Cheraw gazette and Pee Dee farmer. [volume] (Cheraw S.C.) 1838-1839, April 12, 1839, Image 2
test injustice l>v positive law, or to take ,
away that security for personal liberty or j
private property, for the protection whereof
the Government wasestablish d. An act
of the legislature, contrary to the great first
principles 01 till? s >C'.ul coinpict, cannot be
co.wi iereJ a rightful txercise of legislative
nuthori y. The obligation of a law, in
governments established on express coni;pact,
and on republican principles, must be
'determined by the nature of :lie power on
which it is (bunded. A few instances will
suffice to explain. A law that punished a
citizen for on innocent action, or that was in
violation ofan existing law ; a law that de.
titroys or impairs the obligation of the law.
ful private contracts of citizens: a law that
makes a man a judge ?n n s own case or
a law that takes property from A. and gives
it to B. li is against all reason and justice
for a people to in rust a Legislature with
such powers, and therefore it cannot he
presumed that they have do te it. The
Legislature may enjoin or permit, forbid
or puuish ; they may declare n??w crimes,
and establish rules of conduct for future
cases; but they cannot change innocence
into gui't, or punish innocencence as a
crime, or violate the rights of an antecedent
lawful private contract, or the rights of private
property. To. maintain that our Federal
or State Legislatures possess such
powers, even if they had not been expressly
restrained, would be a political heresy, altogether
inadmissible in our free Republican
Governmenl." The principles here affirmed
"by the Supreme Court are unquestionably
sound, and, they apply as well to the citizens
of this District, us to those ot the Status.
"Congress, therefore, can do no act affecting
the r?ghts of property in this District, that
they are prohibited to do in the States.?
With what propriety, then, can it be con.
tended that Congress are bound to receive
^petitions on a subject upon which they have
uo cons itUiional right to act ? Suppose individual*
should petition Congress to pass
a "law, respecting, an establishment of rcli.
gion, or prohibiting the free exercise there.
or, to "abridge the freedom of speech,
or of the press," would it, or could it bo re.
gnrded as a doRiul of the right of petition
for Congt ess to reject such petitions ? No
same man will so aver; because ;ho petitioners
would, in effect require Congress to
violate the constitution. And would it not
bo equally a violation of the constitution for
Congress to pass an act depriving individ
uais of their property with ouw "due pro*
cess of law?" or to take ''private property
jwithout "just compensation?" Most unquestionably
it woulJ. Lot us consider,
then, for a moment, the na ure of the de*
man J made upon us by the abolitionists.
And letui sec whether that demand bo in
accordance with their sturdy prelen'ions to
pisty and patriotism or not. They petition,
besiege, and implore us to do what ? Why,
rir, to repu Jiate ihe principles of the Federal
compact?to violate the national faith?to
violate the rights of private property--to
trample upon the constitution, which we
have sworn lo support, and consequently
to pollute and bin ken our souls with the
terrific crime of perjury ! Yes, sir all this j
.do the abolition.sts require at our hands,;
when th;;y ask us to abolish slavery?"as a
great moral evil"?.r. the District el Co!un?* j
bta. /
But this is not all. The abolitionists de
-sign to effect the abolition of slavery in the
States, nlso : and it is worse than idle?it is
dishonest and insolently hypocritical >n them
to pretenJ that their schemes and efforts are
i/v iUa P. a onrl fltio
lsj Ul>> L/I31KLI Ul V/UIUIIW mix HIV
Territories. Every body knows, and many
of the abolitionists themselves confess, that
such is not the fact. It is as much their intoution
10 accomplish the abolition of slavery
in the States, as to the Territories, or in this
J^istrict.?-Such being t e case, ilieu, let us
examine, for a moment the naturo and tendency
of the abolition movement. It will
bo acknowledged by all, that, prior to the or
ganizition of the Federal Government, the
States were, in all respects, and to all intents
and purpose, sovereign and independent
States or nations, and, as such, no one State
of course interfere with the rights or in erna!
police of another S ate, without a violation
of international law. An attempt therefore,
en tlie part of Massachusetts, for instance to
abolish slavery in Georgia, would have been
truly and proper'y regotded by Georgia as
an aggrersion upon Iter national rights, an
assault upon her Stale sovereign! y, and as
a virtual denial of her independency us a
Slate or a nation. What would have been
true then, would be equally true now. A ny
interference on the part cf Massachusetts
with the subject of slavery in Georgia, is as
ck-aily wrong?as much no infraction of in.
