The weekly ledger. (Gaffney City, S.C.) 1894-1896, October 22, 1896, Image 5
THE LEDGER: OAFFNEV, S. C., OCTOBER 22, 1896.
NEW COUNTY ARGUMENT.
4
READ AND Di: CONVINCED ON
THE SUBJECT.
A Comprchc«&ivj ar.J Able Argument
from a Legislator’s Point of
View——An Equality of
Privilege, Etc.
The follow in
speech by Hon.
means of err
people
«i<
ov< t
talc
enmi
f nre extracts of a
Geo. 1). Tillman, de
livered at r-'t. Matthews July 31,1891,
is as good argument today as it was
then. It is so sound and consistant
that it needs no attempt at com
ment at our hands:
Justice is the prime concern of all
free governm mt, and law is the only
ing it, which law the
themselves have to make-
lienee r.s it i impossible and would
be unwise if it were possible for tho
people to as-emblo in mass meeting
either <o adopt, expound or apply
law, it is self-evident that they can
perform any of these functions only
through representatives, oilicers and
agents who must be selected by and
act for sub-divisions of the people
called constituencies living within
sub-divisions of territory called
counties or otherwise. As a judicial
county with us is also an integral
legislative constituency, I shall use
tho words “county” and “constitu
ency” as synonjmous terms in dis
cussing the first question that natur
ally arises, which is the proper size
of a county or constituency for.
UKl’KKSUNTA ! ION IN' I.IXUSI.ATIOX.
If large election districts for ap
portions ng or choosing legislators be
preferable to small ones, then the
larger the better, and why make any
apportionment at all? Why have
more than one election district for
the whole State? Why not elect all
the representatives and all the sena
tors by a general ticket, requiring
every voter to cast a ballot for every
member of both branches of the law
making body? i bis would be almost
as absurd as a mass meeting of the
people L) act directly themselves in
making their laws.
In such a single election district
for tho whole state what would or
could the average voter know of one
hundred and twenty-four suitable
representatives and thirty-six sena
tors to be chosen to our legislature?
What would or could most of those
legislators Know or care about the
wants, interests or wishes of all the
voters? I low could resposibility be
fixed or corruption and oppression be
prevented? Vet it is not palpable
that if a single election district for a
whole representative democracy to
govern itself through agents be
wrong in principle and policy, is it
not equally clear that several over-
large election districts is only a lit-
lle less bad in eilect? The tendency
in both cases is to obstruct justice
and to deny equal consent to the gov
erned, which must injure the state
and society as well.
Although it is a cardinal doctrine
of democracy that tho majority shall
rule still it ought to bo the concur
rent, not the numerical majority.
The difference between these two
kinds of majority as applied to elec
tion is easily explained. A numeri
cal majority is simply one vote more
than half of all the votes. A apt il
lustration was given just now in sup
posing but one constituency and only
one election district for tho whole
state. In that case fifty-one hun
dredths of the voters would exercise
all controlling legislative power and
the cthei forty-nine hundredths
would have no voice at all.
And a second example merely a
little less flagrant was pointed out
where a few mammoth constituencies
in large counties by uniting their
strength could dictate legislation.
A concurrent majority, on the
other hand, means the necessary
agreement or co-operation of many
different majorities as where legisla
tive representatives each come from
an election district just largo enough
in area to include sufficient voters
identilied by interest and association
to prevent fraud or intimidation at
the polls and at the same time, as
nearly as practicable, choose but one
legislator.
.Such a system of legislative rep
resentation would permit every see-
sion, party, faction, class or interest
to have a fair chance to bo heard and
felt in discussion and compromise ac
ton as embodied in law and such a
law .vould speak satisfactorily for
the whole community because the
process indicated would justly extract
dominant public opinion.
If we had one hundred and twenty-
four separate election districts in this
state to choose tho popular brunch of
our legislature it would require tho
co-operation of sixty-three different
majorities to pass a law, but as
tilings now stand it needs the joint
action of only twelve of our largest
constituencies, either to control legis
lation, command tho choice of a
judge, determine the selection of a
United States senators, or prescribe
tho nomination of a state officer,
either by tho legislature or by a poli-
cal convention.
Is it wise in theory or just in prac
tice to have but few constituencies
i>r counties for the whole state?
hove all is it Democratic equality
|f privilege aid burden to let our
(Wtlve over largo constituencies be
hie to lord it over tho other twonty-
JJirce?
