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THE LEDGER: OAFFNEV, S. C., OCTOBER 22, 1896. NEW COUNTY ARGUMENT. 4 READ AND Di: CONVINCED ON THE SUBJECT. A Comprchc«&ivj ar.J Able Argument from a Legislator’s Point of View——An Equality of Privilege, Etc. The follow in speech by Hon. means of err people «i< ov< t talc enmi f nre extracts of a Geo. 1). Tillman, de livered at r-'t. Matthews July 31,1891, is as good argument today as it was then. It is so sound and consistant that it needs no attempt at com ment at our hands: Justice is the prime concern of all free governm mt, and law is the only ing it, which law the themselves have to make- lienee r.s it i impossible and would be unwise if it were possible for tho people to as-emblo in mass meeting either <o adopt, expound or apply law, it is self-evident that they can perform any of these functions only through representatives, oilicers and agents who must be selected by and act for sub-divisions of the people called constituencies living within sub-divisions of territory called counties or otherwise. As a judicial county with us is also an integral legislative constituency, I shall use tho words “county” and “constitu ency” as synonjmous terms in dis cussing the first question that natur ally arises, which is the proper size of a county or constituency for. UKl’KKSUNTA ! ION IN' I.IXUSI.ATIOX. If large election districts for ap portions ng or choosing legislators be preferable to small ones, then the larger the better, and why make any apportionment at all? Why have more than one election district for the whole State? Why not elect all the representatives and all the sena tors by a general ticket, requiring every voter to cast a ballot for every member of both branches of the law making body? i bis would be almost as absurd as a mass meeting of the people L) act directly themselves in making their laws. In such a single election district for tho whole state what would or could the average voter know of one hundred and twenty-four suitable representatives and thirty-six sena tors to be chosen to our legislature? What would or could most of those legislators Know or care about the wants, interests or wishes of all the voters? I low could resposibility be fixed or corruption and oppression be prevented? Vet it is not palpable that if a single election district for a whole representative democracy to govern itself through agents be wrong in principle and policy, is it not equally clear that several over- large election districts is only a lit- lle less bad in eilect? The tendency in both cases is to obstruct justice and to deny equal consent to the gov erned, which must injure the state and society as well. Although it is a cardinal doctrine of democracy that tho majority shall rule still it ought to bo the concur rent, not the numerical majority. The difference between these two kinds of majority as applied to elec tion is easily explained. A numeri cal majority is simply one vote more than half of all the votes. A apt il lustration was given just now in sup posing but one constituency and only one election district for tho whole state. In that case fifty-one hun dredths of the voters would exercise all controlling legislative power and the cthei forty-nine hundredths would have no voice at all. And a second example merely a little less flagrant was pointed out where a few mammoth constituencies in large counties by uniting their strength could dictate legislation. A concurrent majority, on the other hand, means the necessary agreement or co-operation of many different majorities as where legisla tive representatives each come from an election district just largo enough in area to include sufficient voters identilied by interest and association to prevent fraud or intimidation at the polls and at the same time, as nearly as practicable, choose but one legislator. .Such a system of legislative rep resentation would permit every see- sion, party, faction, class or interest to have a fair chance to bo heard and felt in discussion and compromise ac ton as embodied in law and such a law .vould speak satisfactorily for the whole community because the process indicated would justly extract dominant public opinion. If we had one hundred and twenty- four separate election districts in this state to choose tho popular brunch of our legislature it would require tho co-operation of sixty-three different majorities to pass a law, but as tilings now stand it needs the joint action of only twelve of our largest constituencies, either to control legis lation, command tho choice of a judge, determine the selection of a United States senators, or prescribe tho nomination of a state officer, either by tho legislature or by a poli- cal convention. Is it wise in theory or just in prac tice to have but few constituencies i>r counties for the whole state? hove all is it Democratic equality |f privilege aid burden to let our (Wtlve over largo constituencies be hie to lord it over tho other twonty- JJirce? "Tyranny l» try ninny, whether practiced me innn or (Ivc humlreU," Was once written iu chalk at niglft one the wall of the house of commons. It was done at night, rather than in the day, by some unknown patriot and statesm 1 >. because he had strong ground to dru u the wrath of a bare numerical majnity that then held sway. The despotism of a single tyrant is tempe’ed by fear, but. the oppressions of a multitude cannot | usually lie ivstraine 1 except by act ual force. In other words for our present purpose it may be said a numerical majority only protects it self and persecutes the minority; whereas a concurrent majority pro tects the minority and oppresses no body. The essence of civil liberty >s home f*rie by which a man shall govern himself chiefly with t he help and con sent of his neighbors. Distant strangers, though they may be, his good fellow citizens of the same com monwealth should be allowed to ex ercise