dots great speech.
IN THE UNITED
FTES SENATE.
I ar and Impassionate Re-
e Repeal of the Sher-
:t—An Appeal for
i Whole Union.
is the full text of
i’h remarks ns they
ii the senate Wednes-
ti at 8, 1893:
There Is a crumb of
present calamities,
e damage done by
^akes; and have
nind as never be-
?erhaps, the re-
ten attaches to
e^JTaterial condl-
wl«BBpecially the
)li(^|^ upon our
their gov
of
least otski woes
‘ring ut-
f the pco]BErhat
to redeeaMing
popular
e Sherman
°f the sound 1
sorr ‘• ,ibtlrnI finan c
•/ f a ' r ’ U . i8 t,H ‘ Ill *>
Â¥ > T erei K n people.
*- Alin ' COn ^ r e8S to
\s T 'tl r0f0r,nM
To that prac-
"i” * 1 Propose
f . W ,n ^ds de
lemod.'T ^ #
pie four explA.
(equivocal promjt.
Ihepe promises tuit'
>r condition, ni.
pie yould turn ;the tep
id turn over t h eminent
[’bees promises v
To reform the t;
I To repeal the ajan law;
To place gold t silver upon
;ual footing; ant
To abolish the Aipon state
lienee.
The people belie us. They
jipon our pro Us.
“ with our prow. They
the repuiilie
(the governmer
I anxious, if m agoiiixing
they wait to t- what
to do with it.
mfeas, sir. that see but
left us. It i to make
re-
They i ,om *
turned
are we burdened with the apprehen
sion of disagreement among ourselves
as to the ratio which silver should
bear to gold? Why should there he
any greater danger of disagreement
between the friends of bimetallism
after than before the repeal?
Sir, I cannot share such apprehen
sion. I do not fear that bimetallism
will suffer because the Sherman law-
dies. That law is not the friend, but
the insiduous foe of bimetallism. As
a friend of both metals, ns a firm be
liever in the ultimate triumph of the
bimetallic cause, confident of its vo-
talizing influence upon the languish
ing industries of the country, with
unshaken faith in its power, its vigor,
I had almost said in its immortality,
for it is immortal if this republic is
immortal; reposing, with almost re
ligious faith, upon the matchless
wisdom of the men who framed this
unrivalled government and made bi
metallism a corner stone in its consti
tution; firmly entrenched in such
convictions, 1 cannot share the ap
prehension that the life of that cause
is either to be lost or shortened by
the death of that sapper of public
confidence called the Sherman law.
Mr. President, as a loyal soldier
of the double standard enlisted for the
war, 1 had hoped to stand shoulder to
shoulder with the friends of biirfetal-
ism here and elsewhere until its
ultimate triumph. I had hoped
and declared my purpose to
ollow such course as their com-
icd wisdom might direct; hut, sir,
the difficulties and perplexities
angers of this strange condition
alte around us, and as the ro-
j^JUities bear more heavily upon
fe •lC\ ,a l shoulders, each of us. must
for 1 profoundly that he must
and not for others, answer
, : lls to his own constituency,
M j 0n , s ^J^. hike one in a dark-
r.Vi. , which the light has
• < denly I’VLpxtinguislied, groping
sway unt\Vv; eye becomes more
ccustonmd tott^ darkness and he
"--’■ins to disccj^Mjll faintly perhaps,
-7-lmt inomMearly the objects
( .£<1 him, so wonmof us. struggling
(heiV^'l^ tl 1 * > * unjxKcedented linan-
un ' nd ouj». art ‘. stiunhwog here and
/duty. £ts which* must modify
t me from Kjdif>/ ° ,,r convictions
<>f the l,efi& C ° m .“
--primarily a,
Ihh for the panic. What,- respon-
hank
They -lether that belief he well or ii. ui ,
'i hey turn ,M ; y Belief, in this instance is as A!. 4 _
1 us noNN I as reality. Of all t he w ild vai'ano-
, / U SUH - â– 
sus
we ard
on'
which
le.
—- .egaries
human intellect is subject,
useless panic is the most unreason-
The cry of “fire” is heard in
ater or‘crowded hall. The alarm
wU ]false but the panic is real. Tl>o cry
mance as straittforward a n j ve ure flanked” flies alontr the
leal
our
we're r mad an 1 <be bravest battalions
lines
If these prom.es T“^ak at times in the wildest
faith then we are bouna —
sion.