"Tyranny l» try ninny, whether practiced
me innn or (Ivc humlreU,"
Was once written iu chalk at niglft
one the wall of the house of commons.
It was done at night, rather than in
the day, by some unknown patriot
and statesm 1 >. because he had strong
ground to dru u the wrath of a bare
numerical majnity that then held
sway. The despotism of a single
tyrant is tempe’ed by fear, but. the
oppressions of a multitude cannot |
usually lie ivstraine 1 except by act
ual force. In other words for our
present purpose it may be said a
numerical majority only protects it
self and persecutes the minority;
whereas a concurrent majority pro
tects the minority and oppresses no
body.
The essence of civil liberty >s home
f*rie by which a man shall govern
himself chiefly with t he help and con
sent of his neighbors. Distant
strangers, though they may be, his
good fellow citizens of the same com
monwealth should be allowed to ex
ercise as little power over him as is
compatible with the welfare of the
whole state. Under our dual govern
ment—state and federal—a member
of the state legislature is for many
reasons one of the most important
offices the people have to elect, and
considering the momentous relations
between this officer and bis constitu
ents he and they should be intimate
ly acquainted.
If there is an cluee that should al
ways seek the man it is that of state
legislator. Vet in a large constitu
ency where most of the voters have
little personal knowledge either of
one another or of the aspirants for
their suffrag. , how can any election
result in choosing the fittest repre
sentative except by a sort of chance?
How can voters dwelling forty, fifty
sixty, or more miles apart as vast
numbers of them are doing in several
constituencies of this state today,
properly unite to elect law makers,
or to perfect anything for the public
good? What aggravates the matter
is that the bulk of our people are en
gage iu agriculture, a segregating
and domestic pursuit at best, whose
isolating effect is intensified in many
large counties by the voters being
cut off from easy intercouse by rea
son of rivers and creeks intersecting
the same constituency.
Where there is but one legislative
representative of a constituency
and ho and his constituents are
individually and collectively well
known to each other, the representa
tive can intentionally cast a wrong
vote with much less impunity than
if lie were acting only in part for a
large constituency. What is every
body’s business is nobody’s. When
one of a joint delegation of four or
more members of the bouse gives an
improper vote, it must be glaringly
so indeed to arouse effective opposi
tion. and where tiie whole of such a
delegation betrays its trust it must be
truly monstrous to provoke an upris
ing of the masses.
Any responsibility is weakened by
division, and the sole representative
of a separate constituency feels a
much livelier sense of his duty than
when he shares it with several col
leagues. He likewise more habit
ually and carefully consults his prin
cipals at home before taking any im
portant step.
Again, no matter bow hotly an
election may be contested in a small
constituency, which is usually a
compact unit of homogenious ele
ments, there is ordinarily just about
onought excitement for the healthy
exercise of the political virtues and
the defeated minority being few in
number generally become quickly re
conciled to the decision of neighbors,
relatives and friends. But a large
constituency on the other hand may
be styled a babel of strangers, dis
cords and factions with each revenge
ful, sullen, apathetic or aggressive
by turns, among whom bossism finds
a congenial home, and public opin
ion is perhaps us often misrepre
sented as represented by tne result of
an election.
Another strong objection to large
rural constituencies is that iu their
ordinary operation they send crude
and impractical representatives to
make laws. Experience in legisla
tion in the long run is worth more
than either genius, eloquence or
learning. it requires one or two
terms of service to get versed in
parliamentary law, and, what is just
as important, to become acquainted
with tho controlling members of the
legislature and acquire a knowledge
of the details involved in pending
measures. In a largo constituency
it is only a few very string men who
command success that ever have
either the opportunity or heart to
try to qualify themselves for efficient
legislators, because the time and ef
fort which should be expended for
that purpose have to be put forth to
secure a re-election. On the other
hand, a small constituency, wisely
and habitually returns its most com
petent non for legislators, and con
tinues them in office for many terms.
Tho average area of a county in
Georgia is less Ilian half of one in
South Carolina. 1 have many a
time heard Geogians say that they
never wished to reside in a county
where they did not know every man
in it, or could not shortly become
acquainted with him in the usual
routine of social, political and busi
ness relations of life. This suggests
one safe guide for determining the
approximate limits of a county to
choose a state legislator, because in
such a county the right men are for
tho most part put into the right
place without turmoil among voters
or electioneering on the part of can
didates.
