Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, December 13, 1836, Page 226, Image 2

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Dec. 4. Judge Strange was elected U. j S. Senator in place of \\ . P. Man gum re- i by a majority of 3 votes. Monday Doc. ">. A bill passed iis third reading to emancipate the children of a tree, man of color, ayes OS, noes 30. A bill was reported from the committee on revised Statutes to ascertain the mode of j ro\ ;ng book accounts. Legislature of South Carolina.? T lie candidates for the o!lio<* of President in the Senate, were Patrick NoMe and Angus Patterson. On the lirst hallo?, there was a tie; on the second the majority lor Nohle was f>. In the House of Repivsema iv< sthe candidates for Speaker were U. L. Wardluw. 1? U' Ii....; I I! I \ frr-r 1 ??. 1MMS illiu I'. . .i?\ v.v.v., ...... the firs', halioting Me Cord was withdrawn. i ' and on the next, Wardlaw was ekctcd. A resolution has been passed to lit up a room in the State Mouse i?>r the Court ot Appeals. Leave of temporary absence from tiie S.ate has been grunted to Judge Kurle and Judge Cant. IN- i .ons have been presented to amend the charter oi Ch.Taw, and fu* a Bank in OeorgeTown. A B;l! is before Senate, in reduced by Col. (.Tregg, so t0 amend the jadi *iary ae; of hist year as to make a majori y of 1 lie judges ;i quorum, and allow a judge to have a voice in deciding u case tried before him in the court below. And also a bill to transfer tiie jurisdio ion of the Court of Ordinary le the Court of Chancery. A special joint com nuttce Ins Ikn ii appointed on the great liau Road. Tin jo nt commi'tee ?>:i printing have reported a contract with S. Weir, us printer to the Hons-' tlr 8I0OO, and with A. S. Johnston for Senate nt ?131)0.?A bill is before the House, which among other things, provides lor making the prison limits Co-'x ensive \vit!i the D strict; and f?r foreclosing mortgages en real estate without ap.plication to court. A petition has been pres nted and referred to the medical committee to legalize Thomsorsinn quackery. A proposition is before the ! louse to remove tiie seat of Government IromCoIumbin to Ciiarles on : which is said to he favored bv some of the up country members, 0:1 account of the high price of board ill (folumhia. A bill has been reported to receive the Stage's share of the surplus revenue, anJ add it to the capital of the flank ol the State, according to the Governor's recommendation. A bill has been in: rod u, cod by .Mr. Thompson of Sparteiiburg, to give jhe elec ioa of Tax CoIGc ors <0 the people. The committee 011 the judiciary ore ordered on motion of M- ssrs. Dudley and M dJIeton. to inquire into the expediency of establishing a Court of ivjuity m .Marlboro' and C lesterfield. A resolution of enquiry into the expediency of remodeling the Court of Appeals has hccn adopted. A hill has been introduced to raise the pay of jurors to S2. COMMITTEES OF HIE ESN ATE. On Fricilcges and Ekcl/ons?Messrs. Patterson, Gregg, Weson, Law ton, Poinsett, Pincknev, ilenegau, Scut, Cannon, Chcsnur, Dubose. On Finance?Messrs. Iliggins Bryan, R. F. VV. Alston, Goodwyn,'Clover. Cn Claims?Messrs. lie Trevilie, Fainpton, Gourdin, Koger, Smart, T. P. Alston, FlI'Tbe. On the Judiciary?Messrs. Gregg, Patterson, Do Treville, Bauskctt, Masscy, Iliggins, Lllerbc. On Roads, Fridges oil Ferries-Messrs Heaty, Kogcr, Walker, R. F. Simpson, White. On the Military?Messrs. Goodwyn, Hami! on, Cnughman, Peay, Xorris, Bryan, De Trcville. On Accounts?Messrs. Glover, Littlejohn, Soot*, Evans, Poole. On Grievances?Messrs. Kogor, Pngan, Poo'e, S one, Minis. On Internal Improvement-Messrs. Simpson, Coughman, Jenkins, Walker, Dnnovant. Oil Incorporations?Messrs. Patterson, Pinckney, Glover. Poinsett, Frampton. On Pensions?Messrs. Evans, Bunovau\ Wilson, Chesnut, Peay. On Pubiic Buildings?Messrs. Basket, Dubose, Jenkins. Kogcr, Weston. On Schools?Messrs. Poinset*, Patterson. Cannon, White*, Wilson. On the South Carolina College?Messrs. Gregg, Goothvyrf, Beniy, l)c Treville, Simmons. On Vacant Oaires ?Messrs. Dugan, Litu O tlfjolin, Wilson, Cannon. Durant. On Lands?Messrs. B. F. W. Alston, Brvan, T. P. Alston, Ilonegan, Basket. On Religion?Messrs. Stone, Mtmey, Xorris, Duiant, Minis. On Engrossed Bills?Messrs. Simmons, White, Evans, Smar', Xorris. On Agriculture-Messrs. Wilson, Frampton. Chesnut, Lawton, Gourdin. T A.?.l M KJll Jjurau/c jLisyiuri? :CftV?hman, Glover, f eay, Pool. On Legislative Library?Messis. T. P. Alston, Dunovan', Goodwyn. On Federal Relations?Messrs. 