\vi con-
, consideration of ruth, of hon^;''"' i''.. ur / u< ‘‘Ih-cts of this
ical, public and pesonal honor, >iness inen was reason-
ithfully fulfil then. If they w« ^whether the
hade in good faith lut were a mf,j ti ." 1 ,ias ‘mgendered were
Inse to win votes, •.hen we hf, . ystematically procured
ui fI,,, vnfavu »nrl nerueta „ . ^ ” iH“ii as has Itcen charged.
calm and to sweep away by the tor
nado’s wing the poisons lurking in the
stagnant air. we begin to appreciate
their value. Sir, the deadly calm and
the stagnation in business are all
around us. The Sherman law-, in pub
lic estimation, is the pernicious
agency that lias caused the depres
sion. If its removal will start the
slightest healthful current, it is our
duty to apply the remedy. Suppose
it be admitted for the sake of argu
ment that its repeal will not accom
plish all that is needed in order to
restore the country to its normal and
healthful condition. I am one of
those who believe that it is but the
first step towards relief. Are we to
refuse to take any step until the
laboratory of congress can concoct all
the physic which the country needs?
If your friend were sinking in the
lake too far from the shore to be
grabbed with hooks and drawn to
safety, would you wait until you
could send miles away for a life boat,
or would you shove out to him the
tiny' plank at vour feet in order that
Ue might susv. : » himself until the
life boat could arrive? If we cannot
at once rescue the country bodily
from the dead sea of distrust in
which it is drowning, let us at least
lift its head above the waves that it
may gather breath and strength for
the next struggle.
Hut we are asked if unconditional
repeal will bring relief. I answer
that in the opinion of those who usu
ally lend money, but who now hoard
and hido it, and I think in the (([jin-
ion of the great majority of the peo
ple, repeal will bring speedy and cer
tain releif. .1 trust that it will; hut
I do not know. This, however, 1 do
know: That if this senate insists on
settling ratios after repeal, the dis
agreement involves indefinite delay.
This we all know, that with the sen*
ate moving, in one direction and the
house moving in the opposite direc
tion. we shall place the country be
tween the upper and nether milstones
of congressional disagreement and
grind it to powder.
Hut we are told that unconditional
repeal leaves this country in the re
lentless el’,tch of moncmetallism.
Mr. I’rcsid -nt. if it were true, we
might well stand appalled before so
fatal a step. If I believed it to he
true I should turn my hack upon the
.majority hill as heing inimical to the
I if'uffd interest of this country. And
congres?*-li ol, al repeal is passed and
' tage of i lie'ihl seek to take advan-
tuolish monomfti " ,n ,n order to es-
nent policy of tfiW as the permu-
would arouse from sea v> i v l l ‘ 1
b'.Miant people of this I’nidH'. ll’ 1
l,l '\ V.vcr been aroused exeept 'i.
r»,i.„ v „ f „ K ,(. •
r<si< eiit. rr|.v*j ,l 0 ,. s no [ medri
monomotnlism for tN;. ,. ollllirv
Monomotalism enruievor fiq.l n .jiy.
mg place in the American I’m:
ll'nvever, gorgeous its pi.image
dulcet its notes to Knglish eyes
with the voters *nd £ r petj e lnoinentoUH fut>t sl m rt . niuil)8 t!mt
htglonou. fraud upon the pco. „p prt . ht , nsions (h|s <listrus
^ l luve caused men
•plia^ *0 withdraw
, defence shall we set up 1
:<$ %v: s w:; " r
pot;»«!? to bo par„ w.uol“- ,’b. ‘hoy ex,at
money to withdraw it and hide
I repeat, sir, that it is wholly im
material to this argument, whether
it
in-
.they
'C.
or
or
if it meant anything, that if the peo
ple would give us the power we would
give them both metals, as standard
money upon an equal footing, but up
on some ratio or plan that, would
make them interchangeable. This
was the interpretation placed upon
the platform in Georgia, and but for
the belief in the sincerity of these
platform pledges that hitherto stead
fast state would have been lost to the
democracy. I belieVe the same may
be affirmed of other southern states.
I wish now to examine very briefly
some of the excuses given for non-
com pi iunce with those promises.