ternational law?siuce the forma;ion of the
Federal Government, as it would have been
prior to that event. The States, under the
constitution, are as essentially and as a twolately
sovereign?wnere their sovereignty is
not liaired by the constitution?as they
etere before the formation of the constit'j.
lion. And as slavery exists in the States?
cot by virtue of th- constitution, but by vir.
tueofState sovereignty alone?it necessan- j
ly follows that it is wits.out and beyond the
power of the Federal Govomment to abolish
it.?1Congress have no more right to interfere
with t?e institution of slavery in the
States than they have to interfere with the
internal institutions of a foreign power. The
power to abolish slavery in the States never
having been delegated to Congress cannot
bo exercised by Congress without a violation
of the Federal constitution. On the
subject of slavery, the States a e not only
independent of each other, hut also of the
General Government. The States having
reserved" tp themselves all the rights of soveignty?not
directly and explicitly conceded
to the Federal Government?they are just
as free to exercise those reserved rights as if
such Government had never been estab'ith.
- . t i it. i i a
ed. This proposition I nou 10 do seti-evi.
dent. The right to hold slaves not having
been ceded to the General Government, but
retained by the States, it follows, that an at.
tempt on the part of tho citizens of the non.
' shareholding States, or of Congress, to interfere
with the institution of slavery in any
Aft&o shareholding S'ates, would bo a vie
lation of the rights of sovereign and inde. I
pendent States, or naions, an J, ol'onse-j
quenco, in direct and positive contravention ;
of international law.
Tun abolitionists, by warring agaiist the |
rights and sovereignty of the S ate, cnconr. j
age a violation of the national faith, sane i >n !
| the infraction of law, and endanger ihesta. j
j bi.'i'y and integrity of the Federal Union,
j " In taking this ground ^to adopt the Ian;
guage of one of the most original thinkers
I and energetic writers of fho age*) thee?
j the abolition sts?set the law at defiance
! and arc either a mob or a band ofinsurrcc'
tionists. In taking this ground they justify
j all the lawless violence against which they
J have so vehemently deela med. If one
j class of ths community may set the laws at
tvJiu tutt another ? If the
UV1J UIU t ffnj ..W.
! abolitionists may sot at nought the internaI
tionil law, which gives the stave holding
! States the exclusive jurisdiction ofthe slave
i question, why not other citizens say they
! have a righf, by mob law, to prevent, them
. if they can, from doing it ? It weie not diffi
cult to convict the nboliiionists of preach rig
the very doctrinesthe mobocrats a'tempt to
j reduce to practice. They ought not, there!
fore to think it strange that they have been
j but in too many instances the victims of
I lawless violence. When a portion of the
j community take it into their heads that they
1 are wiser than the law, and commence the
j performance of acts in contravention of law,
they ought to be aware that tliey open the
door to every species of lawless violence, unchain
the tiger, and must bean werable for
the consequences."
What must be the certain and inevitable
tendency of the abolition movemen*, and
what its moral and political results, if its
progress shall be on wa d an ! its march be
throughout the Union? The consequences,
alas! must be but too apparent and appal*
ing to all who prize the Union?a!) who love
America. Tae efforts of the abolitionists,
whether triumphant or no', cannot fad to
rock the bsttlements, if not rive the foundations
of the Republic, in the name of lib
erty, they seek to overthrow her lust fortress,?the
American constitution. In the
name of patriotism, they strive to revolutionize
and uproot the very foundations of our
FeJeral system. And in the name of humanity.
thev would tear down the prop and
J pi lar of tlte last fond hope of human kind?
' the sovereignty of these United States! Such
is the political character and tendency of
the abolition movement. But this is no
all. There are fearful moral evils
involved in the designs of the abobtionists
?the violatonof law and of p'ighted f;ith.
Nay more?allied to abolitionism is blind,
reckless, feverish, fanaticism. The wild,
enthuiastic, and impetuous spirit which kindled
the fires of Smilhfield, and strewed the
plains of Palestine with the corses of the
j Crusaders, stands with lighted and uplifted
| torch?hard by the side of abolitionism, j
! ready to spread conflagration and death
around the land.