11 amilton, Patterson, H. F, \V. Alston, Pincktiey, B mtv, Busketr, Ellerbe. On Medical Accounts?Messrs. Du novan t, Goodwyn, Simmons, I lencgan, \\ eston. STANDING COMMITTEES OK THE HOUSE OK REPRESENTATIVES. Committee of Privileges and Elections.? Ker Boyce, Jno. S. Jeter, J. II. irby, Jno. D. Edwards, A. M. Smith, Joseph Scott, Wm. Reed, John \V. Durunt, J. B. Ellis. S. J. Palmer, John Palmer, John A. W igfall, P? P. Pulmer, Joseph Alston, Tiios. L. Powe, C. \V. Dudley, J. W. Coachman, T. J. Goodwyn, David McDowell, XV. X\. -Glenn, XV. XV. Ilarllee, B. T. Elmore, F. XV. Symmes, XV. It. Burgess, Isaac Lenoir, Henry Arthur, John P. Noel, J. \V. Wi h. crspoon, James A. Strohinrt, John M. Allen, John Murray, James Gillam, John Douglass, John Crawford, John Willson, Benjamin Perry, T. P. Brock man, V. D. V. Jamison, David Garvin, W. (J. Ituberdsi George Muggins, Wm. J. Bull. Committee of Ways and Means.?F. W. Davie, C. T. E'm<O, (j. Munvu.ii'grv. F. W. Symmcs, Charles Edmondston, Ker Rover, 1 >tls Mills. P. A. Porchor, A. R. Arnold, Tiios. E. Powc, John Wilson Lewis .1. Pa tcrson. Committee on Fctlrra! Rr/uiions.?D. J. McCord.Max. La horde, Richard Yeadon, jr. ! F. W. Davie, B. F. Perry, A. II. Belin, J. H. Irby, J. L. Potiigru, J. T. Whiteti.'U, John S. Jeter. John I). Edwards, II. 1!. Thomson. O. R. Rroyles. Committor on the Judiciary.?J. L. Pettiirru, W. F. Coleock, If. 0. Young,J. W. Toomer, D. J. MeCord, J. D. Witherspoon, A. W. Thomson, R. F. Perry, Edward Frost, A. M. Smith, A. W. Ilarllec. Committee on Internal Improvements.? Edward Frost, Joint Piiiilips, Jaincs Cillam, 1). R. Rroyles. John J. Mvers, Joseph Alston. \Ym. J. Bull, R. (I. Mills. J. M. Adams, T. P. Rrockmnn, James R. Richard:son.. Committee on Claims.?A. M. Smith, R. W. .Seymour. M. A. Moore. Henry Ar* ' ? " i ? ' ' ! .* W tiiiir. Joan .Wnxwci'. J. . ' oacnman, *>. M. Duniap. M. M. Levy, 1L 1L ?Spann. James Pair, A. Larry. Committee en the. Mi,'Hart/.? Thomas P. Jones. Edward II. Edwards. P?. T. Elmore, ; Thos. J. Pripp, John I luiet, James Gillnm, ! \V. J. Bollards, Tnomns G. ('ait, W. \\ . Ilarlleo. John Martin, Lemuel Boozer. Committee o.i Ponds. Bridges und Ferric". ' ?J. II. Irby, K. W. Seymour, Bailey Bnr' on, P. P. Palmer, John 1). Murray, Isaac 1 [.enoir. J. P. Crocket', Abnor Whntlvv, J. II. Perry, W. J. Bulu.ivl, S. X. Kvins, J. I P. F.rvin, J. C. Kerr. Committee on J'uen'ie Buildings.?A. W. Thomson, Itichard Yeadon. jr., Wm. Cross. S. P. I'ipley, W. It. Burgess, J. W. Publish, W. \Y. Gicnn, Wm. Woods, Jno. Don?! iss, Jolm Willson, James Tompkins. Cosnn.ltee on Pension".?Patrick C. I Caldwell. John Buchanan, J. B. Ellis, John 1 Crawford, Julia W. Durant. David Garvin, George I lupins, Joseph Scot', Til man Watson, J. II. Hoy. J. 1\ Xeed. Committee on Incorporations.?J. W. Toomcr, David II. Means, James Moore, J. P. Kern, Jo'm I>. Bowers, Benjamin P. rry, Abraham Hardin, J. P. Murdousdi, II. Sheridan, John A. Wi^fail, C. W. DudO ' i h?v_ Committee o.: Education.?\V. F. Colcock. C. G. Memniingor, A". P. V. Jami*; son, Lemuel Roozor, T. J. Goodwyn, L. J. Patterson, James A. S robhart, Max. Lni bor-P, A. II. Beilin, J.D. AVi h.Tspoon, II. ill. Thomson. j Comm ittee on Accounts.?David MeDow. ell, George Gibbon, Donald Douglass, K!is!ia Tyler, Spartan Goodie4!, J.M.Allen. 1?. L. McLauohlin, John Middleton, S. F. <iibson. J. II. Moliutt, Samuel Riiney, S. J. Palmer. Committee on Colored Population.?F. A. Porchor. D. II. Means, R. H. Spann, John Maxwell, T. F. Jones, John 11uiot, I T J. Goodwyn, J. A. Strobhari, J. S. MePncrson. Committee on Agriculture?John 3. Jo'er, Ciiarles Kdmonds'on, J. C. Kerr, AV. J. RulL J.S. McPhcrson. William Reed, Jas. ' : Fair, Isaac Lenoir, Abner Wlwtley. { Medical Committee.?A. II. Arnold, W. 11 J. Buford, Thomas K. Powo, II. Sheridan, i M. A. Moore, O. R. Broylcs, J. L5. Row! crs. { Committee on Grievances.?R. (J. Mills, O. Mills, J. J. Myers, W. \\\ Garvin. J. R. Richardson, Spartan Goodie tt, Patrick C. Caldwell, L. J. Patterson, Wm. Reed. Committee on Vacant Offices.?M. M. Lew. James II. Adams, T. P. Brockmnn, W. G. Robcrds, S. P. Ripley, V. D. V. Jainison. Engrossing Committee.?II* C. Vonnjr, T. G. Carr, F. W. Synnnes, Edward II. Edwards, Wm. Woods. * rnOM TTT f r.r TCtni'VT < AT A r. X' l+\ A U.IV. 1 i UV.l illb i i FINANCES. You will perceive, from tiio report of the Secretary of llio Treasury, that the financial means of the country continue to keep pace with its improvement in all other respects. The receipts into the Treasury