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dots great speech. IN THE UNITED FTES SENATE. I ar and Impassionate Re- e Repeal of the Sher- :t—An Appeal for i Whole Union. is the full text of i’h remarks ns they ii the senate Wednes- ti at 8, 1893: There Is a crumb of present calamities, e damage done by ^akes; and have nind as never be- ?erhaps, the re- ten attaches to e^JTaterial condl- wl«BBpecially the )li(^|^ upon our their gov of least otski woes ‘ring ut- f the pco]BErhat to redeeaMing popular e Sherman °f the sound 1 sorr ‘• ,ibtlrnI finan c •/ f a ' r ’ U . i8 t,H ‘ Ill *> ¥ > T erei K n people. *- Alin ' COn ^ r e8S to \s T 'tl r0f0r,nM To that prac- "i” * 1 Propose f . W ,n ^ds de lemod.'T ^ # pie four explA. (equivocal promjt. Ihepe promises tuit' >r condition, ni. pie yould turn ;the tep id turn over t h eminent [’bees promises v To reform the t; I To repeal the ajan law; To place gold t silver upon ;ual footing; ant To abolish the Aipon state lienee. The people belie us. They jipon our pro Us. “ with our prow. They the repuiilie (the governmer I anxious, if m agoiiixing they wait to t- what to do with it. mfeas, sir. that see but left us. It i to make re- They i ,om * turned are we burdened with the apprehen sion of disagreement among ourselves as to the ratio which silver should bear to gold? Why should there he any greater danger of disagreement between the friends of bimetallism after than before the repeal? Sir, I cannot share such apprehen sion. I do not fear that bimetallism will suffer because the Sherman law- dies. That law is not the friend, but the insiduous foe of bimetallism. As a friend of both metals, ns a firm be liever in the ultimate triumph of the bimetallic cause, confident of its vo- talizing influence upon the languish ing industries of the country, with unshaken faith in its power, its vigor, I had almost said in its immortality, for it is immortal if this republic is immortal; reposing, with almost re ligious faith, upon the matchless wisdom of the men who framed this unrivalled government and made bi metallism a corner stone in its consti tution; firmly entrenched in such convictions, 1 cannot share the ap prehension that the life of that cause is either to be lost or shortened by the death of that sapper of public confidence called the Sherman law. Mr. President, as a loyal soldier of the double standard enlisted for the war, 1 had hoped to stand shoulder to shoulder with the friends of biirfetal- ism here and elsewhere until its ultimate triumph. I had hoped and declared my purpose to ollow such course as their com- icd wisdom might direct; hut, sir, the difficulties and perplexities angers of this strange condition alte around us, and as the ro- j^JUities bear more heavily upon fe •lC\ ,a l shoulders, each of us. must for 1 profoundly that he must and not for others, answer , : lls to his own constituency, M j 0n , s ^J^. hike one in a dark- r.Vi. , which the light has • < denly I’VLpxtinguislied, groping sway unt\Vv; eye becomes more ccustonmd tott^ darkness and he "--’■ins to disccj^Mjll faintly perhaps, -7-lmt inomMearly the objects ( .£<1 him, so wonmof us. struggling (heiV^'l^ tl 1 * > * unjxKcedented linan- un ' nd ouj». art ‘. stiunhwog here and /duty. £ts which* must modify t me from Kjdif>/ ° ,,r convictions <>f the l,efi& C ° m .“ --primarily a, Ihh for the panic. What,- respon- hank They -lether that belief he well or ii. ui , 'i hey turn ,M ; y Belief, in this instance is as A!. 4 _ 1 us noNN I as reality. Of all t he w ild vai'ano- , / U SUH - ■ sus we ard on' which le. —- .egaries human intellect is subject, useless panic is the most unreason- The cry of “fire” is heard in ater or‘crowded hall. The alarm wU ]false but the panic is real. Tl>o cry mance as straittforward a n j ve ure flanked” flies alontr the leal our we're r mad an 1 <be bravest battalions lines If these prom.es T“^ak at times in the wildest faith then we are bouna — sion. \vi con- , consideration of ruth, of hon^;''"' i''.. ur / u< ‘‘Ih-cts of this ical, public and pesonal honor, >iness inen was reason- ithfully fulfil then. If they w« ^whether the hade in good faith lut were a mf,j ti ." 