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PRESIDENT'S WORD IS 'TO PREPARE' Annual Message Pleads for Con certed and Efficient Action. FOR GREATER REGULAR ARMY Citizen Soldiery Part of His Plan Problem of Commercial Mobilization Stated-Disloyalty Among Cer tain Elements in Our Na tional Life Serious Menace to Peace. Washington, Dec. 7.-President Wil son today delivered the following mes sage -o congress: Gentlemen of the Congress: Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions, has extend ed its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame come portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemi sphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents a proipect of reorganization and re construction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neu tral. it was our manifest duty to do so. Not. only (lid we liave no part or interest in lie policies which seem to have brought the conflict oi; it. was necess;iry, if a universal catastrophe wits to be avoided, that a limit should be set. to the sweep of destructive war and tint some part of tle great family of nations should keels the processes of peace alive, if only to prevent. col lect iv (conoic ruin and the break down li troughout the world of the in dustries by which its populations are fed aind sustained. It was manifestly the dulty of the self-governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if pos sihle, the balance of economic loss nadml confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can he of infinite service. American Nations Partners. In this neutrality, to which they Were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe but also by a clear perception of international duty, the states of America have be come conscious of a new and more vital community interest and moral partnership in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many conlnol sym pathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together. 'T'here was a time in the early (lays ('I' 011 own great nation and of the re publics lighting their way to inde pendence in (entral and South Amer lea when the government of the Unit edt StatIes lolokedi upoin itself as ini some sont thle gutardlian (of thle republics to the southI of her as against any on croeachmtenits or' tfforts at plolitical conl trot from t he ot her side of the water; felt it. its dty ) to play thie part even withouit inivit at ion fronm thea; atnd I think that we caln elal im that the task int erested( t'ntht siatstm for the freedom of the Amettricens auid the unmolested self-govc-ternmet (If her inidepenldent peoples. Ittt it was always dillicult to mnaintIa In sttch . role without offense to t he prtide of' thle Peoples whose free (101m of acttin we' sought to prttct, and wit houtt ptrovokitng seriouts niscon. cepitions of tourt mtotives, antd every Stoutght ful mant of affair's muist wel c-omie the al tetred circumi~stanc~es of the ne0w dayt iln whoseo light we now stand, whlen Itere is tno climt of guardian itip or' thoughtL of ward(s bitt, inlsteatd, Sfull atid hontotable association as of ' atnters between ourselves and our neighibotrs, in the inter-est of all Amor in tnorth atid southi. Our concern for :t he inad (etiemlnce and prtosperity of the states (If (enitrial and South America iH not alter-ed, We i-cgam unabated the splirit t hat. has inspllired us through out the whole life of our government andi whIch was so frankly putt into wiord(s by il-resident Monroe. We still mteant alwiays to make a common cause of niationtal independened and of po lIt Ical liberty in Amieuica, Attitude Toward Mexico. We have been put to tihe test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefIted Mexico by the course we havo pursued remiatinis to be seeni. Her fortunes are in hoer own hands. But we have at least proved that we will not fake ad vanatage of her In her distress and un dertLake to impose upont her an order andl government of our own choosing. WVe will aid and befriend Mexices, but we will not coer-ce her; and out' course with regard to her ought to be sumf cient proof to all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish cotltrol;' The moral is, that .the states' of Anferiea are not hostile rivals but co operating friends, and that their growv ing sense of community of inter-ost, alike in matters politlcal and in mat ter's economic. is likely to give them * nlew significance as factors ip inter national affairs and in tihe politicai history of the-,world. DrawIng the Americas Together. .There is, I venture to point oiut, an especial significance just nIOW attach inur to this whole matet ofdrawinig tags because of the economie read us mente which the world must inev tably witness within the next generi tion, when peace shall have at last ( sumed its healthful tasks. In the pei formance of these tasks I believe th Americas to be destined to play then parts together. I am interested. to fl your attention on this prospect nov because unless you take it within you view and permit the full signifilcanc of it to command your thought I car not find the right light in which to se forth the particular matter that lie at the very front of my whole though as I address you today. I mean na tional defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whon we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed it the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we de mand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the ag gression we ourselves will not prac tice. \Ve insist upon security in prose cuting our self-chosen lines of nation al development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. Question of Preparedness. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a peo ple against aggression. And we are as fiercely Jealous of coercive or dic tatorial power within our own nation ns of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army ex C('ipt for uses whi< ' are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continu iusly needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. lBut we (o believe in a body of free 'itizens ready and suflicient to take pare of themselves and of the govern nents which they have set up to serve hem. lut war has never been a mere mat ser of men and guns. It is a thing of lisciplined might. If our citizens are ver to fight effectively upon a sudden mntmons, they must know how mod 'rn lighting is lone, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the gov ernment must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid be fore you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Larger Army Plan. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engi neers, tell regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four ace squadrons, besides 750 officers requliredl for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important dulty of training tile citizen force o1 wvhich I 811al1 presently speak, 795 noncommissionedi officers for serv ice in drill, recruilting and the like, and the necessary quota of en listed men for the quartermastel cor-ps, tile hospital corps, the ord nance department, an~d other simila1 auxiliary services. Thlese are the ad ditions necessary to render tile arma adequate for its present duties, dutiet whlichI it 11as to perform not only upox our own continental coasts and bor dors and( at our interior army posts but also in the Philippines, in thi Ilawvailan islands,.at thle isthmus, ant i Porte Rico. By way of making tile country reagl: to assert someI part of its real powe promptly and utpon1 a larger scalc shloulid occasion arise, the plan als< contemplates supplementing thle arm: by a force of 400.000 dlisciplined citi zens, raised in increments of 133 000 a year throughoutt a periot of thmree years. This it is proposet to do by a process of enlistment us der which the serviceable men of thi country would he asked to bind thorn selves to serve with the colors~ for pur pose of training for shlort period throughlout three years, and (o corni to the colors at call at any timt throughout an addiltional "furlough period of three year-s. This force o 400,000 men wvould be provided witi personal accoutrements as fast al enlisted and their eqluipmlent fo: the field made ready to be stup plied at any time. They wouild bi assenmble-d for- training at stated in tervals at convenient places in asso elation wvith suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annua training woutld not necessarily e>.ceci two months inm theo year-. At least so much by tile wvay o: prepanrat in for defense seems to mc to be absolutely imperative now. W< canr ot do less. The Naval Program. The progr-am which will be laid be fore you by the secretary of'tile nav) -. STRIKING POINTS IN PRI The department of war cont force of the regular army from r and 102,985 enlisted men to 7,136 supplementing the army by a for It will be t the advantage of r a comprehensive plan for puttin strength and efficlency. The gravest threats against been uttered within our own boi it is necessary for many weig development that we should have It seems to me a clear dictat finance that in what we are now t We should be following an almo ernment if we were to draw the G revenues we need from the Incc We have been put to the tes stood the test. Whether we hav have pursued remains to be seen and prosperity of the states of altered. which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make deninit and explicit a program which ha heretofore been only implicit, he''l i1 the minds of the two committees oi naval affairs and disclosed in the de bates of the two houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. I seems to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehen sive plan for putting the navy upoi a final footing of strength and efli ciency and to press that plan to com pletion within the next five years We have always looked to the navy oi the country as our first and chiei line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of pru dence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime na tions. We should now definitely de termine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. The program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six bat tle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gun boats, one hospital ship, two ammuni tion ships, two fuel oil ships, and one regular repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fiften destroyers, live fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, twc battleships, one scout cruiser, ten de stroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteer coast submarines, one gunboat, am one fuel oil ship; the third'year, tw< battleships, one battle cruiser, twc scout cruisers, five destroyers, twc fleet submarines, and fifteen coas submarines; the fourth year, two bat tleships, two battle cruisers, two scou cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub marines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oi ship; and the fifth year, two battle ships, one battle cruiser, two scou cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub marines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. More Men for the Navy. The secretary of the navy is askinj also for the immediate addition to thi personnel of the navy of 7,600 sail ors, 1,200 apprentice seamen, ani 1,500 marines. This increase woulb be suflcient to care for the ship which are to be completed with in the fiscal year 1917 and also for th4 number of men which must be put hi training to man thr' ships which wil be completed early in 1918. It is als< necessary that the number of midshiil men at the Naval academy at Annail ols should be increased by at les three hundred If this full program should be car ried out we should have built or build ing in 1921, according to the estimate -of survival and standards of classil cation followed by the general boarE of the dlepartment, an effective nav: consisting of 27 battleships, of the firs line, 6 battle cruisers, 25 battleship of the second line, 10 armored cruih ens, 13 scout .cruisers, 5 first-cls cruisers, 3 second-class cruisers, 1 third-class cruisers, 108 destroyers, 1 fleet submarines, 167 coast submariner 6 monitors , 20 guinboats, 4 suppl ships, 15 fuel ships, 4 transportr 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, 8 ver sels of special types, and 2 ammun tion ships. This would be a navy fli ted to our needs and worthy of ou tradlitions. . But armies and instruments of wa *are only part of what has to be cor .sidlered if we are to consider the sr . preme matter of national solf-sufmcier cy and security in all its aspectr . There are other great matters whici . wvill be thrust upon our attentio1 whether we will or not. There