A local candidate has but little
margin to deceive the people where
his habitual manners, real character,
genuine claims and relative fitness
for the office he seeks are known to
all the voters, and so he must stand
or full by his real merits alone. But
in a ’urge constituency tho more un
principled and insincere a candidate
is the better chance lie stands for
success, because among strangers ho
has greater opportunity to simulate
n character foreign to his true one
as well as to play tho tricks of the
demagogue in rallying tho ignorant
vain, vicious and venal to his sup
port.
Moreover it can well ho assumed
that in a large constituency many of
t he fittest men for office never emerge
from private life for the reason that
they scorn either to flatter, cajole,
bribe or expend the time, labor,
trouble and cash necessary to get
elected to office, thinking it should
be sufficient to bestow gratis their
valuable and disinterested services
without also having to exert so much
effort and endure so much sacrifice.
Modest but enlightened public-
spirited citizens of this class olten
have wise projects, that would re
dound to the good of the state if
carried out, biu in a too large con
stituency they are chilled into silence
and nonuction by the difficulty of
propagandism as well as by election
being mostly but a game of chance,
intrigue or disgraceful scramble in
stead of a calm, fair and wise choice
of oilicers. To obtain all the advan
tages of a real, not a delusive con
current majority, it is just as indis
pensable to have large representation
as close representation, by which is
meant that it is quite as needful to
have a general assembly of legisla
tors for the whole state, with enough
members to prevent the probability
of outside dictation or corruptions as
it is to have numerous small election
districts with only one legislator from
each.
In my judgment it is the gravest
question in American politics at this
hour whether more representation
and closer representation of the peo
ple in all our law making bodies, in
cluding congress, state legislatures
and municipal councils, would not
afford the best remedy for existing
evils and prove the most efficacious
preventive of future abuses. But to
discuss that now would be a de
gression, so 1 must postpone it to a
more appropriate occasion.
Every township of a judicial county
in the six New England states has a
separate representation in the lower
house of the legislature, which lower
house in each of four of those states
has nearly as many members as the
lower house of congress. Now, al
though the Yankee lias an heroic
love of money, he is willing to bear
the expense of a large representative
body. What United States senator
has yet been able to buy his seat
from a New England state? Yet it
is so common an occurrence as to
excite no surprise in other states
where a small legislature, large
counties, few constituencies and
joint delegation prevail. Who lias
ever heard of the bribery of a New
England house of representatives for
any purpose, while how' often do we
read that tho lobby rings or mil
lionaire presidents of wealthy corpora
tions habitually carry options on a
majority of the small legislatures of
N *w York, Pennsylvania and other
st »tes that lack either close repre
sentation, large representation or
both.
A small legislature composed of
joint delegates from a few over-large
counties perpetrated the stupendous
Yazoo fraud on the people of Geor
gia, but as a set otf the empire i<t.ite
of the South can proudly bou-t that
another Iuit legi.-lature consisting
mostly of members, each the sole
representative of a -mull county a
few years ago, refun d >'spite the
most alluiing teinplat .. s, to vali
date the infamous radical debt
created by the carpet baggers and
negroes.
The English, from whom we in
herited our representative institu
tions, have such an aversion to large
joint delegations of legislators that
they have portioned their territory
into small election districts so as
to let every city, town, or compact
rural neighborhood have separate
representation; one representative to
a constituency is the rule, two the
exception, and four is the greatest
number which any constituency in
tho United Kingdom lias, and that
one is London, tho largest and rich
est city in tho world. Reflect for a
moment on London, with only four
representatives, among six hundred
and seventy in tho British House of
of Commons, and then think of seven
of our spacious, sparsely settled
counties each with five representa
tives and our largest county—Char
leston actually possessed of twelve,
or one-tenth of all tho members of
the house. Georgia has several good-
size cities, yet the largest consti
tuency in Georgia has but three leg
islators in a house of about one
hundred and seventy. Still it ought
to bo mentioned that neither Georgia
nor tho New England States, nor
several other states of tho Union,
not even old England, for that mat
ter, apportions legislative representa
tion according to mathematical pre
cision upon the basis of population.
The idea with them is rather than
to have institutional representation
so as to maintain local self-govern
ment and minimise the evils of a
numerical majority by reducing the
legislative power of a largo constitu
ency and increasing that of a small
one.