1 ,ias ‘mgendered were Inse to win votes, •.hen we hf, . ystematically procured ui fI,,, vnfavu »nrl nerueta „ . ^ ” iH“ii as has Itcen charged. calm and to sweep away by the tor nado’s wing the poisons lurking in the stagnant air. we begin to appreciate their value. Sir, the deadly calm and the stagnation in business are all around us. The Sherman law-, in pub lic estimation, is the pernicious agency that lias caused the depres sion. If its removal will start the slightest healthful current, it is our duty to apply the remedy. Suppose it be admitted for the sake of argu ment that its repeal will not accom plish all that is needed in order to restore the country to its normal and healthful condition. I am one of those who believe that it is but the first step towards relief. Are we to refuse to take any step until the laboratory of congress can concoct all the physic which the country needs? If your friend were sinking in the lake too far from the shore to be grabbed with hooks and drawn to safety, would you wait until you could send miles away for a life boat, or would you shove out to him the tiny' plank at vour feet in order that Ue might susv. : » himself until the life boat could arrive? If we cannot at once rescue the country bodily from the dead sea of distrust in which it is drowning, let us at least lift its head above the waves that it may gather breath and strength for the next struggle. Hut we are asked if unconditional repeal will bring relief. I answer that in the opinion of those who usu ally lend money, but who now hoard and hido it, and I think in the (([jin- ion of the great majority of the peo ple, repeal will bring speedy and cer tain releif. .1 trust that it will; hut I do not know. This, however, 1 do know: That if this senate insists on settling ratios after repeal, the dis agreement involves indefinite delay. This we all know, that with the sen* ate moving, in one direction and the house moving in the opposite direc tion. we shall place the country be tween the upper and nether milstones of congressional disagreement and grind it to powder. Hut we are told that unconditional repeal leaves this country in the re lentless el’,tch of moncmetallism. Mr. I’rcsid -nt. if it were true, we might well stand appalled before so fatal a step. If I believed it to he true I should turn my hack upon the .majority hill as heing inimical to the I if'uffd interest of this country. And congres?*-li ol, al repeal is passed and ' tage of i lie'ihl seek to take advan- tuolish monomfti " ,n ,n order to es- nent policy of tfiW as the permu- would arouse from sea v> i v l l ‘ 1 b'.Miant people of this I’nidH'. ll’ 1 l,l '\ V.vcr been aroused exeept 'i. r»,i.„ v „ f „ K ,(. • r<si< eiit. rr|.v*j ,l 0 ,. s no [ medri monomotnlism for tN;. ,. ollllirv Monomotalism enruievor fiq.l n .jiy. mg place in the American I’m: ll'nvever, gorgeous its pi.image dulcet its notes to Knglish eyes with the voters *nd £ r petj e lnoinentoUH fut>t sl m rt . niuil)8 t!mt htglonou. fraud upon the pco. „p prt . ht , nsions (h|s <listrus ^ l luve caused men •plia^ *0 withdraw , defence shall we set up 1 :<$ %v: s w:; " r pot;»«!? to bo par„ w.uol“- ,’b. ‘hoy ex,at money to withdraw it and hide I repeat, sir, that it is wholly im material to this argument, whether it in- .they 'C. or or if it meant anything, that if the peo ple would give us the power we would give them both metals, as standard money upon an equal footing, but up on some ratio or plan that, would make them interchangeable. This was the interpretation placed upon the platform in Georgia, and but for the belief in the sincerity of these platform pledges that hitherto stead fast state would have been lost to the democracy. I belieVe the same may be affirmed of other southern states. I wish now to examine very briefly some of the excuses given for non- com pi iunce with those promises. It is not true that since we met at Chicago, the conditions have so changed as to absolve us from our ob ligations. With the exception of the closing of the Indian mints I believe no material changes have occurred, and we knew what the policy of Eng land and Europe was when the plat form was made. Neither is it true that the increased production of sil ver has caused the decline. It is un doubtedly true that great increase of supply in any mere commodity with out a corresponding demand will af fect the price, but the stubborn facts and an overwhelming array of statis tics which might be plied mountain high, hut with which I will not again encumber the records, are directly in the teeth of the theory. I could cite and others have already cited, I be lieve, long periods of time, in the past where a vast increase in the supply of one metal as compared with the other, lias had no appreciable effect on the relative value of each. At some periods when the mines of. the world yielded a much larger propor tion of one metal, that metal has per sisted in