It is not true that since we met at
Chicago, the conditions have so
changed as to absolve us from our ob
ligations. With the exception of the
closing of the Indian mints I believe
no material changes have occurred,
and we knew what the policy of Eng
land and Europe was when the plat
form was made. Neither is it true
that the increased production of sil
ver has caused the decline. It is un
doubtedly true that great increase of
supply in any mere commodity with
out a corresponding demand will af
fect the price, but the stubborn facts
and an overwhelming array of statis
tics which might be plied mountain
high, hut with which I will not again
encumber the records, are directly in
the teeth of the theory. I could cite
and others have already cited, I be
lieve, long periods of time, in the past
where a vast increase in the supply
of one metal as compared with the
other, lias had no appreciable effect
on the relative value of each. At
some periods when the mines of. the
world yielded a much larger propor
tion of one metal, that metal has per
sisted in advancing in relative value.
At others when the relative supply in
the mines of one metal dqfreased, the
relative value of that metal also de
creased, thus demonstrating, if facts
and statistics can demonstrate any-
thing, that as long as both metals
were recognized by governmental
statutes as money and legal tender
money, the law of supply and demand
so often appealed to in this debate
has been absolutely impotent in fix
ing their value. Legislative law and
not the law of supply and demand, is
the more important influence upon
the price of the metals.
Mr. President, of course the price of
silver has fallen. Its great function
was to supply money, currency or a
basis for currency. Deprived of this
function, dishonored before- the law,
discredited by the government, the
marvel is not that its price decreases,
hut that it has not fallen to a much
lower point. A greater marvel is
that our people still take it and even
hoard it; and the greatest marvel of
all is that in the face of all this ad-
I . "se legislation here and elsewhere,
! ‘• the face of the action of India.
J< Orin Hijjied after a temporary
<ll*prcSSIOi, rlt i... ,
•v rdadel of its
oars, our people rouojjnfao
cannot afford t herefore
produced them, lias
>a hereafter with begt‘“' i ''V* c , caUH ed the panic, the rush
before the election, with ' f* ^ )anks - the hoading, the dcadlv
_ #111 PJI I V'fc!! « If ! ti 4 1.^ —J
ire neiore me election, ^ ^“paralysis. It is the murderer of pub-
made only to be broken confidence; is guilty of the blood
tlon. Our duty to ours* i'« f our p r0i4 p e rity and ought to die.
,y and people ^ 1 Mr. President, there arc two plans
takablc. K is R ^ or executing this criminal. The one
.. 4 Hr#"* tor immediate, the other for a ling-
je in ' 1H . P *, ' e [f n ering death. The one is proposed by
o less am the majority, the other by the manor-
«»n the democmt RjgJJ ity 0 , J flnonce ,. ol ^ m „ tw .
_ r ^ | retain P^^,; an( j j n( i e gother words (to drop the figure), the
ilion, can any party long bill of the committee is for the repeal
â– OSJer if it disappoint the just b rs t un ^ bimetalism afterwards, and
tions of the people, and by I the amendment is for repeal and for
fing its pledges, turns to aslj bimetalism simultaneously. It is not
| nit#) of the people’s viclory? ' “
(mr pledges of tariff reform
[ ^ Ume be met, Not as oui.
favorable action
...w, 4ioi' as o
K the other side of the cha..,
id charge, so as to retard orj
It Industries of the country,
epo place burdens upon or;
infant or aged manufacta
Uiiehments; in such mam
Lrach schedule as will ligh
Me-^if labor and of the <
lyj / Y* iser and more c
For the sake
to which wc on t
r belong; for it
uture success#
resent relief a-
of the country
ay be truthful
f financial refl
may be said, e
ratic party n
â–  -relied upon >-*|
fcmee with evere
lattorm. I believe :-
lie men who compose tdty
diciples of the great ?t
Ur rights. I believe-
t party has held t® ^h
.rines of its greater
* eary decades of br
and defeat, nn4 a
d fidelity :il-
history. tot
party wllli
rate t
prese
he p
j
liUt
unhesitatingly support and vastly
ou< prefer this amendment, if prompt and
favorable action upon it by both
houses of congress were practicable
or possible. Hut with a majority in
the other end of this capital uncom
promisingly committed to uncondi
tional repeal, what Senator in this
chamber is sanguine enough to prom
ise the country that we can agree upon
a coinage bill or any conditional hill
for weeks or months to come? In the
meantime, while we delay, the condi
tion of the whole country grows more
and more alarming. In the mean
time, while we delay, Southern cot
ton is seeking a market, with few buy
ers, except foreign houses or their
agents and the price falls far below
the cost of production.