But to return to the subject of?lavft *y, and
of the ri jht of petition, as relates to the Dis- j
trict. The question will be asked, uo doubt,
if the citizens of the States have no fegrti. i
mate right to petition Congress on the tub- I
ject of slavery in the District of Columbia,;
anJ if Congress are not bound to receive
such petitions, why is it that so many thou- j
sands have signed petitions of this cbarac- j
ter ? The reason is obvious, air. The
prime movers in abolition proceedings, and
the great body of the intelligent signers to
abolition petitions, belonging to the Federal
school in po'i ics. They utj consolidation,
ists, and repudiate the doctrine of State
1 Rights. They regard the powers of the !
j 1 ? I Inn/tiA I
reuerai cruveuiniom us.jiiunjiu c m . uruVu
they believe the FeJeral Legislature not
only have ill* power to abolish slavery io
j the District of Columbia, but also in the
Slates. The Federal or National Bank
parly can believe nothing short cf this. Sir
ibis whole abolition movement had its orig- !
in a Federal heresy. Abolitionism :s the
veritable offspring ofFeJerulism. It looks 1
to centralisition for the realization of is
hopes, nnd the consummation of its purpos-1
. es. Withdraw from abolitionism the sua- j
j tainingarm ol i s parent Federalism, and it
1 ioovt ibly becomes helpless, and in despair
| falls prostrate in t ie dust- In confirmation
j of what I have just stated, I would appeal to j
| facts?notorious, undername, incontrovcrti- J
bio facts. I appeal to the known and ack- <
! now lodged principles of the Eedoral party, j
I would appeal to the journals of Congress I
?to the recorded votes of the members of j
j this Mouse on all test question touching the
j subject of abolition. I would app ai to the >
! historv of the recent elections, andespec a'ly i
'In Si mrn r\C MfHV Yof
I IU illW CICUUUII HI HIV. wmiv v , ,
j where it is well known every abolitionist j
; an I free negro voted the Federal or Whig'
; ticket. Nay, more, I would appeal o the j
[ ten thousand abolition petitions with which
j this hall has been flooded for the last four
| years. I will haz rd, the declaration, and I
j chullengo and defy successful contradiction,
; that among tho hundred thousand individuals
that have signed petitions, praying for
the abolition of slavery :n the District of Columbia,
there are not one hundred who are
| known to be friendly to the present adminis!
ra Ion. Who will, who can, who dare de.
ny tho truth of this assertion ?
If the Federal Legislature have power
under the constitution to" abridge the free.
dom of speech, or of the press," has not only
been contended for, but the exercise of
such power actually sanctioned by the Fed*
eral party in the time of the elder Adams,
aud if they may charter a national bank,
as is also contended, and delegate to such
bank or corporation the poweroflegislaiion,
in tin; grunt of creating, at pleasure, oUier
* ' *
banks, ana other airec'ors, wttnin any ui
the States or Territories of this Un on, in
defiance of the wishes, and in contravention
of the laws of such States or Territories,*
* O. A. Bownsoa editor of the Boston Quar.
terly Review. I
See charter of late United States Bank, sec- i
tion 14. ,
Note.?Mr. Moore, was called to order, in the ,
course of his remarks, by Gen. Waddy Thomp- '
son, of South Carotins, and by tho decision of {I
the chajs.tras prevented ?;o:n concluding his!'
why, I would asic, should they not also claim ! e
tho power to abolish slavery, not only in J J
the District of Columbia, but also in the j ?
States ? To contend that Congress have J
the constitutional power to do the first nam- j I
ed acts, and not the latter, would be sheer j <
and gratuitous nonsense. I re peat, there- '
| fore, that the only hope ofthe abolitionists is '
; in the ultimate triumph of the Federal party,
! and of Federal principles So long as the 1
j Democratic or States party shall Rights i
! maintain the ascendancy, th? efforts of tho
! abolitionists will be comparatively ionocu- \(
lous. Hut whenever the political power of | <
! this country- shail be swayed by Federal I
! hands, the designs of the abolitionis's will t
! ? ell nigh have reached their consummation. '
! Shall I he told that the Federalists are not I
1 abolitionis's ! This may be partially true.