during the present year will amount to about 847,691,S9S; those from customs being estimated at 822,5*23,151, those from lands at about 8*24,000,000 ; and the residue from miscellaneous sources. The expenditures for all | objects during the year, are estimated nof to exceed 832,000,000, which will leave a balance in the Treasury lor public purpo! scs, on the 1st day of January next, of i about 841,723,950. This sum, with the ! exception of live millions, will be transferred t<? the several S ates, in accordance with the provisions of the act regulating the deposites of the public money. ! The unexpended balances of appropriation on the 1st day of January next, are es1 oi a nn.i I.,- C'O IininiCIl ill Ol'i.l'OUjUWv, 1111^ uy v^,. j 630.00*2, the amount which will be loft in ! the depositc bank.?, subject to the draft of the Treasurer of the United States. ?1W ' the contemplated transfers to the several | Stales are made. If, therefore, the future receipts should not ha sufficient to meet C iese outstanding and future appropriations. : there may he soon a necessity to use a portion of the funds deposited with the States. The consequences apprehended wh'-n the depositc act of the last session received a reluctant approval, have been measurably realized. Though an act merely for doposite of the surplus moneys of the l ulled States in the State treasuries for safe keeping, until they may he wanted lor the service of the (ie.icral Government, it has been ex ten ' sivtlv spoken of as an act to give the mon"y to the several States, and they have been advised to use it as a gilt, without regard to the means of refunding it when call. ! ed ibc. Such a suggestion has doubtless Ixen made wi bout a duo consideration of the obligation of the depositc act, and without a proper attcnt'on to the various princieiples and interests which are affected by it. h is manifest, that the law itself cannot | : sanction such a suggestion, and that, as it ( j now stands, the States have no more an- j thoritv to receive and use these depositcs, without intending to return them, than any d- posite hank, or any individual tcmporari\ . ;i;,<j??d wl'h tli'i saf".'reaping Ar anr?!i. cation of the public money, would now I have for converting the same to their pri-' vate use, without the consent and ngnins: the will of the (lovernment. Hut independently of the violation of public faith and moral obligation which are involved in this suggestion, when examined in reference to j the terms of the present deposite act, it is ' believed that the considerations whiclr j should govern the future legislation ofConj gross 0:1 this subject, will be equally conclusive against the adoption of any measure recognizing the principles 011 which the ' suggestion has been made, i Considering the intimate connexion of 1 h " it 1? i m u\?\ r\ 1 #* 1 ? %\tC? rvl' U1<J MiUJUWl \> Mil llll' IWIUll^UW nil' M.CiO U1 lliu i country, and its great importance in wliatI ever aspect it can be viewed, I have bestow. J ed upon ii tee mo it anxious reflection, and 1 feci it to be my duty to state to Congress J such thoughts as have occurred to me, to I aid their deliberation in treating it in the j manner best calculated to conduce to the 1 common good. The experience of o :hcr nations adntonj ished us to lias on the nxiinguishmcnt of the I public debt; but it will be in vain that wc have congratulated each other upon the d;sappearance of this evil, if we do not guard | against the equally great one of promoting nr..* iuiiicco"sitr\ uv<.imuii>iuwii \ji |?uun?. ' revenue. No poli.ical maxim is better established than lhat which tells us thaf an improvident expenditure of money is the pnj rent of profligacy, and that no people can i hope to perpetuate their liberties, who long : acquiesce in a policy which taxes them for objects not neeossarv to the legitimate and * i * > j real wants ol tncir Government. r lartcr; ing as is the condition ofour country at the i present period, because of its unexampled | advance in ail the steps of social and politi cal. improvement, it cannot be disguised that ; there is a lurking danger already apparent ; in the neglect of ibis warning tni h, and that j the time lias arrived when the reprcsentaj tives of tlie people should be employed in ! devising some more appropriate remedy i than now exists, to avert it. I - . i I n- 'er our pn-scnt revenue system, there j is every probability that there will continue i to be a surplus beyond the wants of the j Government: and it has become