In the meantime, while we delay,
unhappy growers of that great staple,
with hope almost gone and treading
on the very verge of bankruptcy and
despair, are imploring us to take some
action and without delay. Sir. stand
ing in the deep shadows of these im
pending and immeasurable disasters,
I cannot consent to vote for any
measure which involves additional de
lay. The proposed amendment must
cause great delay, because the other
branch of
against
is committed
t ns the
insatiate vulture which lias faitencd
upon the labor of European peasantry
and would drive its bloody beak into
the vei»y vitals of Aimrican hope and
progress.
I repeat Mr. President, that repeal
does not mean moiionn talism. Re
peal is no menace to tin double stan
dard; but it does inta intake from
the statue books a law iiieh lias dis
honored silver; which mis deprived
it of its scepter and power of money;
which is the accomplice, in disguise,
of the single gold standard; which
every friend of silver or; this side of
the chamber denounced on its passage
and has denounced continually since;
and which no senator on either side
of the chamber will claim has sus
tained the price of silver or aided in
preventing panic. Ilepeel rids us of
that law. hut more than that. It
disencumbers the cause of bimetal-
ism from this body of death and
places that cause upon its own intrin
sic, unassailable merits, with its
friends no longer separated hut unit
ed and rallying to its Mipport every
democrat. every republican and every
populist who regards a public pledge
to tiie people as sacred and binding.
Sir. if with these indisputable facts
before us to vote for the immediate
repeal of stieli a law he treason to
bimetalism, then loyalty is treason
and treason is loyalty.
Mr. President, I come now to our
next promise, to place gold and .*ilver
upon the same footing. It is safe to
say', I think, that himetulisin was the
most popular-,, if not the most poten
tial, factor in the last campaign. R
was the one force which made itself
felt under all conditions and placed]
its seal on every party’s banner. Like
the great Roman before whose proud
eagles the world sueeumbed, bime-
tulism cun proudly boast “veni, vidi,
vici,” in every national convention.
Republicans, democrats, populists
and prohibitionists bowed before its
altars and worshipped at tin-common
shrine. Its spirits fell upon hostile
camps or opposing conventions and
at once Minneapolis and Chicago and
and all the rest urifle in sounding
its praises. What a political jienti-
eost was that, Mr. President. Tin
spirit descends and Medes, Parthians,
Elamites, and the dwellers in Judea
and Mesopotamia, all are found in t!
inveterate foe, with the imperial ’neth
of England upon it. .Sir, from pre-
historic ages to this unhappy hour,
no metal or commodity has ever
shown under unfriendly' conditions,
such inherent, self-asserting and self-
resuriveting power.
Will the contention he made that
t lie supply and demand as of other
commodities, fixed the price of the
precious metals in the face of the in
disputable facts that when Peru and
Mexico, and the Comstock Lode and
Idaho and Australia and California,
and our Pacific slopes under the picks
and shovels oftheold “forty-niners”
poured their steady and swollen cur
rents of both metals into the world’s
supply there was no appreciable de
cline in value of either metal, or
change in their relative value one to
wards the other.
Indeed the only effect was to stimu
late the industries, increase the en
terprise and augment the wealth, the
comforts, contentment and happiness
of mankind.
If then hostile legislation dealt the
unjust blow, friendly legislation
should make the atonement and re
store to its rightful position this
great metal upon which, in the almost
unanimous judgment of the pebple so
much of their future prosperity' de
pends.
Mr. President, there is another ex
cuse for not complying with our
promises which I sincerely regret
was ever given. It is in effect, that
platform pledged are hut glittering
generalities, meaningless catch words
and therefore not binding. Sir, to
these men around me who were
reared in the old fashioned schools
simplicity and in the artlessness of a
plain-speaking and plain dealing peo
ple where sincerity and frankness and
fidelity were synonims of honesty,
honor and truth, and where duplicity
and sham and Jesuitry', however,
cloaked or covered, were always rec
ognized as fraud and deception and
dishonor—I say to these reared with
these old-fashioned ideas, bred into
the very tiller of their being, it will
he difficult to rise or descend to such
conception. Sir, if such doctrine
is always eminent. This government
is not at war, it is not going to war, or
rather no power is going to war with
us. Our financial policy, therefore,
is to be considered with ft view to
peace and not war. But are we to go
war, and if the balance of trade should
draw from us every'dollar of coined
gold, and if Jehovah’s omnipotent fiat
should obliterate every treae of gold in
our mines and mountains, who doubts
our obility to find the means of de
fense? Who doubts that this nation
without a dollar of gold could, in sixty
or ninety days after war was declared
throw around Us borders a cordon of
of defenders invincible by any' foe the
world might send against us?