{-But then, are not all abolitionists noccssari. 1
j ly Federalists ? How can they expect to
accomplish their objrxt?the general aboli- j1
tion of slavery?bat through the Federal !1
power, and in pursuance of Federal princi- 1
j pies ? Certainly ihey cannot be so grossly (
| ignorant as to suppose that the Democratic '
j State Rights doctrine of strict construction
j would be favorable to their views, or that it
i woulJ be possible to achieve their object
i through the influence of Democratic princi.
: pies or by virtuo of Democratic legislation,
j But again : if the Federalists are not now
! all abolitionists, the time will soon c >me 1
! when they must become so as a party, or
i < therwise fall into a con'emptible and hopej
loss n.i.iori y. Which will they do ? Will
j they repudiate b lolitionism and abolitionists, j
; and by so doing, insure t< eir own political j
J destruction 1 Or will they maintain and
strengthen the league already formed with
the abolitionists, in the hope of securing and 1
confirming their political existence and as?
cendancy ? Which will they do, 1 ask ?
Why, sir, if we shall judge of their future
course by their past conduct, it will bo no
difficult m titer to determine what they will
do. They will Jo, as they ever have done,
I sacrifi te every principle of honor, of virtu?, I
and of patriotism, if it be necessary to enable
them to direct and control the political
power and destinies of the republic. When, <
let me ask, have the Federal party ever
shown by their acts that their love ofcountry
was paramount to their love of power?
Never, sir, never ! But this is not all. The
coalition between the Federalists and abolitionists
was not only to have been expected,
for the reasons already stated, but from considerations
of still greater pith and moment.
Til a!! civilized commuuities, the two extremes
of society?the affluent and the
bread less, the powerful and the impotent?
come together and war upon tho centre?
the intermediate classes. Such ever has
been, and ever will be, the case. It is, in
fact, u law of human society ; and well do
the Federal party understand the operations '
1 of this law. Hence their constant efforts to j
maka the poor poorer, and the feeble more
impotent. And hence it has ever been the
policy, the aim and object, of the Federal
aristocracy of this country, to impoverish,
depre ia e, and degrade the Democracy; especially
thut portion who, In obedience to
i the mandate of Heaven,,l eat their bread in !
the sweat of their face." To accomplish)
this, their purposes, the Federalists have av.
ailed themselves of every means in their
their power. Tney have vitiated the eleclive
franclrse by political coercion, by bribcry,
and corruption. And more than all,
ihev have defrauded the Democracy of their '
? - * At*
e.jufii poii.icai rigms oy means ui unv^unif |
unjust, and exclusive legislation. And now,
! in order to rendur the condition of the lai
boring ciusses of the North and East still
more dependant and oppressed, the Federal |
l party have joined the Abolitionists for the / '
purpose of conferring upon the black labor- I
! er nominal freedom, and noon the white la- ,
borer virtual bondage ? Yes, Sir, for the
especial purpose of bumbling and degrading
the Democracy, have the Federal party of
the North and East joined in the abolition j
crusade : and whenever their object shall he ,
attained, arid the Southern negro shall he
brought to compete with the Northern white (
man in the labor marker, the moral and pol-;
itical character, the pride, power, and inde-)
pen den re of the latter, are gono forever, j 1
and Federalism will have realized its fon- j
dest hopes. But l?'t me tell you, Sir, the j.
I the Democracy of the North and East are j
I not unmindful of passing events. Since ab? j
ohiioninn assumed a political character, |
' ney have watched tho movements of the j
Federal abolition nartv with deen concern- j ,
( I
men*. They are conscious of the approach- J
ing danger, and are cooly and deliberately j
preparing to face it. Yes, Sir whenever!
the Drmocracy observe tiie Federal party ?
prosocu.ing a political measure with zeal
and vigor, as they now do abolitionism, they
involuntarily, instinctively gather up their
energies to meet and r?*pel approaching mis- |
chief; and I warn them now ; they cannot
prepare too soon, nor with too much vigor
and forecast. The crisis approaches. The
fearful conflict; the mortal struggle ; the tiger
strife is at hand, and God alone cat) tell |
the result.
. !
speech: Mr. Moore before taking his seat, gave i
notice that he would publish all that he had in-j
tended to say, precisely io the same form and '
manner ho would have done, had no interruption <
tak >n place. j j.
From the National Intelligencer.