It is on this theory that Atlanta,
Savannah, Macon and other cities of
Georgia are much restricted in leg
islative power, while Boston and
every other large constituency in all
the Now England states has fur less
representation than their respective
population calls for. This is right,
too, because, as before said, a few
large joint delegations in a legisla
tive body generally rule it, although
they may constitute but a minority
of the whole.
Especially is ono monster delega
tion a nuisance because it is as much
a bully in the body of legislators as
a Hercules is a giant killer among
pigmies. All the minor delegations
fear the monster o^e, court it, trade
with it, submit to it in legislation as
well as in elections by the legislature
or by nominating conventions, for
tho reason that tho many headed
Hydra habitually acts as one man
in essentials, although he .nay some
time divide his strength in small
matters. Who fails to recall the
domineering influence which the city
of Charleston, with her lion’s share
of representation, has hitherto ex
ercised over the legislation and elee-
tions of this statu.
It is the hope of enjoying the honor
of high office that makes statesmen
in any free country and fair compe
tition for such offices should he ex
tended to every citizen and to all
sections of the state. But whether
in elections by the legislature or by
nominating conventions, a combina
tion of large j >int delegation com
monly carry things their own way.
Let two candidates of only equal
claims and qualified!ions for t he same
office, be brought forward, one from
a small and the other from a large
constituency, the latter wins ordin
al!}'. Those who understand even
the elementary philosophy and prac
tices of elections require no argument
on this, and the history of elections
and nominations in South Carolina
and in the nation would leave no room
for doubt.
Has not every president of the
United States, except Bierce, been
taken from the largest states of the
Union.
Steel and lead can put a dwarf on a
par with a big man but nothing save
erecting counties and constituencies
of nearly the same ana and repre
sentative power can equalize privi
leges and burdens in legislation and
the most important elections in this
state. While the New England States
have more closely followed t he
country in their respective system
than any others in the union by prac
tically making each township of a
a jud’cial county a legislative election
district, thereby also securing a
numerous, legislative assembly, yet
most of the other states are moving
on the same line, not, it is true, by
adopting township representation,
but by cutting up tiieir territory into
small judicial counties so as gener
ally to have but on^ or two legisla
tive representatives to a county, and
a court house convenient to every
body.
Orangeburg county now has five
representatives in tho legislature and
us site will soon get still another
under the nc.\t apportionment, I see
no good reason why she should ob
ject to the new county of Calhoun
taking two or three of these repre
sentatives. Lastly a special reaso t
exists why many new counties should
bo created in the state, namely to
give the people more representation
in the senate us every county has a
separate senator. We ive but
thirty-six senators now, w. :eas we
had forty-six before the war, and we
either had too many then or have too
few now us our population is rapidly
increasing.
Having demonstrated as I believe
that a snmlil county or constituency
contributes more than a large one to
making good laws for u free people
L*t us next consider if a small county
is not likewise best for
Jt-OICIAL AND ADMIX ST B A T1V K ITK-
I’osks
in expounding and executing the law.
Every citizens ought to he well
trained in all his rights and duties,
and no school house can equal a con
venient county court house for that
purpose. If large judicial counties
are preferable to small ones why
have judicial sub-divisions whatever.
Why not have but one court house
at Columbia or Charleston for the
whole state? That would be stupid,
suicidal and tyranicul. Yet most of
our judicial counties have an area
akin to sucli an idea.
While the law can be made at only
one place in a free state it must be
applied at all places and to every per
son, or at least it ought to be so
applied, which can bo properly done
only by having a court house nearly
in the center of a prescribed terri
tory and convenient to every person
within that .territory. Even the
most law-abiding citizen, who is
anxious to do his ^vhole civil duty
should have easy access to a temple
of justice, where legal advice can be
had; where deeds, mortgages, con
tracts, judgments, etc., are recorded,
where the succession to dead men’s
estates is regulated, etc.
Besides, as men will do wrong, will
lay a heavy, or stealthy hand upon
the property or person of their fel
lows the means of redress should
ever be conveniently at hand.
In any society tho extent to which
crimes are not punished and the
rights of persons and property not
vindicated by law, just to that extent
is the society relegated to barbarism.
TO UK CONTINUKI) UNTIL NEXT WEEK.