our duty | to decide whether such a result he consistent with the true objects of our Governnu \t. Should a surplus bo permitted to accumulate beyond the appropriations, it must be retained in the Treasury as it now is, or d.'s ributcd among the people or the States. To retain it in the Treasury unemployed in any way, is impracticable. It is, besides, against toe genius of our free ins itutions to lock up in vaul's the treasure of the nation. To lake from the people the right of bearI ing arms, and put their weapons of defence 1 in the hands of a standing army, would ho ' scarcely more dangerous to '.heir liberties, than to permit the Government to accumulate immense amounts of treasure beyond 1 the supplies necessary to its legitimate wants, j Such a treasure would doubtless be employ cd at some time, as it lias ixcn in o nor countries, when opportunity temp'cd ambition. To collect it merely for distribution to the States, would seem m he highly inyutilie, j if not as dangerous as t!ic proposition to j retain it in the Treasury. The shortest reflection must satisfy every one, that to require the people to pay taxes to the GovI eminent merely that they may be paid back ' again, is sporting with the substantial inter, jests of the country, and 110 system which i produces such a result can he expected to i receive the public countenance. Nothing j could bo gained by it, even if each individ! ual who contributed a portion of the tax, J could receive back promptly the same portion. Hut, it is apparent, that no system of ! the kind can ever bo enforced which will j not absorb a considerable portion of the iv?r?nr?\- tn ho distributed in salaries and com j missions to the ngents employed in the process, ami in tiie various losses and depreciations which arise from other causes ; and : the practical effect of such an attempt must | ever be to burdt a the people with taxes, not J for purposes beneficial to them, but to swell ! the profits of depositc banks and support a i ! hand of useless public officers. .V distribution to the people is imprne- ; tieablc and unjust in other respects. It would be taking one man's property, and giving it to another. Such would be the unavoidable result of a rule of equality, j(and none | other is spoken of or would be likely to be; 1 adopted,) inasmuch as there is no mode by ; which the amount of the individual contributions of our citizens to the public revenue ! can be ascertained. Wo know that they, contribute unequally ; and a rule, therefore, that would distribute to them equally, would be liable to all the objections which apply to the principle of an equal division of pro.. pcrty. To make the General Government1 the instrument of carrying this odious princi-; nlc into effect wrruftt bo at once to destroy the means of its usefulness, and change the i character designed for it by the framcrs of the constitution. lJut the more extended and injurious con. I sequences likely to result from a policy! J which would collect a surplus revenue for; the purpose of distributing it. may be forci- j bly illustrated by an examination of the ef- [ feels already produced by the.present des- j potic act. This act. although certainly do-1 ( signed to secure the safe-keeping of the j public revenue, is not entirely free in its tendencies from many of the objections which I apply to this principle of distribution. The Government had, without necessity, rccciv-: ' ed from the people a large surplus, which, i instead of being employed as heretofore,' and returned to them by means of the pub- j lie expenditure, was deposited with sundrv > banks. The banks proceed*. 1 to make j loans upon this surplus, and thus converted ; it into banking capital; and in this manner! it has tended to multiply bank charters, and i has had a great agency in producing a spirit j of wild speculation. The possession and j use of the property out ofwnichthis surplus was created, belonged to the people; but the Government has transferred its possession to incorporated banks, whose interest and effort v i? to make large profits out of its use. This process need on'v be stated to show its injustice and bad policy. And the same observations apply to the influence which is produced by the steps necessary to collect as well as to distribute such a revenue. About three-fifths of all the duties 011 imposts are paid in the city of New York ; but it is obvious that the means to pav tiiose duties are drawn from every part of the Union. Every citizen in every State, who purchases