Washington, March 28. J
Messrs. (ialrs 6l Seaton : I find in the I r
Globe of yesterday the following: ! a
mr. preston?abolition. j f
" Anecdote of Mr. Clay.?I.i his recent ' n
speechatMr Preston to Phfladelphia,related tl
the following characteristic anecdote of the
distinguished Senator from Kentucky : 'On
one occasion,'su'd Mr. P.," ho did me the fi
honor .to send for and consult with me. It C
was in reference to a step he was about to tl
take, and which will, perhaps, come to your tl
minds without more direct allusions. After h
stating what he proposed, I suggested wheth. e
or thero would not be danger in it?wheth o
nr such a course would not injure his own ir
^respects, as well as those of the Whig Ifl
perty in generaj. His reply was: I did not e:
send for vou to ask what might be the1
sffects of llic proposed movements on my
irospzcls, bu! whether it was right; I had
athcr hc:right than he president."
* The above anecdote is taken from the
Philadelphia pupers. The occasion on
vhich Mr. 1*. wis ihu3 consulted, and
vtiicli he takes it for granted every body
vo'jld understand without particular desiglat
on, was wh?n Mr. Clay was about to de.
ivcr his anti-abolition speech. W e have
nothing to say, abouttho political wisdom of
Mr. Clay in consulting so profound an ora;]e,
or tho further compliment to Mr. Pres'on
>f rejecting hU advice. Mr. Clay seems to
lave understood perfectly that the flattery of
jdmitiing our Senator into his confidence
was quite enough to secure his everlasting
gratitude. Nor have we any thing to do with
Mr. Clay's sincerity in the theatrical point
nbovo quoted :41 had rather he right than he
Pr sident !' It was no doubt uttered with
a wink, that smd, in language not to he mis.
apprehended, 4 Pleas take down my words
and report them in your next stump speech,
ps.' Mr. Preston has been careful to do
the desired work. But tho argument Mr.
Preston draws from the anecdote is the best
part of it, and m ly be thus slated : * Mr.
Clay is a great man?a noble fellow?a true
patriot?for he told me so himself !"
** But there is one point in the anecdete
which we cannot lightly pass ovor. By his
own sta'ement, a Senator from South Carowas
consulted by tho leader of his party, us
to whether ho should throw the weight of his
great influence and commit himself against
the abellitionists ; and what advice did lie
give ? Did Mr. Preston, a Southern man,
advise Mr. Clay to palter and shuffle, to look
to the Presidency, and not to provoke the
enemies of the South, for fear they should
turn and rend him ? * I suggested whether
there would no* be danger in it; whether
such a course would not injure his own
prospects, as well as those of the Whig party
generally/ Can any South Carolinian road
without indignation that a Senator from this
State could thus pla^e the vital interests of
the South in tho balances with the petty
plans of an office-seeking elique, and deliberately
suggest the expediency of sacrificing
our safety to the chance of abolition support
? Mr. Clay did well to slight such
suggestions, and Mr. Prestob was most unfortunate
in lotting the worid know he ever
made them."?Charleston Mercury.
If the anecdote has been thus related by
the Philadelphia papers, they misquote me,
I did not state or intimate that 1 had entertained
the slightest doubt of the propriety of
Mr. Clay making his celebrated speech on
Abolition. When he read that speech to
me (amongst others,) a few days before it
was delivered, there was some conversation
as to its probable effect upon the public
mind ; and it was remarked that it might be
ofFensive to the ultras ofbotb pariies, in the
great excitement which then existed. To
this Mr. Clay replied :411 trust the scnti.
ments and opinions are correct. I had
rather be r ght than be President."
[ beg the favor of the Charleston Courier
and the South Carolinian to republish this
note.
1 am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
\V. C. PRFSTON.
B ANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
The United States Gazette refers, in the
following terms, to the new President in his
new relutions, and to the probable futuri
pursuits of his predecessor :
" The importance of the situation to
which .Mr. D.inlap has been called, will
give full exercise to his talents ; and while
we congratulate him upon his elevation, we
feel that the honor is enhanced by the succession
in which ho stands. The Public have
full confidence in Mr. Dunlap, and he goes
to his new duties with his hand strengthened
by the warm wishes and affectionate respect
#f all those who know his worth, and by the
able support efficient cashiers with whom he
has been aud is now associated. Wo w<sh
iiim n frupftnm frnn tho A, loo wlincp
have been thrown at his pre Jecessor, bat in
(til scenes we wish him * the calmness of a
summer's morning.'