as little power over him as is compatible with the welfare of the whole state. Under our dual govern ment—state and federal—a member of the state legislature is for many reasons one of the most important offices the people have to elect, and considering the momentous relations between this officer and bis constitu ents he and they should be intimate ly acquainted. If there is an cluee that should al ways seek the man it is that of state legislator. Vet in a large constitu ency where most of the voters have little personal knowledge either of one another or of the aspirants for their suffrag. , how can any election result in choosing the fittest repre sentative except by a sort of chance? How can voters dwelling forty, fifty sixty, or more miles apart as vast numbers of them are doing in several constituencies of this state today, properly unite to elect law makers, or to perfect anything for the public good? What aggravates the matter is that the bulk of our people are en gage iu agriculture, a segregating and domestic pursuit at best, whose isolating effect is intensified in many large counties by the voters being cut off from easy intercouse by rea son of rivers and creeks intersecting the same constituency. Where there is but one legislative representative of a constituency and ho and his constituents are individually and collectively well known to each other, the representa tive can intentionally cast a wrong vote with much less impunity than if lie were acting only in part for a large constituency. What is every body’s business is nobody’s. When one of a joint delegation of four or more members of the bouse gives an improper vote, it must be glaringly so indeed to arouse effective opposi tion. and where tiie whole of such a delegation betrays its trust it must be truly monstrous to provoke an upris ing of the masses. Any responsibility is weakened by division, and the sole representative of a separate constituency feels a much livelier sense of his duty than when he shares it with several col leagues. He likewise more habit ually and carefully consults his prin cipals at home before taking any im portant step. Again, no matter bow hotly an election may be contested in a small constituency, which is usually a compact unit of homogenious ele ments, there is ordinarily just about onought excitement for the healthy exercise of the political virtues and the defeated minority being few in number generally become quickly re conciled to the decision of neighbors, relatives and friends. But a large constituency on the other hand may be styled a babel of strangers, dis cords and factions with each revenge ful, sullen, apathetic or aggressive by turns, among whom bossism finds a congenial home, and public opin ion is perhaps us often misrepre sented as represented by tne result of an election. Another strong objection to large rural constituencies is that iu their ordinary operation they send crude and impractical representatives to make laws. Experience in legisla tion in the long run is worth more than either genius, eloquence or learning. it requires one or two terms of service to get versed in parliamentary law, and, what is just as important, to become acquainted with tho controlling members of the legislature and acquire a knowledge of the details involved in pending measures. In a largo constituency it is only a few very string men who command success that ever have either the opportunity or heart to try to qualify themselves for efficient legislators, because the time and ef fort which should be expended for that purpose have to be put forth to secure a re-election. On the other hand, a small constituency, wisely and habitually returns its most com petent non for legislators, and con tinues them in office for many terms. Tho average area of a county in Georgia is less Ilian half of one in South Carolina. 1 have many a time heard Geogians say that they never wished to reside in a county where they did not know every man in it, or could not shortly become acquainted with him in the usual routine of social, political and busi ness relations of life. This suggests one safe guide for determining the approximate limits of a county to choose a state legislator, because in such a county the right men are for tho most part put into the right place without turmoil among voters or electioneering on the part of can didates. A local candidate has but little margin to deceive the people where his habitual manners, real character, genuine claims and relative fitness for the office he seeks are known to all the voters, and so he must stand or full by his real merits alone. But in a ’urge constituency tho more un principled and insincere a candidate is the better chance lie stands for success, because among strangers ho has greater opportunity to simulate n character foreign to his true one as well as to play tho tricks of the demagogue in rallying tho ignorant vain, vicious and venal to his sup port. Moreover it can well ho assumed that in a large constituency many of t he fittest men for office never emerge from private life for the reason that they scorn either to flatter, cajole, bribe or expend the time, labor, trouble and cash necessary to get elected to office, thinking it should be sufficient to bestow gratis their valuable and disinterested services without also having to exert so much effort and endure so much sacrifice. Modest but enlightened public- spirited citizens of this class olten have wise projects, that would re dound to the good of the state if carried out, biu in a too large con stituency they are chilled into silence and nonuction by the difficulty of propagandism as well as by election being mostly but a game of chance, intrigue or disgraceful scramble in stead of a calm, fair and wise choice of oilicers. To obtain all the advan tages of a real, not a delusive con current majority, it is just as indis pensable to have large representation