is, fo example, a very pressing question o trade and shipping involved in thiu great problem of national adequacy it is necessary for many weighty rea sons of national efficiency and (level opment that we should have a grea -merchant nmarine. It is high time we repaired our mis take and resumed our commercial inde -pendonce on the seas. Need of Merchant MarIne. For it in a question of independ ence. If other nations go to war 01 seek to hamper each other's comn merce, our merchants, it seems, are at their mercy, to (do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use thorn as they dletermine. WVe have not shIps enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on the seas. Our independenco is provin cial, and is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely ESLDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE omplates an increase of the standing its present strength of 5,023 officers officers and 134,707 enlisted men, and ce of 400,000 disciplined citizens, the country for the congress to adopt g the navy upon a final footing of our national peace and safety have ders. hty reasons of national. efficiency and a great merchant marine. of prudent statesmanship and frank undertake we should pay as we go. it universal example of modern gov reater part or even the whole of the me taxes. t In the case of Mexico and we have benefited Mexico by the opurse we Our concern for the independence Central and South America is not of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the i doors are wide open and our goods i desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital import ance not only that the United States should be It" own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant ma rine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own-not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating friend ships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. Must Provide Ships. With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present un paralleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mu tual interest and service, an oppor tunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the govern ment similar to those made to the last congress, but modified in some essen tial particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt ac ceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen; it is now acutely felt and everywhere real ized by those for whom trade is wait ing but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much in terested in the particulars of the pro gram as I am in taking immediate ad vantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and de fense, involve of course very large ad i ditional expenditures of money-ox l penditures which will considerably ex ceed the estimated revenues of the - government, It is made my duty by lawv, whenever the estimates of ex ienditure exceed the estimates of I revenue, to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any - meanis of meeting the deficiency that - it may be wise or possible for me to suggest, I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case; - and I feel particularly bound to speak - of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of - the adoption by the congress of meas I ures which I myself urge it to adopt. r Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly t of the present state of the treasury a and of the fiscal problems which the -next year will probably disclose. State of the Finances. On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the gen eral fund of the treasury of $104,170, '105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure p lassedl by the last congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the r thirty-first of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per r pound on sugar will be discontinued - after the first of May, 1916, will be - $670,365,500., The balance of June last - and these estimated revenues come, -therefore, to a grand total of $774,. 435,605.78. The total estimated die bursements for the present fiscal year, including $25,000,000 for the Panama canal, $12,000,000 for probable de ficiency appropriations, and $50, 000 for miscellaneous debt redemp tions, wvill be $753,891,000; and the balance in the general flind of the treasury wvill be reduced to $20,644,. 605.78. The emergency revenue act, if continued beyond its present time lim itation, would produce, during the half year then remaining, about $41,000, 000. The duty of one cent per pound on nugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after- the first of May, about $15,000 000. These two sums, amounting together to $56,000,000, if add~ed to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the treasury at the end of the year an available balance of $76,644,605.78. The additional revenues required to carry out the program of military and naval preparation of which I have be for the giloom yar 10i'?9,89,00: Those figuz e'tareii with the C0gires for the pr esat ilsfiai year which I have already given, disclose our finan cial problem for the year, 1917. As suming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the pres ent duty on sugar are to be discontin ued, and that the ibalance at the close of the present flsbal year. will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama canal will again be about twenty-five millions, and that the additional, expenditures for the army and navy' are authorized by the congress, the deficit in the general fund of the treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hun dred and thirty-five millions. To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working bal ance for the treasury, and twelve mil lions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; and these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the pres ent fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year o' only some fifty millions, or, reckoning in sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury belance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that it it a plain counsel of prudence to con tinue all of the preesnt tales or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 of new revenue rather than $297,000, 000. New Sources of Revenue. How shall we obtain the new reve nue? It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now, I hope, to