41 We do not know what is the intoniion
jf Mr. Biddlc ; but, with an ample fortune,
with a cultivated literary taste, means and
appliances for social enjoyments, powers to
inpart and to receive pleasure in intercourse
with elevated minds, the quiet of
Andalusia might be supposed to open to him
enjoyments to be the more relished as lie
withdraws from the unremitted labors of
four lustres, with the coucuraent admiration
of ev ry class of his fellow.citizons, and
with the consciousness that he has sormoun:ed
difficulties that would have appalled othcrs,
and secured the respect of those which
lpproval is the reward for a life of dtfffcul:ies."
Tho American Sentinel, an Administra..
ration journal, notices the retirement of Mr.
Middle in tho following complimentary und
iberal manner:
44 Whatever may iiave been heated parisansjin
disparagement of this gcntleman.gin
consequence of the political war tare that
was carried on for several years between
he General Government and the Bank over
which Mr. B ddle presided, it must be conceded
by every man in this community
rompetent to judge on the question, that he
jas managed the affairs of the Bank wiih
:onsummute skill during a period of uneximpled
pecuniary embarrassment, and earn,
id for himself a repu:ation as a financier uncalled
in this coun:ry. and net surpas:ed in
my other, fie carries with him into his j
etirement?if, indeed, he shall be suffered j
;> remain in retirement?the best wishes of
he commercial community of the Union." j
1 ^ j
Debts of the several States.?The j
}!lo ving table, prepared by Mr. Fiagg, late
Jomptrollar, for tho Albany Argus, shows j
ie total amount rof stock issued, and nulor
sod to be issued in eighteen states, which
ave resorted to this mode of raising monjr.
Where the returns from tlie financial
fficer of any State did not aflbr I ad the
dbrmation which was desired, 'the State
iws liavo been examined to ascertain tho
itenfof tho nuthorised loans.
Maine. 8534,970 00
[ Massachusetts, 4,200,000 00
New York, 18,262,403 8d
Pennsylvania, 27,306,790 00
j Maryland, 11,492,980 73
I Virginia, 6 662.089 00
i South Carolina, 5,752,670 12
Alabama. 10.800,000 00
; Louisiana, 23,735,000 00
{ Tennessee, 7,148,166 66
Kentucky, -7,360,000 00
! Ohio, 6,101,000 00
Indionor 11.890,000 00
Illinois, 11,600,000 03
| Missouri, 2,500,000 00
J Mississippi, 7,000.000 00
; Arkansas, 3,000,000 00
! Michigan, 5,340,000 00
S170.806.179 35
i t f tr\ otmrn k/? nrlrlpft )
j II IV i'lv ?IVW ? V W
j tin? amount deposited
I by the U. S. in the
! Treasuries of the
I several States fur safe
k cping. 28,101.644 97
It makes the aggregate
debt of nil the States,
existing and authorized,
t?8,907,824 32
The objects for which the above loans
were authorized arc thus classified in a second
table.
For banking, $52,640 000
For canals, 60,201.551
For rail roads, 42,872,084
For turnpikes and
M'Adamzetl roads, 6,518,959 I
For miscellaneous ob.
jects, 6,474,684
$170,606,177
A third table shows t:?e amount of Sock
issued and authorized to be issued by the
above States in each period of five years,
j from 1820 to 1825, and from 1835 to 1838, j
which was us follows :
| From 1820 to 1825, $12,790,729
" 1825 to 1830, 13,679.699
! 1830 to 1985. 40,002,7G9
" 1835 to 1838, (sav 3J
years) ' ' 107 223,809
i j
N $174,698,994
About four millions and a half of dollars
issued by New York Irom 1830 to 1835,
1 and pmhniml In fhic last table. have linen
, redeemed. Virginia has a war debt of
#343.130 27, contracted previous to 1820,
and South Carolina a revolutionary debt of
i $193,780 12, which are uot included.?N,
i Y. Gazette,
i From the National Intelligencer.