as close representation, by which is meant that it is quite as needful to have a general assembly of legisla tors for the whole state, with enough members to prevent the probability of outside dictation or corruptions as it is to have numerous small election districts with only one legislator from each. In my judgment it is the gravest question in American politics at this hour whether more representation and closer representation of the peo ple in all our law making bodies, in cluding congress, state legislatures and municipal councils, would not afford the best remedy for existing evils and prove the most efficacious preventive of future abuses. But to discuss that now would be a de gression, so 1 must postpone it to a more appropriate occasion. Every township of a judicial county in the six New England states has a separate representation in the lower house of the legislature, which lower house in each of four of those states has nearly as many members as the lower house of congress. Now, al though the Yankee lias an heroic love of money, he is willing to bear the expense of a large representative body. What United States senator has yet been able to buy his seat from a New England state? Yet it is so common an occurrence as to excite no surprise in other states where a small legislature, large counties, few constituencies and joint delegation prevail. Who lias ever heard of the bribery of a New England house of representatives for any purpose, while how' often do we read that tho lobby rings or mil lionaire presidents of wealthy corpora tions habitually carry options on a majority of the small legislatures of N *w York, Pennsylvania and other st »tes that lack either close repre sentation, large representation or both. A small legislature composed of joint delegates from a few over-large counties perpetrated the stupendous Yazoo fraud on the people of Geor gia, but as a set otf the empire i<t.ite of the South can proudly bou-t that another Iuit legi.-lature consisting mostly of members, each the sole representative of a -mull county a few years ago, refun d >'spite the most alluiing teinplat .. s, to vali date the infamous radical debt created by the carpet baggers and negroes. The English, from whom we in herited our representative institu tions, have such an aversion to large joint delegations of legislators that they have portioned their territory into small election districts so as to let every city, town, or compact rural neighborhood have separate representation; one representative to a constituency is the rule, two the exception, and four is the greatest number which any constituency in tho United Kingdom lias, and that one is London, tho largest and rich est city in tho world. Reflect for a moment on London, with only four representatives, among six hundred and seventy in tho British House of of Commons, and then think of seven of our spacious, sparsely settled counties each with five representa tives and our largest county—Char leston actually possessed of twelve, or one-tenth of all tho members of the house. Georgia has several good- size cities, yet the largest consti tuency in Georgia has but three leg islators in a house of about one hundred and seventy. Still it ought to bo mentioned that neither Georgia nor tho New England States, nor several other states of tho Union, not even old England, for that mat ter, apportions legislative representa tion according to mathematical pre cision upon the basis of population. The idea with them is rather than to have institutional representation so as to maintain local self-govern ment and minimise the evils of a numerical majority by reducing the legislative power of a largo constitu ency and increasing that of a small one. It is on this theory that Atlanta, Savannah, Macon and other cities of Georgia are much restricted in leg islative power, while Boston and every other large constituency in all the Now England states has fur less representation than their respective population calls for. This is right, too, because, as before said, a few large joint delegations in a legisla tive body generally rule it, although they may constitute but a minority of the whole. Especially is ono monster delega tion a nuisance because it is as much a bully in the body of legislators as a Hercules is a giant killer among pigmies. All the minor delegations fear the monster o^e, court it, trade with it, submit to it in legislation as well as in elections by the legislature or by nominating conventions, for tho reason that tho many headed Hydra habitually acts as one man in essentials, although he .nay some time divide his strength in small matters. Who fails to recall the domineering influence which the city of Charleston, with her lion’s share of representation, has hitherto ex ercised over the legislation and elee- tions of this statu. It is the hope of enjoying the honor of high office that makes statesmen in any free country and fair compe tition for such offices should he ex tended to every citizen and to all sections of the state. But whether in elections by the legislature or by nominating conventions, a combina tion of large j >int delegation com monly carry things their own way. Let two candidates of only equal claims and qualified!ions for t he same office, be brought forward, one from a small and the other from a large constituency, the latter wins ordin al!