poses of this government. In the last place, a Christian civil ization is an indispensable requisite to tho success and perpetuity of a re publican form of government. Ours is, and 1 speak it reverently, God’s government, because it is patterned after the divine idea. It harmonizes beautifully tho two ideas of sov ereignty and free agency. In that government which recognizes sov ereign power to exist in the people— the individual citizen—education and religion are essential to national growth and perpetuity. Egypt worshipped Osiris and Isis, paid honor to brutes and reverenced animals. As a result she never rose above those conceptions. Her art ists never attained tothe beautiful; their skilled never advanced; her paintings never reached true exo*-l- lence; the chief characteristic of all her institutions was their unchunge- abloness; they lacked progressiveness and their stationary character is seen today in Egyptian government, so ciety, religion, art and learning. Hho worshipped a mummy and was her self a mummy. Greece made a long stride forward in her civilization and just in that degree did she excel other pagan na tions along other lines. But she never rose to the Hebrew conception of one God. Her people were I'oly-. the.-ists, but looked upon their gocis as their personal friends. Their pa ganism was a religion of love. This accounts for the peculiar form and beautiful fiction of her poets; that germ of democracy which found its home in her government; tho unu sual development of her men and orators; the excellence of her drama, the genius of her philosphers and the perfection of her art But she had no Christian civilization in her na tional life. There was nothing to arrest that progress of decay to which all purely human institutions are subject., When Alexander was on his deathbed he v> is asked to whom ho left the empire, and lie replied: “To the strongest.” But there was none strong enodgh; the empire soon broke to pieces ano her remnants were absorbed by Rome. Ho, too, with Rome. Her’s was an ago of splendid military and physical conquest, but after having conquered the whole world she had nothing further to stimulate her and nothing to look forward to. The Great Caesar, who was the only ; man strong enough to hold her to- I gether. passed away. Just at this period in her history Christ was born into the world, not only to save the individual but also to save the nations by furnishing a new in spiration. new life and a new civili zation. 1‘ity it is that Rome had not appreciated this fact and dis cerned this truth, for if so she might prolntdy today still have been the proud mistress of tho world. Instead, however, she gave herself up to luxury ami laciviousness. Her race, which conquered the world, became swallowed up in the world which it had conquered. It is said as Scipio beheld tho burning of Carthage his heart was touched by reflection on tke instability of fortune and he could not help an ticipating a time when Rome her self would experience the same ca lamities as those which had btfallen her unfortunate competitor. He vented his feelings by quoting from Homer the lines in which Hector predicts tho fall of Troy: Yrt conic it must .llio <!ay (Iri n.'c<l by I;il> >. ! (How my heart trembles while my toiiirue ; relates) The day when thou ltn|>eriai Troy must • bend, And see thy warriors fall, t hy glories ond.'' And so after spending oOO years under a despotic goverrnent in idle ness and dissipation which debau ched. first the individual, then socie ty, and then that mockery of a government, she became an easy prey to the Moores and Vandals. And when Odoacer was proclaimed King of Italy, that phantom assem bly which still called itself the Roman Senate, sent baodt to Con stantinople the tiara and purple robe in token of the fact that the Western Empire had passed away. Such has been the history of every nation upon the face of the earth that has ignored the fundamental principles upon which this nation is bottomed. It accounts for tne de cline of Spain, the instability of France, uud the want of pio'ressivt - ness on t h, part of some of the other nations whose names might he men tioned. But so long us we remain true to the principles upon which this Government is founded and which is embodied in the Declaration of Inde pendence read today in your hearing this nation will go from strength to strength, and from conquest to con quest. Hhe will indeed mount up upon tho wings of the Eagle, and obeying the command of the inspired poet will “To Glory Arise.” The Fourth of July for centuries and centuries to come will continue to be a glad day in her history and generations yet unborn will continue to sing the song so beautifully sung today by infant voices. •'My Country tls of thee, Sweet land of Liberty, (»f t lice f slii|{.” As I listened to that patriotic hymn, I was reminded of how it was sung at another time and on another occasion. Nobody but an American soldier could have sung it under such circumstances. It occurcd at the field hospital netir Guasimas. “About half a dozen Americans,” says one who was there, “were lying tiiere w'ounded. A continuous chorus of moans rose through the tree brandies overhead. Tho surgeons witfi hands and bared arms dripping and cloths literally sat urated with blood, were straining every nerve to prepare the wounded for the journey down to Hiboney. It was a doleful group. Amputa-j tion and death stared its numbers in : their gloomy faces. Suddenly a voice started softly; ••My country Ms of I bee, s wcet bind of liberty ; Of thee I sIiir, Other voices took it up: Land whore my fathers died, Land of the plftfram’s pride The quivering, quavering chorus, punctuated by groans and made spas modic by pain, trembled up from that little group of wounded Americans in the midst of the Cuban solitude, the pluckiest, most heartfelt song that human voices ever sang. There was one voice that did not quite keep up with the others. It was so weak that it could not be heard until all the rest had finished with the line: Lot Iroodotn rinp - Then halting, struggling, faint, it repeated slowly: Land of the pllirrams pride - Let freedom - The last word was a woeful cry. One more son had died as died the fathers. After a selection by the band Gen. M. C. Butler was introduced. Gen. Butler’s speech was well received and he, like Mr. McCullorgh, was given the strictest attention. Tho follow ing is the full text of Gen. Butler’s address: * . Gen. IliitJcr'H >|>»'0« li. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentle men : The celebration of this anniversary is an instructive reminder to the people, of the value of the principles upon which our government is foun ded. It revives patriotic sentiments, and refreshes our devotion to popular institutions. The men who framed tho federal constitution made a new departure in the science of Govern ment, by vesting sovereignty in the people and arming them with all the muniments of power to protect them selves in the exercise of that sover eignty. Ho that if their liberties arc- lost or impaired they have nobody to blame but themselves. Of late we have heard a great deal of the* dangers of .mpcrialism. of mil- ; in anted, that question is settled Ly itaryisiq, of expansion. None of 1 Lie sword, and must be relegated to these bug-bcurs have any te..crs for the past. It is with the present and d me. We have been through the future that we have to deal, and process of expansion too often to hi* i avoid, if possible, greater calamities alarmed at it now. 1 am an impe- ! threatened by tbe second crime than rialist and an expansionist, because there is and can be but one form of imperialism in this country, so long as the people are true to themselves —the imperialism of the sovereign people, and I do not distrust them to the point of believing they will ever tolerate any other. These recurrences of the anni versary of national independence, and the founding of popular govern ment on the principles enumerated in the declaration, will hold out to the people tho value of local self goveroim nt and the autonomy of the States and make them jealous of their liberties. I urn an expansion ists. if by that term rt is meant that we shall hold on to every square foot of ground we have rightfully’ ac quired in the prosecution of a just war and this is a very appropriate day to dwell upon that kind of ex pansion. 1 am an expansionist for two reasons:—first, because it is fair that wo should be indemnified for the expenses of war. We cannot shirk the rcaponsiblJitU-s imposed by its results without incurring the charge of cowardice and forfeiting the respect, good opinion and confi dence of the other great nations of the world; and second, because the territory is available for the coiom- those incident to the first. In order to reach a satisfactory solution of this, as of any great problem, we must search for the factor and ana lyze ’dispassionately the elements producing it; get, if possible, at the fundamental causes that make such a problem possible, and not deceive ourselves by superficial treatment or by arguing from false premises. We have in this country between seven and eight million of peo ple of African descent. They have been endowed by law. with all the rights, privileges and immunities en joyed by tho white man. They may vote, hold office, inherit and dispose 0! property : they may serve in every brutlch of the civil and military service, and exercise all the rights of American citizenship. in other words they arc here upon terms of perfect equality, so far as tho law ea: make their equal with the white man. it may be iaid down as an in- controv rtible proposition, almost ;!\io:natie. that two races so distinct in color in moral and social quali- • io.-. and physical and mental struc ture, '.lannot live together in peace in tiu sanic country on terms of politi- e ' and social equality. There is no distance in history where it,has been ii und it never can be possible n '1 our natures are changed by jvidential dispensation. I do not contend they :. ay not live under the . nne r vernim-nt, but not in irnmedi- i.te contact with each other. You will us c. why J agitate and discuss the q*. *stion now. The negroes aro here; they aro free, and we must make the most of the situation. Why advance such a theory? I dis- cu.-s it iv -.tuso it is a live, ever pres- . nt 'pestion, confronting us at every turn, full of interest and danger if n d handled wisely. Furthermore, if you w:” explain why it is the white rm-.n has driven the Indian from the land of his fathers and corralled him in reservations of tho white man’s selection; why, when tho Indian attempts to escape from such an en vironment he is set upon and driven hack into ids reservation like beasts, or .-hot to deaUi if he refuses to go; if you will explain why the Chinese ixclusion act was passed by congress in the very teeth of solemn treaty stimulations with tho Chinese Ern- f ir ; and why the brutal restrictions eivii wvre put upon the one hundred and c Id thnu.jand Chinamen domiciled in th:s country, and why they were massacred Uy white men; if you 'will explain why Jew baiting basso • roconCy prevailed indifferent parts of Europe, and why anti-Semitic j f ' rg has run - ) high in France as 1 ' imperil tho stability of that gov- ! errmu-ut. Why this feeling against zation of tho negro population, wl'.orc J they can escape tlm- wrongs an t in- | justice they claim ate heaped upoi, I them :n their present iMivuomr.tn t. This suggestion leads us t line I thoughts which may not no ( ut of place today. 1 speak now fr mi the point of a former slave owner, with nothing iu my heart but kind ness for the negro race un t a ■iooere regard for lus future welfare, and tor the best interest and welfare of my own race. If there is even a made of ill feeling or animosity in what 1 shall tny i am wholly insensible of it. Before, however, I discuss the “race problem,” let me advert to another proposition in recent debates which appears to strike terror into the minds of some very worthy peo ple. 1 reier to what is called “.Mili- taryism.” 