We h.irdly know how to tike the subjoin,
ed paragraph, which we first read in the
i American Sentinel (a Phila elphia journal
i friendly to the Administration) of Tuesday
, morning. On first perusal of it, we took it
! literaiya* a mere rumor, the foundation of
which might well be questior.eJ. Finding
it transferred, however, and transferred,
I too. wilhout comincn', to the columns-of the
official paper of last evenin?, we mu$t eith.
cr conclude thai it hus some foundation in
fact or in probability, or that it is a feeler
put fort by onoor other of the gentlemen
named, in order to ascertain how the friends
' of the Executive would relish the proposed (
' 14 reform" in iho Cab net. Consi lered in
: either of these lights, our readers are entitled
to seethe parngrnph thus published at Phil
' adelphia, and officially endorsed here ; and
we therefore give i?, as follows :
w It is rumored that several changes will
shortly take plnco in tho Cabinet at Washington.
It is said that Messrs. Porsythand
Woodbury will be sent on foreign missions;
thit xMr. Poinse.t will take the place of the
former, and Mr. K''ndull of the Utter ; that
Mr. Grun ?y wiil be appointed Postmaster
General, and Mr. Stevenson, present Mm.
fstnr in En'daniK u ill tnkn liia hinm. W<?
I give the rumor as it was received by letter
| from Washington, without vouching for its
j accuracy, which may be questioned."
j The London Spectator, in speaking of
Lord Durham's Report on Canadian Affiirs,
says :
It should be as gratifying to the Anvri.
can People as to the Colonists whom it most
, concerns. For the first time, an eminent
j English statesman treats Colonists wi'h the
| respect which is due to a free People ; con!
cealing nothing from them, not attempting
: to delude thern with vague generalities, but
j admitting and enforcing their just causes o t
| complaint proving their grievances, and in-?
I sisting that their interests should be consulted,
by allow ng them to manage their own
I local affairs in their own way. For the
| first time, an eminent English statesman offi
cially avows his respect for the Anglo-Saxj
on people of the United States, and honestly
| attributes their wondeiful career of prosit
ity to the English principle of local self?
l government, which they inherited from their
ancestor and ours. Wellington and Peel
seam to long for a war with America, or to
imagine that they can avert it by denunciation
and threats. Lord Durham shows in
what utter ignorance they have enarged the
American Government with bad faidi;
proves that whatever ri^k there may be of
! a war on the Canadian frontier is owing to
I the lawless and disorganized state of the
; British dominions ; and declares that it is
J only by giving a government to our own
j people, who have had none, that wc can {
| hope to avert co'lission, which may end in
war. Which is the hettor s'aiesmanship?
which the wiser diplomacy?Peel's or Durham's
? We need not slop to ask a qnes
tion about the policy of such a nufility as j
the Melbourne Cabinet." I
?? 1
A NEW WAV TO GET UP A BANK.?A CUr- I
ious story is related by the bank commissioners
appointed by the Legislature of I
Michigan, in their report, of the manner in i
..winch the Bank of Oakland was established, i
It appears that one W. S. Stevens, the prin. <
cip.il owner of the concern, borrowed $5,. )
000 specie ofn neighboring bunk,and sent
it to tho Oaklani institution, to be duly I
credited by the cashier as capital stock. 1
paid in. He then immediately drew it ou
on his account, and afterward* sent his hired
man with it to lie credited a second time
as paid capital. This manoeuvre he again
repeated, thus enabling the cashier to swear
that fifeon thousand dollars in specie had
been paid in, and consequently to set tho
hank in operation. This accomplished,tho
?5,000 was restored to its original owner.
Ti e Eastern Mail S age, in passing the
ferry at Flint rivet, was, wo understand,
douched frdm the rope, and drifted somo
quarter of a mile down the stream. The
passengers, among whom were some of
our most worthy citizens, had the presence
of mind at once to release the horses, and
remove the harness. Suortly after which,
the stage carne in contact with somo limbs,
and was capsized into the stream, los>ng
the way mail and baggage, and drowning
ono L'f the horses. All the nns?nnrrf?rQ
fortunately escaped by swimming or other.
I wise.
ColuvUas {Ga.) 1nq. ?
1 The Vieksburg Whig of the 18th ult.
gives quite a gloomy picture of the monetary
affairs..of Mt -sissippi. It-represents the
darkest days of 1837 as presenting but a
faint picture of what is now exhibited in
every town ond country of the Sjt&te. Goods
have been sold at less than half the original
cost?and lands and negroes hav. gone oC
under the sheriff's hammer, for one fih of
their value.