and consumes an article which has paid a duty at that port, contributes to the accumulating mass. The surplus collected there, must, therefore, be made up of moneys or property withdrawn from other points or other States. Thus the wealth and business of every region from which these surplus funds proceed, must be to some extent injured, while thai I of the place where the funds arc concentra! ted and are employed in hanking, am pro ! poriionably extended. But both in making the transfer of the funds which arc first ncccssary to pay the duties and collect the surplus, and in making the re-transfer whic! becomes necessary when the time arrives for distribu ion of that surplus, there is .1 considerable period when the funds canno be brought in use; and it ;s manifest that besides the loss inevitable from such at operation, its tendency is to produce fluent ntions in the business of the country, whicl are always productive of speculation ani detrimental to the interests of regular trade : Argument can scarcely he necessary tc ' show, that a nv\*isun? of this cbnraetei ! ought not to receive further legislative en ! couragcmenr. I By examining the practical operation o ! tlie ratio for distribution adopted in the de 1 posiie bill of the last sess: m, we shall dis cover other features that appear equally ob jectionablc. Let it be assumed, for lh< i sake4 of argument, that the surplus money; | to be deposited with the States have beet i collected and belong to them in the ratio o their federal representative population?ai assumption founded upon the fact that an} deficicncos in our future revenue from im i posts and public lands, must be made up b\ 1 direct taxes collected from the States in tha ratio. It is proposed to distribute the sur plus, say $30,000,000, not according to the ratio in which it has been collected and he longs to the people of the States, hut in tha of their votes in the colleges of Elector: ; of President and Vice Presided. Th< ; effect of a distribution upon that ratio i; j shown by the annexed table marked A. l?y an examination of that table, it will b< j perceived that in the distribution ofasurp'u: ! of 830,000,000 upon that basis, there is : great departure -from the principle whic! j regards representation as the irue mcastin i of taxation; and it will be found that the ten : deary of that departure will bo to increase j whatever inequalities have been supposed t< i attend the operation of our federal systen in respect to its bearings upon the ditlbren interests of the Union. In making the basi of representation the basis of taxation, th< pcctations ollhc large states. u was cortainiy the intention of that provision of the constitution which declares that "all duties, imposts and excises" shall "bo uniform throughout the United States," to make the burdens of taxation A*lt equally upon the people in whatever States of the Union they may reside. But what would be the value of such a uniform rule, if the moneys raised by it could be immediately relurncd by a different one, which will give to the people of some States much more, and to those of others much less than their fair proportions ! Were the Federal Government to exempt, in express terms, the imports, products and manufactures of some portions of the country from all duties, while it imposed heavy ones on others, the injustice could not bo greater. It would bo easy to show how, by the operation of such a principle, tlie large States of the Union would not only have to contribute their just share towards the support of the Federal Government, but also have to bear in some degree the taxes necessary to support the Governments of their smaller sisters; but it is deemed unnecessary to state the details where the general principle is so obvious. A system liable to such objections can never be supposed to have been sanctioned by the framers ofthe constitution, when they conferred on Congress the taxing power; and 1 feel persuaded that a mature examination ofthe subject will satisfy every one that there are insurmountable difficulties in the j operation of any plan which can be devised.! rijVr<1{?'lct:ng revr-nfor the mirn^e of' In mors of the constitution intended to equal izc the burdens which arc necessary lo sup port the Government; and the adoption o that ratio, while it accomplished this object was also the means of adjusting other greal j topics uiisiu- out of die conflicting view! respecting the political equality of the vari ous members of the confederacy. What ever, therefore, disturbs the liberal spirit o compromises which established a rule of the . taxation so just and equitable, and whicl experience lias proved to be so well adapt i cd to the genius and habits of our people should be received with the greatest cautior I O ! and distrust. |" A bare inspection, in ti c annexed table of the difference produced by the ratio used in the depositeact, compared with the results of a distribution according to the ratio of direct taxation, must satisfy every unprejudiced mind, that the former ratio contravenes the spirit of the constitution, and produces a degree of injustice in the operation ^ 1 . 