1 understand by that term that the reign of mililaryism will mean the subordination of the civil to the military power of govern ment. There is nothing in our pres ent or past history which justifies the apprehension of the military being made superior to the power. There is nothing in tho past history of our regular or -volun teer armies which justifies it. The volunteer armies composed of Ameri can citizens have melted away and disappeared in the great mass of American citizenship, when the occa sion for their organization ha I pa-;- d The regular army has never shown a disposition to override the civil ui- , a family of ’he white race which has thority. Even in the bitter days of j ilium.md the pages of literature by the officers and men army, as a rule, were reconstruction of the regular the most conservative instruments in that novel undertaking. True they are, and were, regular soldiers, but.it must not be forgotten, they are at the same time American citizens taken from all classes of the people, und are as devoted L cur iu.-tilutions as any class of citizens. My sincere belief is, that the officers and men of ihe regular army will ho the lust of all influences to imperil or destroy popular government. 'Iheir entire education and habits of life forbid it, and I have no fears from that source. Deinagugueism, agrarianism and anarchism are far more dangerous to a constitutional republic titan irnii- taryism. These evils are much more likely to bring about a military des potism than any amount of exjiun- sion. Permit me now to invite your at tention to what I desire to discuss briefly today. The two greatest crimes in modern times, in tho light of experience and of subsequent events, v n-, fir-ft, liu* introduction of Afri an slavery in the American coloni' s by < ‘Id and New England (lor upon th. ir beads rest:, the responsibility more con clusively than any elsewhere); and second, tile premature ecfrunehisc- ment of tho emancipated slavis. The lirst was inspired by a lech less und cruel cupidity and the second by resentment and for purposes nt revenge. The first lias be n atoned for by blood, sorrow, devastation, bitter, destructive war. The results of the second are upon us in the form of a burning, unsolved, irre pressible problem. L >oking almly over the record of the pa-A it does seem to some ofjus that the first crime might have been wiped out in the forum of wisdom, instead of leaving it tothe abitriinent of the sword While African slavery was a crime it was not -‘o much a crime ugamst tho slave as against th** owner, upon whom the burden was imposed by those, who profited by the capture and sale of tho slaves. Slavery, however, was not un unmixed evil. During its existence in the South a race of men and women was pro duced, slave owners in tho “old South,” if you choose, who had as much right to claim title to nobility as any who ever adorned the earth ; men and women whose exalted, humane characters took the sting out of the evils of.the institution by civilizing and enlightening tropical savages, delivered to them through! the middle passage on (jEnglish and New England ships, it h safe to assume, that if the solution of the problems growing out < f African sluvtry hud been left to these oamn men and women of the South fr v from the meddling of outsiders, they would have solved it on lints ut hu manity and wisdom. But, us I have j the brilliancy and force of its intel lectual superiority, whose members have entranced by their fervid and impressive eloquence the highest Urums and parliamentary bodies of the world, who have mastered tho science of finance, and today dictate the policies of some of the strongest governments of Europe; can you explain why this wonderful race of Jews, living in every latitude of the earth, speaking every language known to civilized man,' without government organization, have been more or less persecuted for centuries? If you can explain these things, und many others of a similar character which need not he enumerated, I will explain why the negro and white mai' cannot live in peace in contact with each other on terms of equality. The reasons for this are not far to find. Race prejudice and race antag onisms are nt the bottom of them all, and we might as well make up our minds to discuss and dispose of the problem from that stand point. No ai-'ruim ntation from any other prem- is" will prove anything. No Jaw', no st Mute, no moral lecture, no appeal to i-ason or justice, no coercive m asures, that do not have their initiative in race antagonism, aro worth considering. We may as well look the question squarely in the race and deal with it candidly, justly, : rmly and rationally. If we do, the throes of bitter calamity und disnp- , nut inert may be avoided. You *v I naturally ask me to suggest so tiu’ remedy for the evils which I contend are ahead of us. My sug gestion is. the gradual but perma- ■M iit separation of the races. Let us be frank with each, white and col- crod alike and with tho outside world, und ci '.eider the question as it is, und not as we would have it. 1 ! nr that in tho brief time al low ii on this occasion ! shall not be abb to discuss it as fully as it seems to me its importance justifies, but 1 may I brow out some suggestions that may furnish food for reflection and sober thought. it is now about thirty-five years since the slaves and whites were emancipated, and more than a quar ter of a century since their enfran chisement. for both races were under Die bun of disfranchisement for some years lUicr the close of the civil war. The negroes have had all the assist ance the United States government could confer. Tho whites have been and aro being taxed up into the mil lions for schools for them. The/ have bud all the advantages to-be derived from education and religious training. It is but fair to Pay that many of them have improved their opportunities and made marvelous progress on the lino of eolightment and good citizenship. It is equally true that, as a rule, the negroes have CONTINUED TO PAGE THB£E.