advancing in relative value. At others when the relative supply in the mines of one metal dqfreased, the relative value of that metal also de creased, thus demonstrating, if facts and statistics can demonstrate any- thing, that as long as both metals were recognized by governmental statutes as money and legal tender money, the law of supply and demand so often appealed to in this debate has been absolutely impotent in fix ing their value. Legislative law and not the law of supply and demand, is the more important influence upon the price of the metals. Mr. President, of course the price of silver has fallen. Its great function was to supply money, currency or a basis for currency. Deprived of this function, dishonored before- the law, discredited by the government, the marvel is not that its price decreases, hut that it has not fallen to a much lower point. A greater marvel is that our people still take it and even hoard it; and the greatest marvel of all is that in the face of all this ad- I . "se legislation here and elsewhere, ! ‘• the face of the action of India. J< Orin Hijjied after a temporary <ll*prcSSIOi, rlt i... , •v rdadel of its oars, our people rouojjnfao cannot afford t herefore produced them, lias >a hereafter with begt‘“' i ''V* c , caUH ed the panic, the rush before the election, with ' f* ^ )anks - the hoading, the dcadlv _ #111 PJI I V'fc!! « If ! ti 4 1.^ —J ire neiore me election, ^ ^“paralysis. It is the murderer of pub- made only to be broken confidence; is guilty of the blood tlon. Our duty to ours* i'« f our p r0i4 p e rity and ought to die. ,y and people ^ 1 Mr. President, there arc two plans takablc. K is R ^ or executing this criminal. The one .. 4 Hr#"* tor immediate, the other for a ling- je in ' 1H . P *, ' e [f n ering death. The one is proposed by o less am the majority, the other by the manor- «»n the democmt RjgJJ ity 0 , J flnonce ,. ol ^ m „ tw . _ r ^ | retain P^^,; an( j j n( i e gother words (to drop the figure), the ilion, can any party long bill of the committee is for the repeal ■OSJer if it disappoint the just b rs t un ^ bimetalism afterwards, and tions of the people, and by I the amendment is for repeal and for fing its pledges, turns to aslj bimetalism simultaneously. It is not | nit#) of the people’s viclory? ' “ (mr pledges of tariff reform [ ^ Ume be met, Not as oui. favorable action ...w, 4ioi' as o K the other side of the cha.., id charge, so as to retard orj It Industries of the country, epo place burdens upon or; infant or aged manufacta Uiiehments; in such mam Lrach schedule as will ligh Me-^if labor and of the < lyj / Y* iser and more c For the sake to which wc on t r belong; for it uture success# resent relief a- of the country ay be truthful f financial refl may be said, e ratic party n ■ -relied upon >-*| fcmee with evere lattorm. I believe :- lie men who compose tdty diciples of the great ?t Ur rights. I believe- t party has held t® ^h .rines of its greater * eary decades of br and defeat, nn4 a d fidelity :il- history. tot party wllli rate t prese he p j liUt unhesitatingly support and vastly ou< prefer this amendment, if prompt and favorable action upon it by both houses of congress were practicable or possible. Hut with a majority in the other end of this capital uncom promisingly committed to uncondi tional repeal, what Senator in this chamber is sanguine enough to prom ise the country that we can agree upon a coinage bill or any conditional hill for weeks or months to come? In the meantime, while we delay, the condi tion of the whole country grows more and more alarming. In the mean time, while we delay, Southern cot ton is seeking a market, with few buy ers, except foreign houses or their agents and the price falls far below the cost of production. In the meantime, while we delay, unhappy growers of that great staple, with hope almost gone and treading on the very verge of bankruptcy and despair, are imploring us to take some action and without delay. Sir. stand ing in the deep shadows of these im pending and immeasurable disasters, I cannot consent to vote for any measure which involves additional de lay. The proposed amendment must cause great delay, because the other branch of against is committed t ns the insatiate vulture which lias faitencd upon the labor of European peasantry and would drive its bloody beak into the vei»y vitals of Aimrican hope and progress. I repeat Mr. President, that repeal does not mean moiionn talism. Re peal is no menace to tin double stan dard; but it does inta intake from the statue books a law iiieh