1 ' I 1 1 ol tuc rccicral uovernmeni wnicn wouki be fatal to the I,ope of perpetuating it. By the ratio of direct taxation, for example, the State of Delaware, in the collection of 830,. 000,000 of revenue, would pay into the treasury 8189,710; and in a distribution ol 830.000,000 she would receive back from the Government, according to the ratio ol the depositc bill, the sum of 8306,122; and similar results would follow the comparison between the small and the large States throughout the Union; thus realizing to the small States an advantage which would be doubtless as unacceptable to them as a motive for incorporating the principle in any system which would produce it, as it would be inconsistent with the rights and ex ri. i . j distributing it. Congress is only authorized ; to levy taxes "lo pay the debts aud provide \for the common defence and general welfare of the United States." There is no such provision as would authorize Congress to collect together the property of the country, under ihe name of revenue, for the purpose of dividing it equally or unequally among the States or the people. Indeed, it is not probable that such an idea ever occurred to the States when they adopted the constitution. Hut, however this may be, the only safe rule for us in interpreting the pow- j crs granted to the Federal Government, is, to regard the absence of express authority to i i touch a subject as important and delicate as t: this is, as equivalent to a prohibition. ; Even if our powers were Jess doubtful in : this respect, as the constitution now stands, there are considerations afforded by recent experience, which would seem to make I i it our duty to avoid a resort to such a j system. 1 All will admit that the simplicity and 1 economy of the State Governments mainly 5 depend on the fact that money has to be 1 supplied to support them by the same men, t or their agents, who vote it away in appro , V " ? " ?, prialions. Ilcncc, when there are extrava. 1 gam and wasteful appropriations, there must | be a corresponding increase of taxes ; and 1 the people, becoming awakened, will ncces' I sarily scrutinize the character or measures which thus increase their burdens. By the > watchful eye of self-interest, the agents of the people iu iho State Governments arc I repressed, and kept within the linii s of a just economy. But if the necessity of levy. I ing the taxes he taken from those who make the appropriations, and thrown upon a more i distant and less responsible set of public ! agents, who have power to approach the people by an indirect and stealthy taxation, there is reason to fear that prodigality will soon supercede those characteristics which I have thus far made us look with so much i j pride and confidence to the State Govern', mcnts as the mainstay of our union and - j liberties. Tlie State Legislatures, instead * of studying to restrict their State expendit; tares to the smallest possible ,sum. will - ' claim credit for their profusion and harass i the General Government for increased sup plies. Practically, there would soon be but * one taxing power, and that vested in a body s of men far removed from the people, in -: which the farming and mechanic interests a* would scarcely he represented. The States would gradually lose their purity as well as 2 their independence; they would not dare to s murmur at tiic proceedings of the General i (Jovernment, lest they should lose their supi plies ; all would he merged in a practical - consolidation, cemented by wide spread - 1 corruption, which could only he eradicated 3! hy one ol those bloody rcvoluiions which >' occasionally overthrow the despotic sysi j terns of the old world. t i In all the other aspects in which I have s | been able to look at the effect of such a priori ( ciplc of dis'ribution upon the best iutcrcs's - of tlic country, I can see nothing tocompcn ] sate for the disadvantages to which I have f I adverted. If we consider the protective ,: duties, which are, in a great degree the t 1 source of the surplus revenue, beneficial to 3 j one section of the Union and prejudical to j another, there is no corrective for the evil -; in such a plan of distribution. On theconf trary, there is reason to fear that all the 3 j complaints which have sprung from this i! cause would bo aggravated. Every one - | must be sensible that a distribution of the , i surplus must beget a disposition to cherish ) the means which create it; and anvsvslem. | . 