Again, the territory of France, I
believed, would have to be multiplied
about fifteen or twenty times to equal
ours, while the comparison in resour
ces cannot be measured in figures.
France has England on one side,
seperated by a narrow channel, and
Germany on the other, seperated by
an imaginary line. She is thus flank
ed by impeiral powers, her natural
enemies, of the double standard ; while
within, she is torn by feuds, her form
of goverment continually' threatened
and its very frame-work forever strain
ed by' the heaving ground-swells of
internal commotions-
We are isolated by the seas and al
most as much protected as if sur
rounded, as JelTei'sui was tempted to
wish, by oceans of flame.
But, Mr. President, what is the use
of making comparisons between this
nation and any ot her?
We have exceptional advantages in
dealing with this problem in almost
every direction. We ean utilize pro
fitably' and intelligently a larger
amount of currency, man for man,
than any other people, becduse of our
vast territory still undeveloped, with
resources still more boundless. In
the march of nations, our place is at
the head of the column. By inheri
tance, by geographical position, by
the character of our people, we are
set apart for leadership. My friend,
the senator from Indiana, said a few
days ago that in the wisdom of pro
vidence it was reserved for this peo
ple to discover and unlock the hidden
wealth of our Pacific slopes and wes
tern mountains, lie might have ad
ded, and to pour t heir fructifying and
enriching currents into the world’s
com merge.
Sir we are indeed a peculiar peopl
a torch-bearing people. We have led
in railroads and in all material devel
opment. We have filled the marts of
the world with products of our brain
and mussel, and ainazedjChristendom
with the wonders of telegraphy and
telephones, and the ten thousand pro
ducts of onr invetive genius. But
this is not the highest eommisiou
given us by Providence. On that
loftiest pland of human endeavor, the
plane of self-goverment by a people,
we havtv achieved a success beyond
\he hopes of the founders; we have
deniionrfi’nLeil that all popular rights
may he entru^TT^.T ifUilL'lnr gover
ment. We have taugi!t7N* nkin<1
that a republic with more than
ening tension upon the country. We
should at least lower the heat of the
burning plowshares upon which the
people are treading. We should break
rift in the clouds above us, and
then, with more light and more time
for deliberation we could with fairer
prospects of success unite in the task
of permanent relief.
■ —» *
Selecting an Object in Life.
The Rev. John H. Prugh, D. D., of
the Graee Reformed Curch, of Pitts
burgh, is preaching a series of sermons
to young women. In one of these he
said, as repoted in the Commercial Ga
zette what every young woman needs,
as well as every young man, is an earn
est purpose. It is imposible to drift
into true womanhood. You can only
make the coming years golden by
having now a high purpose of
self-culture and of helpfulness in the
home circle and in the larger
home—the community. The purpose
to become a thorough housekeeper,
or efficient clerk, or a faithful nurse
or an accomplished scholar, or a well
trained musician or any one of these is
better and worthier of your woman
hood than a mere butterfly life. De
termine that not a power of yours
shall go to waste. Find out what you
are, your capacit ies and shortcomings
and have the aim to get the most out
of yourself. Since you specially have
social capacities, endeavor to make
yourself the best friend and neighbor,
the kindest and most loving daughter
and sister, and the truest 'wife and
mother.
Washington Irvings Observations.
I have observed that a marriod man,
falling into misfortune, is more apt
to retrive his situation in the world
than a single one; partly because he
is more stimulated to exertions by
the necessities of the helpless and
beloved beings who depend upon him
for subsistence; but chiefly because
his spirits are soothed and relieved by
domestic endearments, and his self-
respect kept alive by finding that,
though all abroad is darkness and
humilation, yet there is still a little
world of love at home of which he is
the monarch. Whereas, a single man
is apt to run to waste and self neglect;
to fancy himself lonely and abandoned
and his heart to fall to ruin, like some
deserted mansion for want of an in
habitant.”