lias dis honored silver; which mis deprived it of its scepter and power of money; which is the accomplice, in disguise, of the single gold standard; which every friend of silver or; this side of the chamber denounced on its passage and has denounced continually since; and which no senator on either side of the chamber will claim has sus tained the price of silver or aided in preventing panic. Ilepeel rids us of that law. hut more than that. It disencumbers the cause of bimetal- ism from this body of death and places that cause upon its own intrin sic, unassailable merits, with its friends no longer separated hut unit ed and rallying to its Mipport every democrat. every republican and every populist who regards a public pledge to tiie people as sacred and binding. Sir. if with these indisputable facts before us to vote for the immediate repeal of stieli a law he treason to bimetalism, then loyalty is treason and treason is loyalty. Mr. President, I come now to our next promise, to place gold and .*ilver upon the same footing. It is safe to say', I think, that himetulisin was the most popular-,, if not the most poten tial, factor in the last campaign. R was the one force which made itself felt under all conditions and placed] its seal on every party’s banner. Like the great Roman before whose proud eagles the world sueeumbed, bime- tulism cun proudly boast “veni, vidi, vici,” in every national convention. Republicans, democrats, populists and prohibitionists bowed before its altars and worshipped at tin-common shrine. Its spirits fell upon hostile camps or opposing conventions and at once Minneapolis and Chicago and and all the rest urifle in sounding its praises. What a political jienti- eost was that, Mr. President. Tin spirit descends and Medes, Parthians, Elamites, and the dwellers in Judea and Mesopotamia, all are found in t! inveterate foe, with the imperial ’neth of England upon it. .Sir, from pre- historic ages to this unhappy hour, no metal or commodity has ever shown under unfriendly' conditions, such inherent, self-asserting and self- resuriveting power. Will the contention he made that t lie supply and demand as of other commodities, fixed the price of the precious metals in the face of the in disputable facts that when Peru and Mexico, and the Comstock Lode and Idaho and Australia and California, and our Pacific slopes under the picks and shovels oftheold “forty-niners” poured their steady and swollen cur rents of both metals into the world’s supply there was no appreciable de cline in value of either metal, or change in their relative value one to wards the other. Indeed the only effect was to stimu late the industries, increase the en terprise and augment the wealth, the comforts, contentment and happiness of mankind. If then hostile legislation dealt the unjust blow, friendly legislation should make the atonement and re store to its rightful position this great metal upon which, in the almost unanimous judgment of the pebple so much of their future prosperity' de pends. Mr. President, there is another ex cuse for not complying with our promises which I sincerely regret was ever given. It is in effect, that platform pledged are hut glittering generalities, meaningless catch words and therefore not binding. Sir, to these men around me who were reared in the old fashioned schools simplicity and in the artlessness of a plain-speaking and plain dealing peo ple where sincerity and frankness and fidelity were synonims of honesty, honor and truth, and where duplicity and sham and Jesuitry', however, cloaked or covered, were always rec ognized as fraud and deception and dishonor—I say to these reared with these old-fashioned ideas, bred into the very tiller of their being, it will he difficult to rise or descend to such conception. Sir, if such doctrine is always eminent. This government is not at war, it is not going to war, or rather no power is going to war with us. Our financial policy, therefore, is to be considered with ft view to peace and not war. But are we to go war, and if the balance of trade should draw from us every'dollar of coined gold, and if Jehovah’s omnipotent fiat should obliterate every treae of gold in our mines and mountains, who doubts our obility to find the means of de fense? Who doubts that this nation without a dollar of gold could, in sixty or ninety days after war was declared throw around Us borders a cordon of of defenders invincible by any' foe the world might send against us? Again, the territory of France, I believed, would have to be multiplied about