undertake, we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the house of representatives are expected under the Constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very gen eral terns. We should be following an almost universal example of mod ern government if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the in come taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed, and by increasing, step by step throughout the present gradu ation, the surtax itself, the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without any where making the burden unreason ably or oppressively heavy. The pre. cise reckonings are fully and accurate ly set out in the report of the secre tary of the treasury which will be im mediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the in dustries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual ex penditure. A one per cent tax per gallon on gasoline and naptha would yield, at the present estimated pro duction, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $15,000, 000; a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $18,000,000; a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the bur dens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too ex clusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation. I have spoken to you today, gentle men, upon a single theme, the thor ough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no0 question in controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the gravest throats against our national peace anil Bafety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but 'welcomed undler our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and oppor tunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national ife; who have sought to bring the authority and good njame of our hovernment into contempt, to destroy our indiustries wherever they thought it effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number- is not great as compared with the whole ntuubar- of those sturay hosts by which our nation has been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stocks; but it is great enough to have br-ought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it nec-es sary that we should promptly' make use of processes of law by which we may be pur-god of their corrupt dis temrn-. A meria neve witnssed an ing ike ! ' r, out ofgreat free to'ok u plied some of ,the best aso*eu elements of that little; but how heroW.i nation that in a high day of oldetale : its' very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here-that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn Ia malign reaction against the govern ment and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hot bed of European passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible thing has actual ly come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with It. I urge you to enact such laws at the, earliest possible moment and foll that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such crea tures of passion, disloyalty, and' an archy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the govern ment, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the .Y government in order to serve interests. alien to our own. It is possible to. deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. Are Disgrace to the Nation. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the govern ments under which they were born,. had been guilty of disturbing the self possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these lays of terrible war,, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan or fI no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or t49 other side in the great European cots"='''' , i ict above their regard for the peace ahd dignity of the United States, They also mpreadh and practice disloyalty. No -awI, I suppose, can peach cor ruptions ctbme mind and i eart; but I should not si'eak ff othe rs without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when he thinks of them and of r the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure ol' her security and her effective powor we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real str'rmgth, comes from armaments and mere safe guards of written law. What is more important is, that the ' industries snd resources of the coun try should be available and ready for mobilization. The transportation problem Is an exceedlingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from time to time of late been rimason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and ce-ordained. I suggest that it would be wise to provide for a com mission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole ques tion whether our lawvs as at present. framed and administered are as serv iceable as they might be in the solu tion of the problem. It is obviov~sly a problem that lies at the very founda tion of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth con sidering and we need to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do any thing in the field of federal legislation. Regulation of Railroads, M No one, I am sure, would wissh to take any backward step. The . tion of the railways of the coun federal commission has had adnr results and has fully justiflo hopes and expectations of thc whom the policy of regulatio, originally proposed. The quest not what should we undo? whether there is anything else iu do that would supply us with off means, in the very process of r tion, for bettering the conditier. . der which the railroads are opg and for making them more useful ants of the country as a whole seems to me that it might be the of wisdom, therefore, before fu legislation in this field is attempti look at the whole problem of co-eo tion and efficiency in the full light c fresh assessment of circumstance opinion, as a guide to dealing witl. several parts of it. For what we are seeking now, in my mind is the single thouguh this message, is national efficiency~ security. We serve a great natn We should serve it in the spirit o1f. peculiar genius. It is the genius common men for self-governmnt, dustry, justice, libe'rty and poace. should see to it that it lacks no inir mont, no facility or vigor of law, make it sufficient to play its part energy, safety and assured success. this we are no partisans but hera. Rd prophet o a neae