It seems sad that the man who
wrote thus was denied the enjoyment
and blessings of home, for not every
one to whom such comforts are given,
holds them in like esteem ; and with
regret I add that not every wife gives
that womanly grace to her home
which merits such adoration.
Woman’s Work.
Select with great care
that ygu would have your children
read, and read with them.
Then, when you have done the very
best you are capable of doing, If they
should not fulfil your ideas of what
constitutes a perfect man or woman,
God will not hold you responsible.
I sanction the idea that we must
teacli our children of themselves, of
the beauty and sacredness of their
physical being.
We frequently hear “Oh! I talk to
my girls, but*I leave the boys to their
father; he kqows better than I how
to talk to them.”
Mothers, what a great mistake you
are making! Do you not know tha$
whatever falls from your lips is sac-r "
red to your boy; that he reveres everyj
thought, every idea of yours; tha^
the son naturally turns to his mother
for his knowledge of women? It is in- *
tuition—his very nature.
Consequently we must never allow
constraint to exist between us and
our boys, but talk and advise with
them, just as we do with our daugh
ters, not let them hear anything vile
from the streets, but what we can
satisfactorily explain.
We should teach them the laws of
nature and health, convincing them
that those laws broken, will inevita
bly lead not only to destruction of the
body, but of the mind and soul.
Motherhood is a sacred gift, and we
should not abuse it by shirking the*
responsibitites it entails, but make
the most, the best of every moment
God has given us with our children,
instilling into them the love of .home
and mother’s confidence, keep
ing them within our influence
as much as possible, and guidipg and
directing their footsteps into paths of
virturt and righteousness, remember
ing that we are commanded to do our
duty always, in whatsoever sphere it
lies.
Mothers, as a rule, arc too lenient
in allowing their children to spend
the night away from the parental
roof.
Home should bo made attractive
for the young people; every inflvw?nce
should he brought to bear which will
make them happy and contented in
their own home circle.
Then, when the shadows of night
deepen upon mother earth, how great
our content and happiness when, as
the mother hen gatiiers her brood
lovingly under her wings, we, too,
gather our loved ones fondly to us,
knowing that they are safe from evil
influences and associates, and thank
ing an alwise Father from the inmost
recesses of our hearts for this most
precious of all gifts—motherhood.
Floka Clarke Huntington.
a
congress
I*, (ft i l MMIIHI III |JI<
it. I cannot, therefore, and same spirit and with one accord speak
for that reason, support that amend- ! ing the same tongue. Hir. this is th<
ment. The majority bill for repeal 1
means no delay because the other
branch of congress is for repeal, I
therefore for that reason support it.
Mr. President, our friends who op
pose unconditional repeal believe that
e Sherman law is not wholly or
ely responsible for the condition
country, and that repeal of
aw will therefore fail to
unconditional
cumstances
out
ic
\S? * <2 _
4> & © ^
’ p .©
& -2
C o
>>
\ 4
A*
iri ng
repeal un
is an extreme
any, or, at least,
sating results.
suggestion, I
jering the cer-
g the panic,
[id take with
even if re
answer is
often the
me li
re which
G>
*1 by the
fghtning
be
re-
he
most remarkable spectacle in [loliti-
cal history, and it becomes impor
tant to inquire its meaning. We
shall not search long, i apprehend,
before finding it. It means that bime
talism is a vote winner. It means
the American people are for it and
that the political parties know it.
Hence with a unanimity without a
parallel, they protest to the people
undeviating loyalty and undying all
egiance to both metals.
It is true, sir, that these protesta
tions and promises antedated the
election, and it nia^h be interesting
hereafter to compare xotes in con voli
tions, or party act ion in congress with
party promises in platforms. I fear,
sir, that the contrast would put to
uhaim the wonder inspiring patient
medicine advertisement, “before and
after taking.”
Mr. President, i wish again to re
mind the Senate that my object today
is not to discuss the geijorul subject
of finance, except, so far,
e,saury in
rtoutt
ivora
j as
bllni
as it is nee-
qe with
should become the political morality
of the future; if deceptions may be
practiced upon the people and justi
fied in public councils; if solemn
promises made to the people may be
transmitted by the magical touch of
expediency into meaningless gener
alities, then, sir, we may well de
spair not only of the elevation of om,
politics, but of the life of the repub
lic. Distrust of law Jmakers is tin
prolific breeder of law breakers; and
in a popular government like ours,
confidence of the people in the plain
honesty and sincerity of those who
control the destinies of the republic,
is one of the‘prime essentials of its
peace and perpet uity.