fifteen or twenty times to equal ours, while the comparison in resour ces cannot be measured in figures. France has England on one side, seperated by a narrow channel, and Germany on the other, seperated by an imaginary line. She is thus flank ed by impeiral powers, her natural enemies, of the double standard ; while within, she is torn by feuds, her form of goverment continually' threatened and its very frame-work forever strain ed by' the heaving ground-swells of internal commotions- We are isolated by the seas and al most as much protected as if sur rounded, as JelTei'sui was tempted to wish, by oceans of flame. But, Mr. President, what is the use of making comparisons between this nation and any ot her? We have exceptional advantages in dealing with this problem in almost every direction. We ean utilize pro fitably' and intelligently a larger amount of currency, man for man, than any other people, becduse of our vast territory still undeveloped, with resources still more boundless. In the march of nations, our place is at the head of the column. By inheri tance, by geographical position, by the character of our people, we are set apart for leadership. My friend, the senator from Indiana, said a few days ago that in the wisdom of pro vidence it was reserved for this peo ple to discover and unlock the hidden wealth of our Pacific slopes and wes tern mountains, lie might have ad ded, and to pour t heir fructifying and enriching currents into the world’s com merge. Sir we are indeed a peculiar peopl a torch-bearing people. We have led in railroads and in all material devel opment. We have filled the marts of the world with products of our brain and mussel, and ainazedjChristendom with the wonders of telegraphy and telephones, and the ten thousand pro ducts of onr invetive genius. But this is not the highest eommisiou given us by Providence. On that loftiest pland of human endeavor, the plane of self-goverment by a people, we havtv achieved a success beyond \he hopes of the founders; we have deniionrfi’nLeil that all popular rights may he entru^TT^.T ifUilL'lnr gover ment. We have taugi!t7N* nkin<1 that a republic with more than ening tension upon the country. We should at least lower the heat of the burning plowshares upon which the people are treading. We should break rift in the clouds above us, and then, with more light and more time for deliberation we could with fairer prospects of success unite in the task of permanent relief. ■ —» * Selecting an Object in Life. The Rev. John H. Prugh, D. D., of the Graee Reformed Curch, of Pitts burgh, is preaching a series of sermons to young women. In one of these he said, as repoted in the Commercial Ga zette what every young woman needs, as well as every young man, is an earn est purpose. It is imposible to drift into true womanhood. You can only make the coming years golden by having now a high purpose of self-culture and of helpfulness in the home circle and in the larger home—the community. The purpose to become a thorough housekeeper, or efficient clerk, or a faithful nurse or an accomplished scholar, or a well trained musician or any one of these is better and worthier of your woman hood than a mere butterfly life. De termine that not a power of yours shall go to waste. Find out what you are, your capacit ies and shortcomings and have the aim to get the most out of yourself. Since you specially have social capacities, endeavor to make yourself the best friend and neighbor, the kindest and most loving daughter and sister, and the truest 'wife and mother. Washington Irvings Observations. I have observed that a marriod man, falling into misfortune, is more apt to retrive his situation in the world than a single one; partly because he is more stimulated to exertions by the necessities of the helpless and beloved beings who depend upon him for subsistence; but chiefly because his spirits are soothed and relieved by domestic endearments, and his self- respect kept alive by finding that, though all abroad is darkness and humilation, yet there is still a little world of love at home of which he is the monarch. Whereas, a single man is apt to run to waste and self neglect; to fancy himself lonely and abandoned and his heart to fall to ruin, like some deserted mansion for want of an in habitant.” It seems sad that the man who wrote thus was denied the enjoyment and blessings of home, for not every one to whom such comforts are given, holds them in like esteem ; and with regret I add that not every wife gives that womanly grace to her home which merits