1 m " I therefore, into which it enters, must have a ! powerful tendency to increase rather than i diminish the tariff. If it were even admit- ' ted that the advantages of such a system , j could be made equal to all the sections of j i the Union, the reasons already so urgently j ! calling for a reduction of the revenue, wortld i j nevertheless, lose none of tiieir force; for it.: j will always be improbable that an intelligent! ! and virtuous community can consent to ; i raise a surplus for the mere purpose of di- j ! viding it, diminished as it must inevitably be j | by the expenses of the various machinery | necessary to the process, i The safest and simplest mode of obviating all the difficulties which have been monJ tioncd is, to collect only revenue enough to ! meet the wants of the Government, and let the people keep the balance of their proper- J ty in their own hands, to be used for tiieir own profb. Each State will then support | its own Government, and contribute its due share towards the support of the General Government. There would benosur, plus to cramp and lessen the resources of 1 individual wealth and enterprise, and the j banks would be left to their ordinary means. Whatever agitations and fluctuations might I arise from our unfortunate paper system, 1 .i 1.1 Uk;v uuuiu IJUWI UC till I IUUIVU, |US1 IV SJI uil- I justly, to the action of the Federal Govcm' mcnt. There would be some guaranty J that the spirit of wild speculation which : seeks to convert the surplus revenue into ; banking capital, would beetlectunlly checkj c-d, and that the scenes of demoralization j which are now so prevalent through the land wotilJ disappear. Without desiringto conceal that the experience and observation of the last two i years have operated a partial change in my I views upon this intcres ing subject, it is nevertheless regretted that the suggestions ; made by me, in my annual messages of 1829 and 1830, have been greatly misuni dcrstood. At that time the great struggle was begun against that latitudinarian con- 1 n cz I strnction of the constitution, which author- : izes the unlimited appropriation of the re- i1 i venue of the Union to internal improve- i; ! meats within the States, tending to invest in ! i I the hands, and place under the control, of; j ' the General Government, all the principal ( j roads and canals of the country, in violation j | j of State rights, and in derogation of State J ! authority. At the same time, the condi- j : tion of the manufacturing interest was such, j \ ! as to create an apprehension that the duties j on imports could not, without extensive j1 mischief, be reduced in season to prevent j J ; the accumulation of a considerable surplus : after the payment of the national debt. In i vjo-.v of tV* ''anger*: >>f ?u *h n surplus, and ' 1 J in preference to its application to intern" I improvements, in derogation of the righ1?. | and powers of the States, the suggestion o ; an amendment of the constitution to author| ize its distribution was made. It was an i alternative for what were deemed greater | evils?a temporary resort to relieve an over| burdened Treasury, until the Government ! could, without a sudden and destructive reI vulsion in the business of the country, graduI ally return to the just principle of raising no more revenue from the people, in taxes, than is necessary for its economical support. Even that alternative was not spoken of : but in connexion with an amendment of the constitution. No temporary inconvenience can justify the exercise of a prohibited power, or a power not granted by that instrument; ^ind it was from a conviction that ! the power to distribute even a temporary i surplus of revenue is of that character, that it was suirirested only in connexion with an | appeal to the source of all legal power in the General Government, the States which have established it. No such appeal has been taken, and, in my opinion, a