Mr. President, a careful survey of
the facts will demonstrate that this is
no idle or groundless boast.
Let us consider, for instance, the
relative positions and power of France
and the United States, inasmuch as
t ho experience of France has been re
peatedly referred to in the discussion.
I wish to say in advance that I do not
claim for instant that France with
closed mints furnishes any fair evi
dence to sustain the proposition that
parity can be maintained by a single
nation. On tiie other hand, the fact
that Frace has adopted gold standard
!a — proof that this count
lorty
co-equal republics, acting in concert,
resting solely on the loyalty of its
citizens and controlled by their free
ballots, may change its laws, itscb’ef
executive and all its rulers wi» out
shock or violence; that the republic
itself may be rent in twain today and
reunited tomorrow in bonds of
stronger and more enduring fratern-
ity.
Mr. President, the day will come—
has it not already come, when it will
be out duty to lead in broader finan
cial policies? Suppose this country
now follows Europe in its contracted
gold policy. It requires no gifts of
prophesy to foretell the resmlts. With
this nation and all the otner nations
oidding and scrambling for gold, that
metal must necessarily appreciate un
til the products of labor will lose half
their value,‘debts will be doubled.
Sir, some power must be found which
can resist the march of this remorse
less policy—remorseless in its results,
however differently intended by able
and honest advocates. I am not here,
sir, to impugn 1 tie mot ives or to assail
the judgemcntfktf t hose who differ with
me on tliis issue of such transcendent
moment to the American people. I
no more doubt the sincerity of our
great cities than I doubt the honest
sturdy yoemanry of the country. I
know that tiie gn at throbbing heart
of these great American cities would
respond with lavish generosity to ap
peals for needed help, whether that
help were intended to alleviate east
ern or western, northern or southern
woe. But, sir. it is characteristic of
human intellects, however vast their
capabilities, and though their every
fiber were strength and honesty, to be
more or less reccpti ’e of tiie influence
around them. Let us recognize this
truth in dealing with tids great issue.
Let us not indulge in criminations
and recriminations. Let us not by
speech erect walls of prejudice and
passion between sections or classes.
But let us recognize the sinceretyof
all, the patrioti>m of ail, the intelli
gence of all, and after sifting the ar
guments and weighing t lie suggestions
of all determine the best
the prosperity of all.
Mr. President, I am profoundly con
vinced that it would be wiser policy
to trust more largely to the States.
GAFFNEY BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION CO.
Real Estate and
Insurance Agents.
e Brokers aru
Merchan _
in Cotto
P. O. Building, Robinson St.
.an'
DuT
Drugs, Medicines,
Paints and Oils,
Tinted Leads, Dyes, Etc.
policy
for
To THE WEEKLY LEDGER, the
only NEWSPAPER published
at Gaffney, S. C., and the local
paper for a territory of twenty
square miles. It WILL cover
the field. Merchants and oth
ers who have goods for sale
should
I
be forced to |
Mon#
ever
^am profoundly convinced that proper
â–  ly guarded State hanking can he made
both safe and effective, and that if, at
the beginning of the lust congress, the
prohibito-y tax had been removed,
this pai/.' would have been impossi
ble. I . vlieve that Georgia, for in
stance, w)VftVd by this date have inaug
urated a system, safe and sufficient
for all her purposes; and that this
panic would not have invaded our ter
ritory, but would have broken at its
borders as tiie waves of the sea on the
rock-bound coast. I believe that
even now were that tax temporarily
suspended, it would give temporary
and almost instant relief. %0n this
subject, however, I hope to have more
to say at a futr.ic day. I will not tux
the sen.Ue witn iis discussion now. I
feel more inclined to apologize to the
senate and the country for having oc
cupied this much time, and should
have remained silent had it been pos
sible to secure at puce 4 favorable
vote for »l«n —
or-
may know
to secure bar-
In THE WEEKLY LEDGER in
der its readers
where to go
gains. Those who have
«r
JoT>
Should get prices from THE LE
GER. We claim to do. fi
i r