such adoration. Woman’s Work. Select with great care that ygu would have your children read, and read with them. Then, when you have done the very best you are capable of doing, If they should not fulfil your ideas of what constitutes a perfect man or woman, God will not hold you responsible. I sanction the idea that we must teacli our children of themselves, of the beauty and sacredness of their physical being. We frequently hear “Oh! I talk to my girls, but*I leave the boys to their father; he kqows better than I how to talk to them.” Mothers, what a great mistake you are making! Do you not know tha$ whatever falls from your lips is sac-r " red to your boy; that he reveres everyj thought, every idea of yours; tha^ the son naturally turns to his mother for his knowledge of women? It is in- * tuition—his very nature. Consequently we must never allow constraint to exist between us and our boys, but talk and advise with them, just as we do with our daugh ters, not let them hear anything vile from the streets, but what we can satisfactorily explain. We should teach them the laws of nature and health, convincing them that those laws broken, will inevita bly lead not only to destruction of the body, but of the mind and soul. Motherhood is a sacred gift, and we should not abuse it by shirking the* responsibitites it entails, but make the most, the best of every moment God has given us with our children, instilling into them the love of .home and mother’s confidence, keep ing them within our influence as much as possible, and guidipg and directing their footsteps into paths of virturt and righteousness, remember ing that we are commanded to do our duty always, in whatsoever sphere it lies. Mothers, as a rule, arc too lenient in allowing their children to spend the night away from the parental roof. Home should bo made attractive for the young people; every inflvw?nce should he brought to bear which will make them happy and contented in their own home circle. Then, when the shadows of night deepen upon mother earth, how great our content and happiness when, as the mother hen gatiiers her brood lovingly under her wings, we, too, gather our loved ones fondly to us, knowing that they are safe from evil influences and associates, and thank ing an alwise Father from the inmost recesses of our hearts for this most precious of all gifts—motherhood. Floka Clarke Huntington. a congress I*, (ft i l MMIIHI III |JI< it. I cannot, therefore, and same spirit and with one accord speak for that reason, support that amend- ! ing the same tongue. Hir. this is th< ment. The majority bill for repeal 1 means no delay because the other branch of congress is for repeal, I therefore for that reason support it. Mr. President, our friends who op pose unconditional repeal believe that e Sherman law is not wholly or ely responsible for the condition country, and that repeal of aw will therefore fail to unconditional cumstances out ic \S? * <2 _ 4> & © ^ ’ p .© & -2 C o >> \ 4 A* iri ng repeal un is an extreme any, or, at least, sating results. suggestion, I jering the cer- g the panic, [id take with even if re answer is often the me li re which G> *1 by the fghtning be re- he most remarkable spectacle in [loliti- cal history, and it becomes impor tant to inquire its meaning. We shall not search long, i apprehend, before finding it. It means that bime talism is a vote winner. It means the American people are for it and that the political parties know it. Hence with a unanimity without a parallel, they protest to the people undeviating loyalty and undying all egiance to both metals. It is true, sir, that these protesta tions and promises antedated the election, and it nia^h be interesting hereafter to compare xotes in con voli tions, or party act ion in congress with party promises in platforms. I fear, sir, that the contrast would put to uhaim the wonder inspiring patient medicine advertisement, “before and after taking.” Mr. President, i wish again to re mind the Senate that my object today is not to discuss the geijorul subject of finance, except, so far, e,saury in rtoutt ivora j as bllni as it is nee- qe with should become the political morality of the future; if deceptions may be practiced upon the people and justi fied in public councils; if solemn promises made to the people may be transmitted by the magical touch of expediency into meaningless gener alities, then, sir, we may well de spair not only of the elevation of om, politics, but of the life of the repub lic. Distrust of law Jmakers is tin prolific breeder of law