distribution of the surplus revenue by Congress, either to the States or the people, is to be considered as among the prohibitions of i the constitution. As already intimated, my views have undergone a change, so far as to l)e convinced that no alteration of*he constitution in this respect is wise or expedient. The influence of an accumulating surplus ; upon the legislation of the General Government and the States, its effect upon the credit system of the country, producing dangerous extensions' and ruinous contractions, flue:uaiions in the price of properly, rash ! speculation, idleness, extravagance, and a : deterioration of morals, have taught us the important lesson, that any transient mischief I which may attend the reduction of our re! venue to the wants of our Government, is to be borne in preference to an overflowing ! Treasury. * 1 ?CHERAW GAZETTE. | : TUESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1836. Col. P. M. Butler has been elected Goveri nor by the Legislature, without opposition, and Wm. Dubose, Esq. of St. Stephens, Lieut. ; Governor. Henry Bailey, Attorney General; J. D. Edwards, Solicitor of the Southern Circuit ; T. S. Player, Solicitor of the Middle Cirj cuit; and Jos. Black, Treasurer of the Upper ' Division. On Saturday, the 4th inst. the Hon. Wm. C. Preston was re-elected, without opposition, by the General Assembly of tliis State, to the U. S. Senate. Judge Strange, of FayetteviDe, has been i elected by the Assembly of North Carolina, to i supply the vacancy caused by the resignation of W. P. Mangum, whose term would expire on the 4th of March next. T.R. Mclver has been elected Tax Collector for Darlington. ' * The Rev*. M. Q.uin will preach at the foJi lowing times and places, viz. ...... Tuesday, Dec. 27th, at Bethel, 12 o'clock. " Wednesday, 28th, Chesterfield C. H, Thursday, 29th, Elizabeth, Friday, 30th, Methodist Church, I near the North Carolina line. kjakui ua> 9 Uirij jl uiiv vit'ch* Sunday, Jan. 1st, Bethel on LynchCr. Tuesday, 3d, Macedonia. " Wednesday, 4ih, Mt. Zion Meth. Ch. Thursday, 5th, McFarland's Ch. Friday, Gth, Stevens' Church. Legislature op S. Carolina.?We have received the journals only down to the 5th, and have given an abstract in another column. Wc learn from private letters as late as the 10th, that the committee of Ways and Means have reported a bill to grant banking privdcges to the great Rail Road Company, and that the subject was under discussion in the House, and daily gaining friends ; the fate of the bill is doubtful. A large meeting of the stockholders was held in Columbia, .on the 10th, at which it was resolved that banking privileges are indispensable to enable the Company to construct the Road; and also to appoint a committee to confer with the Legislative committee on the subject, &c. The proposals of the Governor, to raise the salary of that officer, and render him re-eligible, have failed. Various propositions were before the House, for changes in the judiciary; none cf them definitely acted upon. Presidential Vote of S. Carolina.? The House of Representatives passed a vote on the 6th, instructing the Electors not to vote for Van Buren, White, or Harrison. Afterwards, the following resolution was -adopted by both branches of the Legislature : " Resolved, That the Electors on the part of this State for President and Vice-President, be instructed to vote for Willie P. Mangum, of North Carolina, for President, and John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President/* The Electors are D. J. M'Cord, Thos. F. Jones, B- K. Henegan, Jolin Maxwell, T. L. Gourdin, Thos. Dugan, Jolm Littlejohn, John Frampton, Patrick Noble, R. H. Goodwyn, B, T. Elmore. Indian War.?We find in the Charleston papers a full account, derived from Col. Randall, just from Florida, of the two battles with the Indians in and near Wnlmn ? .. -..vv ^uuuip IIV* ticcd in our last. They took place on the 17t?? and 18th, not, according to our previous information, on the 18th and 19tl\ Nov. In the first engagement the Indians, besides twenty af their warriors left dead on the field, lost all their baggage and horses. In the second battle, they left twenty-five dead on the field, and ire supposed to have carried off others.? rheir number was estimated at from 6 to 700 men. In these battles none but the Florida md Tennessee troops were engaged. On the L9tli they joined the r-ght division, (regulars) wilder Col. Pierce. On the 21st they entered 'h ? Wo**/*,, -.-vanin a""in. in Fea~ch of fho r?n- " t \