— - -•
A Valuable Prescription.
IB tor Morrison of Worthington,
Ind , “Sun” writes: “You have a val
uable prescription in Eletric Bitters,
and I can cheerfully recommend it
for Constipation and Sick Headache,
and as a general system tonic it has
no equal.” Mrs. Annie Stehle, 2625
Cectuge Grove Ave., Chicago, was all
run down, could not eat nor digeet
food, had a backache which never left
her and felt tired and weary, but six
bottles of Electric Bitters restored
her health and renewed her strength.
Brices 50 cents and $1.00. Got a bot
tle at store of DuPro Drug Co.
BOTH SIDES MAKING CLAIMS
WHICH SEEM ALL OUT OF
REASON.
Secretary Morton’s Political Views—
Nebraska is Conceded to Dem
ocrats—Silver Men Claim
the House.
Washington, Oct. 16.—The claim
ing apparatus of the Bryan and the
McKinley outfits are being worked at
high pressure, now that llie cam
paign is drawing to a close. Claims,
in politics as in everything else, are
much easier made than substantia
ted. Consequently those put forth
by both sides are being discounted,
and whether Bryan be elected or
.McKinley be elected it is doubted
whether the winner will get as many
as the 2S!) and 270 electoral votes
claimed by their respective mana
gers. A wager was made in Wash
ington this week that the winner
would not receive more than 250
electoral votes, and your correspond
ent is incliufd to the belief that the
man who took tho negative side of it
will win. While everybody admits
that Bryan has made a wonderful
campaign, when it is remembered
that six months ago it was the gen
eral impression that the republicans
would have a walk-over, it is the gen
eral impression in Washington that
McKinley lias the best chance to win,
and some do not hesitate to attribute
this largely to the incapacity of some
of those who have had charge of Bry
an’s interests. Opinion differs, of
course, as to how much better chance
McKinley has to win than Bryan. The
betting men say that it is two to one
and any amount of money is ready to
be put up i n that basis. If the bet
ting is a good thing to judge by,
Bryan’s chances have improved one-
third during the present week, ns
early in the week offers to bet three
to one against him were posted at a
number of places in Washington.
The avidity with which the Bryan
men put up tiieir money at" those
odds caused them to be reduced to
two to one, and there they now stand,
and some of the betting men are pre
dicting that they will be further re
duced before election, but they may
be doing that to entice tne Bryan
men to put up their m ney on the
present odds.
Secreta-y Morton is the only mem
ber of the Cabinet who lias expressed
any political views for publication
since tho return of President Cleve
land and ids official family to Wash
ington. Mr. Morton said: “I per-
smally hope for McKinley’s election
as between McKinley and Bryan, but
I don’t think any one of the cundi-
ditt s can rest on tiieir oars with as
sn run co. The republican party is
making a great mistake now in brag
ging of strength and not doing more
work. That there is no certainty
u til the oh cl ion, is an assured fact,
and less noise and more work iu con
vincing voters of the right principals
and the right creed for them to sup
port is needed. This failure to ap
preciate tho strength of the opposi
tion was evident when the first elec
tion note was sounded. I belong to
a political party which belittled the
extent of the free silver craze in its
own ranks. This is an unfortunate
and mistaken idea, and tho sooner
the party managers put forth all
their efforts to bring out all tho votes
possible the better it will be.”
Notwithstanding the hard fight
they are making for the state, there
are few republicans in Washington
who really believe that McKinley will
carry Nebraska. A few of them con
cede the state to Bryan by a small
majority and nearly all of them put
it in the doubtful column. It is re
garded as significant that the repub-
1 can national committee has devoted
comparatively little attention to Ne
braska. Tho democrats and popu
lists have never even admitted the
state to be in doubt; they have
claimed it for Bryan from the start.
Now that it lias been definitely de
termined that botli Sewal! and Wat
son shall remain in the field as Vice
X’residential candidates it is just as
well for everybody concerned to un
derstand that neither of them has
one chance in a hundred to become
Vice President, even if Mr. Bryan is
elected President. The reason is pal
pable. Neither of them will have a
majority of tho electoral college, ua-
luss those elected on tho Watson tick
et shall vote for Sewall or vice versa.