}'. Those who understand even the elementary philosophy and prac tices of elections require no argument on this, and the history of elections and nominations in South Carolina and in the nation would leave no room for doubt. Has not every president of the United States, except Bierce, been taken from the largest states of the Union. Steel and lead can put a dwarf on a par with a big man but nothing save erecting counties and constituencies of nearly the same ana and repre sentative power can equalize privi leges and burdens in legislation and the most important elections in this state. While the New England States have more closely followed t he country in their respective system than any others in the union by prac tically making each township of a a jud’cial county a legislative election district, thereby also securing a numerous, legislative assembly, yet most of the other states are moving on the same line, not, it is true, by adopting township representation, but by cutting up tiieir territory into small judicial counties so as gener ally to have but on^ or two legisla tive representatives to a county, and a court house convenient to every body. Orangeburg county now has five representatives in tho legislature and us site will soon get still another under the nc.\t apportionment, I see no good reason why she should ob ject to the new county of Calhoun taking two or three of these repre sentatives. Lastly a special reaso t exists why many new counties should bo created in the state, namely to give the people more representation in the senate us every county has a separate senator. We ive but thirty-six senators now, w. :eas we had forty-six before the war, and we either had too many then or have too few now us our population is rapidly increasing. Having demonstrated as I believe that a snmlil county or constituency contributes more than a large one to making good laws for u free people L*t us next consider if a small county is not likewise best for Jt-OICIAL AND ADMIX ST B A T1V K ITK- I’osks in expounding and executing the law. Every citizens ought to he well trained in all his rights and duties, and no school house can equal a con venient county court house for that purpose. If large judicial counties are preferable to small ones why have judicial sub-divisions whatever. Why not have but one court house at Columbia or Charleston for the whole state? That would be stupid, suicidal and tyranicul. Yet most of our judicial counties have an area akin to sucli an idea. While the law can be made at only one place in a free state it must be applied at all places and to every per son, or at least it ought to be so applied, which can bo properly done only by having a court house nearly in the center of a prescribed terri tory and convenient to every person within that .territory. Even the most law-abiding citizen, who is anxious to do his ^vhole civil duty should have easy access to a temple of justice, where legal advice can be had; where deeds, mortgages, con tracts, judgments, etc., are recorded, where the succession to dead men’s estates is regulated, etc. Besides, as men will do wrong, will lay a heavy, or stealthy hand upon the property or person of their fel lows the means of redress should ever be conveniently at hand. In any society tho extent to which crimes are not punished and the rights of persons and property not vindicated by law, just to that extent is the society relegated to barbarism. TO UK CONTINUKI) UNTIL NEXT WEEK. — - -• A Valuable Prescription. IB tor Morrison of Worthington, Ind , “Sun” writes: “You have a val uable prescription in Eletric Bitters, and I can cheerfully recommend it for Constipation and Sick Headache, and as a general system tonic it has no equal.” Mrs. Annie Stehle, 2625 Cectuge Grove Ave., Chicago, was all run down, could not eat nor digeet food, had a backache which never left her and felt tired and weary, but six bottles of Electric Bitters restored her health and renewed her strength. Brices 50 cents and $1.00. Got a bot tle at store of DuPro Drug Co. BOTH SIDES MAKING CLAIMS WHICH SEEM ALL OUT OF REASON. Secretary Morton’s Political Views— Nebraska is Conceded to Dem ocrats—Silver Men Claim the House. Washington, Oct. 16.—The claim ing apparatus of the Bryan and the McKinley outfits are being worked at high pressure, now that llie cam paign is drawing to a close. Claims, in politics as in everything else, are much easier made than substantia ted. Consequently those put forth by both sides are being discounted, and whether Bryan be elected or .McKinley be elected it is doubted whether the winner will get as many as the 2S!) and 270 electoral votes claimed by their respective mana gers. A wager was made in Wash ington this week that the winner would not receive more than 250 electoral votes, and your correspond ent is incliufd to the belief that the man who took tho negative side of it will win. While everybody admits that Bryan has made a wonderful campaign, when it is remembered that six months ago it was the gen eral impression that the republicans would have a walk-over, it is the gen eral impression in Washington that McKinley lias the best chance to win, and some do not hesitate to attribute this largely to the incapacity of some of those who have had charge of Bry an’s interests. Opinion differs, of course, as to how much better chance McKinley has to win than Bryan. The betting men say that it is two to one and any amount of money is ready to be put up i n that basis. If the bet ting is a good thing to judge by, Bryan’s chances have improved one- third during the present week, ns early in the week offers to bet three to one against him were posted at a number of places in Washington. The avidity with which the Bryan men put up tiieir money at" those odds caused them to be reduced to two to one, and there they now stand, and some of the betting men are pre dicting that they will be further re duced before election, but they may be doing that to entice tne Bryan men to put up their m ney on the present odds. Secreta-y Morton is the only mem ber of the Cabinet who lias expressed any political views for publication since tho return of President Cleve land and ids official family to Wash ington. Mr. Morton said: “I per- smally hope for McKinley’s election as between McKinley and Bryan, but I don’t think any one of the cundi- ditt s can rest on tiieir oars with as sn run co. The republican party is making a great mistake now in brag ging