Mr- John B. Pleasants, tlx* senior editor
of the Richmond Whigt who is both a
Nullilior and Sub-Treasury Whig, has
published a letter in which lie justifies his
advocacy oj iho re-election of Mr. Rives, as
U. S. Senator from the Virginia. on tlio
ground of duty to sustain Senatorial independence,
in the person of that geotlemaa
resisting Executive influence, and carrying
! out the will of his S ate. Mr. P. further
declares that he does not deem the Sub.
Treasury a vital question, and that as the
people have pro ounced against, it, the adi
minis ration shoal J iibindonis*. We think
so too.?Chtrlecion Cour,
We learn that our active and enterprise.
ingTellow townsman and police officer, A.
11. Brown, Esq- has returned to this city,
from B il imoro, where he succeeded in ap.
prehending tne principal in the case of ocgro
stealing, tried at the late January term
of the Court of S< ssions in this place. The
prisoner passed by the name of Esmonds,
bhtliis real name has bean discovered to be
Allen. We presume ho will take His trial
at*the ensuing May Court.?Ibid.
Matrimonial Balance.?Not long since
a reverend Clergyman in Vermont, being
apprehensive that the accumulated weight
of snow upon the roof of his barn might do '
some damage, was resolved. ?o prevent #t?by
seasonably shovelling it off. He therefore
ascended to it, having first, for fear the
snow might all slide off at once, and him*
self w ith it, fastened to his waist one end
of u rope, and g-ven theether to his wife,
lie went to work, hut fearing t'ili for his
safe y, " My dear." said he, u tie the rope
round your waist." No sooner had site
done tins ihnn off went the snow, poor min.
Hter and all, and up went his wife. Thus on
one sideofthe barn the astonished and rein,
founded elergyman hung, hut oh the other
j side hung his wife, high and dry, in majes*
ty sublime, dinghng and dangling at the end
of the rope. At that moment, however, a
gentleman, luckily passing by, delivered
them from this perilous situation.
Swartwout's Land Speculations.-i
Tim U. S. marsh all for the northern district
of this state has levied on Swartuouf*s in*
frest in eight hundred sections of Chickasaw
land.?Southern (Mi.) Argus.
ine uyoiuase.~\\Q jenrq that theftjL
plicaiiou ofT. \V. Dy otf, Ihe manual Jabcr
banker, for the benefit of die insolvent laws,
was yesterday rejected by the court of com.
mon pleas, and that the court, through its
president. Judge King, ordered that Dyott
he bound over in thcsJm of 910,009 to an*
swrr the charge of fraudulent insolvency be.
fore the criminal court.?Pcnnsylvanian.
The Jews having for Palestine.?Within
a few years great numbers have gone thith.
er-w-.amount now to about 40,000, and arc
increasing in multitude by large addi.ions.
In the first day of lust month a larger num. ber
of Isruelites.from the states of Morocco
arrived at Marseilles, in order to embark
theie for the coast of Syria, and proceed
thence on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
Stealing Mullcrry Trees By the sup.
plement to th ? act for the punishment of
crimes, the stealing of fruit of mulbery (fees
is made larceny N. J. State Gazette.
Squinting.? Simple Remedy.?I have
deemed it necessary to notice squinting
among the diseases of tho eye, the euro
of it being purely of a mechanical nature.
- /? ? m
The best contrivance ot tins kind with
which I a:n a quainted consist of spoctocie
frames fitcJ with convex horn, having a
small aperture only large enough to admit
light to the centre of the pupil, by which
means the squinter, if he wishes to see at
all, is obliged to accustom himselfto look
straight forward.
Curtis on the eye.
COMMON SCHOOL IN6TBUCTI0N. *
A boy about fifteen years old once said
to me, with an important air, " I went
ihrough Daboll's Arithmetic three times last
winter, air ; and T can do any sum in tho
hardest cyphering book you can bring."
I did not dispute him, nor doubt but what
he could mechanically obtain the answer of
almost any sum found in a book under a
rule. But I thought he had, like many otb2rs,
made figures without thinking, and. i
ioked him the following question :
? What will tweuty pounds of beef com?
o at twelve cents per pound, providing tho.
jecf is two thirds fat ?" He hesitated ?