While there is no written law to pre
vent electors voting for other than the
candidates they were elected to vote
for, there is a moral obligation and a
strong public sentiment which makes
it improbable that many of them will
do so, notwithstanding the reported
understanding between prominent
populists and democrats, that if
Bryan is elected and Sewall and Wat
son both fail to get a majority of the
electoral college, a new man shall be
elected Vice President by the electo
ral college.
The silver men this week gave out
their first estimate of how tho next
House will stand, to offset tho claim
of Chairman Babcock, of the republi
can Congressional committee, that
the republicans would have a major
ity of more than thirty. They fur
nish a table of states from which
they claim silver representatives will
bo elected, and it shows a total of
190, a good working*' mniority of tho
House.
Tho Union Veteran Legion, which
this week field its anruial encamp
ment in Washingion, was warmly
welcomed, not only for itself, hut be
cause its coming broke for a day or
two the political thraluom under
which Washington, in common with
the rest of the country, has been
groaning for these many w. eks, and
gave the people something else to
talk about.
J
First a Mole
Then Cancer.
Probably no disease carries such ter
ror in its path as Cancer—and well
may this dreadful affliction be regardec
with horror. In an alarming manner,
it slowly but surely preys upon the
life’s blood, bearing the victim nearer
the grave day by day. Beyond the use
of the knife the physician is powerless,
and too much cannot be said against
the folly of resorting to the knife for
a cure of this terrible disease. Can
cer is in the blood, hence it is apparent
to all that no relief can be expected
from an operation. In ninety-nine cases
out of a hundred the cancer promptly
returns, if not in the same place, in
the same locality, and is far more ma
lignant than before. The same is true
of attempts to remove the cancer by
means of caustic plasters, etc., and all
who have ’had this treatment claim
that death cannot be more painful.
But there is a cure for cancer—one
which gets at the scat of the disease,
and removes its cause. S. S. S. is the
only real blood remedy, and cures can
cer and all other blood diseases, even
after other treatment has failed.
One of the well-known residents of
Macon, Ga., is Mr. H. Powers, the con
tractor and builder, who lives at 515
Ross street. For twenty years Mr.
Powers has suffered intensely from a
cancer on his face, which was treated
constantly, but grew worse all the
while. He sought the best medical
skill in vain, and could see no hope of
ever being cured.
On June 22,18%, he writes: “Twenty
years ago, while being shaved, a small
mole on iny face was cut, leaving an
MR. H. POWERS.
insignificant sore, to which I paid little
attention at first. This sore refused
to heal, and after a while became quite
obstinate, and began to grow. I placed
myself under the treatment of promi
nent physicians, who said I had cancer
of the most stubborn type, and though
I took their treatment faithfully, the
cancer grew steadily all the while,
increasing in size and severity. I
also took nearly every medicine
that was recommended for the
blood, and applied various salves
and ointments, all without the slightest
benefit. Year by year, I found myself
steadily growing worse, for the cancer
was sapping my life away, although I
spent hundreds of dollars with doctors,
and as much more experimenting with
various so-called remedies. I was
strongly urged by the doctors to sub
mit to an operation, which they
claimed was the only hope for me.
“ I had well-nigh abandoned hope of
ever being cured, when I was induced
to try S. S. S., and even the first bottle
afforded relief. The medicine caused
the cancer to discharge, thus forcing
out the poison, and ridding the sys
tem of it. I continued to take S. S. S.
until the discharge ceased, and the
cancer healed up entirely, and I am
perfectly well. My cure is regarded
as truly remarkable, and demonstrates
what a wonderful remedy S. S. S. is.
I shall take pleasure in always recom
mending it.”
S. S. S. is the only remedy that
gets at the root of all blood diseases,
that all so-called remedies fail to
reach. It is guaranteed —
Purely Vegetable
and cures Cancer, Cotagious Blood
Poison, Scrofula, Eczema, Tetter,
Rheumatism, Catarrh, or any other
disease having its origin in the blood.
Books on blood and skin diseases
mailed free to any address, by the
Swift Specific Co., Atlanta, Ga.
Just Received !
A LOT OF NEW GOODS I
SllOCH.
I WILL sell you lower than ever before.
Tltltn.
I WILL sell you at a very short profit.
Ut-y Oomln.
I WILL sell you at rock-bottom figures.
Oroeericn.
] WILL sell you at the lowest market
prices.
You TV re
Respectfully invited to call and examine
my giuds und prlees lie fore buying.
Yours respe tfully.