of strength and not doing more work. That there is no certainty u til the oh cl ion, is an assured fact, and less noise and more work iu con vincing voters of the right principals and the right creed for them to sup port is needed. This failure to ap preciate tho strength of the opposi tion was evident when the first elec tion note was sounded. I belong to a political party which belittled the extent of the free silver craze in its own ranks. This is an unfortunate and mistaken idea, and tho sooner the party managers put forth all their efforts to bring out all tho votes possible the better it will be.” Notwithstanding the hard fight they are making for the state, there are few republicans in Washington who really believe that McKinley will carry Nebraska. A few of them con cede the state to Bryan by a small majority and nearly all of them put it in the doubtful column. It is re garded as significant that the repub- 1 can national committee has devoted comparatively little attention to Ne braska. Tho democrats and popu lists have never even admitted the state to be in doubt; they have claimed it for Bryan from the start. Now that it lias been definitely de termined that botli Sewal! and Wat son shall remain in the field as Vice X’residential candidates it is just as well for everybody concerned to un derstand that neither of them has one chance in a hundred to become Vice President, even if Mr. Bryan is elected President. The reason is pal pable. Neither of them will have a majority of tho electoral college, ua- luss those elected on tho Watson tick et shall vote for Sewall or vice versa. While there is no written law to pre vent electors voting for other than the candidates they were elected to vote for, there is a moral obligation and a strong public sentiment which makes it improbable that many of them will do so, notwithstanding the reported understanding between prominent populists and democrats, that if Bryan is elected and Sewall and Wat son both fail to get a majority of the electoral college, a new man shall be elected Vice President by the electo ral college. The silver men this week gave out their first estimate of how tho next House will stand, to offset tho claim of Chairman Babcock, of the republi can Congressional committee, that the republicans would have a major ity of more than thirty. They fur nish a table of states from which they claim silver representatives will bo elected, and it shows a total of 190, a good working*' mniority of tho House. Tho Union Veteran Legion, which this week field its anruial encamp ment in Washingion, was warmly welcomed, not only for itself, hut be cause its coming broke for a day or two the political thraluom under which Washington, in common with the rest of the country, has been groaning for these many w. eks, and gave the people something else to talk about. J First a Mole Then Cancer. Probably no disease carries such ter ror in its path as Cancer—and well may this dreadful affliction be regardec with horror. In an alarming manner, it slowly but surely preys upon the life’s blood, bearing the victim nearer the grave day by day. Beyond the use of the knife the physician is powerless, and too much cannot be said against the folly of resorting to the knife for a cure of this terrible disease. Can cer is in the blood, hence it is apparent to all that no relief can be expected from an operation. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred the cancer promptly returns, if not in the same place, in the same locality, and is far more ma lignant than before. The same is true of attempts to remove the cancer by means of caustic plasters, etc., and all who have ’had this treatment claim that death cannot be more painful. But there is a cure for cancer—one which gets at the scat of the disease, and removes its cause. S. S. S. is the only real blood remedy, and cures can cer and all other blood diseases, even after other treatment has failed. One of the well-known residents of Macon, Ga., is Mr. H. Powers, the con tractor and builder, who lives at 515 Ross street. For twenty years Mr. Powers has suffered intensely from a cancer on his face, which was treated constantly, but grew worse all the while. He sought the best medical skill in vain, and could see no hope of ever being cured. On June 22,18%, he writes: “Twenty years ago, while being shaved, a small mole on iny face was cut, leaving an MR. H. POWERS. insignificant sore, to which I paid little attention at first. This sore refused to heal, and after a while became quite obstinate, and began to grow. I placed myself under the treatment of promi nent physicians, who said I had cancer of the most stubborn type, and though I took their treatment faithfully, the cancer grew steadily all the while, increasing in size and severity. I also took nearly every medicine that was recommended for the blood, and applied various salves and ointments, all without the slightest benefit. Year by year, I found myself steadily growing worse, for the cancer was sapping my life away, although I spent hundreds of dollars with doctors, and as much more experimenting with various so-called remedies. I was strongly urged by the doctors to sub mit to an operation, which they claimed was the only hope for me. “ I had well-nigh abandoned hope of ever being cured, when I was induced to try S. S. S., and even the first bottle afforded relief. The medicine caused the cancer to discharge, thus forcing out the poison, and ridding the sys tem of it. I continued to take S. S. S. until the discharge ceased, and the cancer healed up entirely, and I am perfectly well. My cure is regarded as truly remarkable, and demonstrates what a wonderful remedy S. S. S. is. I shall take pleasure in always recom mending it.” S. S. S. is the only remedy that gets at the root of all blood diseases, that all so-called remedies fail to reach. 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