breakers; and in a popular government like ours, confidence of the people in the plain honesty and sincerity of those who control the destinies of the republic, is one of the‘prime essentials of its peace and perpet uity. Mr. President, a careful survey of the facts will demonstrate that this is no idle or groundless boast. Let us consider, for instance, the relative positions and power of France and the United States, inasmuch as t ho experience of France has been re peatedly referred to in the discussion. I wish to say in advance that I do not claim for instant that France with closed mints furnishes any fair evi dence to sustain the proposition that parity can be maintained by a single nation. On tiie other hand, the fact that Frace has adopted gold standard !a — proof that this count lorty co-equal republics, acting in concert, resting solely on the loyalty of its citizens and controlled by their free ballots, may change its laws, itscb’ef executive and all its rulers wi» out shock or violence; that the republic itself may be rent in twain today and reunited tomorrow in bonds of stronger and more enduring fratern- ity. Mr. President, the day will come— has it not already come, when it will be out duty to lead in broader finan cial policies? Suppose this country now follows Europe in its contracted gold policy. It requires no gifts of prophesy to foretell the resmlts. With this nation and all the otner nations oidding and scrambling for gold, that metal must necessarily appreciate un til the products of labor will lose half their value,‘debts will be doubled. Sir, some power must be found which can resist the march of this remorse less policy—remorseless in its results, however differently intended by able and honest advocates. I am not here, sir, to impugn 1 tie mot ives or to assail the judgemcntfktf t hose who differ with me on tliis issue of such transcendent moment to the American people. I no more doubt the sincerity of our great cities than I doubt the honest sturdy yoemanry of the country. I know that tiie gn at throbbing heart of these great American cities would respond with lavish generosity to ap peals for needed help, whether that help were intended to alleviate east ern or western, northern or southern woe. But, sir. it is characteristic of human intellects, however vast their capabilities, and though their every fiber were strength and honesty, to be more or less reccpti ’e of tiie influence around them. Let us recognize this truth in dealing with tids great issue. Let us not indulge in criminations and recriminations. Let us not by speech erect walls of prejudice and passion between sections or classes. But let us recognize the sinceretyof all, the patrioti>m of ail, the intelli gence of all, and after sifting the ar guments and weighing t lie suggestions of all determine the best the prosperity of all. Mr. President, I am profoundly con vinced that it would be wiser policy to trust more largely to the States. GAFFNEY BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION CO. Real Estate and Insurance Agents. e Brokers aru Merchan _ in Cotto P. O. Building, Robinson St. .an' DuT Drugs, Medicines, Paints and Oils, Tinted Leads, Dyes, Etc. policy for To THE WEEKLY LEDGER, the only NEWSPAPER published at Gaffney, S. C., and the local paper for a territory of twenty square miles. It WILL cover the field. Merchants and oth ers who have goods for sale should I be forced to | Mon# ever ^am profoundly convinced that proper ■ ly guarded State hanking can he made both safe and effective, and that if, at the beginning of the lust congress, the prohibito-y tax had been removed, this pai/.' would have been impossi ble. I . vlieve that Georgia, for in stance, w)VftVd by this date have inaug urated a system, safe and sufficient for all her purposes; and that this panic would not have invaded our ter ritory, but would have broken at its borders as tiie waves of the sea on the rock-bound coast. I believe that even now were that tax temporarily suspended, it would give temporary and almost instant relief. %0n this subject, however, I hope to have more to say at a futr.ic day. I will not tux the sen.Ue witn iis discussion now. I feel more inclined to apologize to the senate and the country for having oc cupied this much time, and should have remained silent had it been pos sible to secure at puce 4 favorable vote for »l«n — or- may know to secure bar- In THE WEEKLY LEDGER in der its readers where to go gains. Those who have «r JoT> Should get prices from THE LE GER. We claim to do. fi i r