Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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( IIEK AH GAZETTE. j m. maclean editor & proprietor. CHERAW, S C? TUESDAY, MAY 17, 1836. w "lj i Published everyTuesday. TERfllS. If paid within three months, ... 3. 00 If paid withinthree months after the close ?1 the year, - - - - - - - - 3. 50 I f not paid within that time, - - - -4.00 A company of six persons taking the paper n tho same Post Office, shall be entitled to it at $15 paid in advance, and a company of ten person at $20; provided tho names be forwarded togeth er, accompanied by the money. No paper to be discontinued but at the optioi of the Editor till arrearages are paid. Advertisements inserted for 75 cents per squan the first time, and 37 J for each subsequent inscr tion. Persons sanding in advertisements arc request ed to specify the number of times they are to Ik inserted; otherwise they will be continued till ogiered oat, and charged accordingly. UrThe Postage must bo paid on all coramunications sent by mail. Extract? f^am^he Speech of Mr. Bell, of Ten. nessee, in the House of Representatives, on the bluest ajrproprujiion oui. [cONTJM'En.] It i* Well known that an unbounded respect for the rights of the States was professed by the original Jackson party; and every measure or practice of the government which tended to consolidation, was denounced as inexpedient and even dangerous. To prove how little regard lias been shown by those who no>? wear the garbof Jacksonism, for the due constitutional rights and independence of the States, it, would only be necessary to call to mind the interference of the federal government with the election of Senators by the Statel?egislatures: but, sir, I may add, that the legislative proceedings of State Assemblies have been interfered with, and many of those bodies have already been # reduced to the conditon of mere dependent aod co-ordinate portions of the great party machinery, by which it is supposed this cooatry may hereafter bo governed? the supple attd convenient instruments of * the Federal executive, and party interest^! .How the pledge of the Jackson party to #feform those abuses which, under the late . Administration, were said to have brought the patronage of the government in conflict with the freedom of elections, has been redeemed by the party which now controls the course of public affairs, we all know and some of us feel. Instead of an isolated case of such conflict, which now and then was supposed to have taken place during the administration of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams), we nowvhave the practice of such abuses reduced to a system; openly exercised and openly justified by a large portion of the party! ***** But besides the open violation of these and many ether principles of the original Jackson party, what ace we to think of the strange, and before unheafd of principles avowed by leading members in the major? - ? .1 i ? _i ity in tms Mouse, in me ocuaie upuu mis bill? Appropriations without limit* as to object or amount are openly vindicated! The infallibility of the Executive is proclaimed; because the people have trusted Gen. Jackson, therefore, we ought to 1rust him with the whole Treasury! One gentleman (I allude to the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Sutherland], who, I am sure, all will admit to be one of the most distinguished, as he is certainly one of the most active and efficient members of the party) declared, that he had no scruples n9 to the amount of money to be appropriated; he was willing to trust Gen. Jackson with the whole Treasury. That great man, he said, to m use his own language, "was known upon | the hills and in the valleys;" the people i had unlimited confidence in hiin, and we ought to have the same! These, sir, were tA ear, doctrines t>oth new and extraoruiWny, whatever confidence Gen. Jackson may he entitled to. They are surely not the doctrines of a republic, much less of a party which can justly claim the merit of exclusive devotion to republican principies. Yet these sentiments were distinctly avowed upon bis floor, by more than one gentleman, and no member of the party rose in his place to disavow and repudiate them. Even the ancient and famous commonwealth of Virginia, which has long stood the boasted champion of the true republican faith, could furnish no son on that tide of the House, who dared to disclaim sentiments so subversive of every 'principle heretofore held vital to our Constitution. I am far from doing all the individuals composing the majority in this House, tbe injustice to suppose, that they approve these, or indeed many other principles and practices of the party with which they find themselves connected. I know how difficult it is for individual metn bers to separate themselves from the par~ ty with which they act, upon any question whatever which assumes a party complexion. I have often felt the difficulty ol such a course myself. I believe, sir, there are many individuals of the party of the majority in this He esc, who do not accorc with the present course of the party tc which they belong upon many questions? who cannot long abide their present part) connexions; and, sir, if I possessed the power of exorcism upon this occasion, I would bid them instantly come out frou among the uncongenial elements and as * sociates with which they are at presen united. But we cannot be surprised at the avow al of strange doctrines by the present ma jority, when we recollect that the singl principle upon which the elections of th present day generally turn, is unlimite devotion not to any particular politic? creed, but to the party! Accordingly w often find members of this House, an leaders too, who either havo no know X ? ledge of those principles which have heretofore divided the Country, or are so entirely regardless of them, if they know ' what they are, as, in the same" speech? any in the same breath, to avow themt selves both restrictionists and latitudina'? rians, states rights men and consolidations ists, thorough democrats and ultra fedealists! And yet this is the nature of the i association whicli claims to be the republican party in the United Statas! I know J of no instance of equal absurdity and arrogance in the assumption of names, ex. cept the one which recently occurred in ? Pennsylvania, in which a State Bank took '[ the name o( tho United States Bank!* I Sir, there is no one principle or maxim, as fir as I can call to mind, avowed and professed by the original supporters of General Jackson, and which entered largely into the grounds of his success, which has not been evaded or disregarded; and many of the most vital and important of them have been openly, and I regret to say insultingly, trampled under foot in the face of the whole country by the party now uppermost in influence, if not in power. & I beg leave to make a few remarks upon the coudition of other branches of.the public service. It is nofonly our fortifications and our navy which have been permitted , to remain unarmed and in a state of dilapidation, but I affirm that many of iheflivil departments of the government arc in ho better condition; and this 1 am ready to de inonstrate to the Mouse and to the whole country, if proper authority is given for that purpose. Beside the irregularities, abuses, and corruptions which have been shown to exist in the Post Office Department, I affirm that the General Land Office is in a condition scarcely less deplorable. There is neither order, despatch, nor, in the case of some of the offices, is there fidelity in the management and administration of that most important and interesting branch of the public service. I affirm that this^is true, and would bg so, independent of the alleged want of clerical force in the department. The evil exists in many of the great land districts in the interior. ^ The same thing is substantially true of the Indian department. That branch of the public service has within a few years past grown into an importance four or five ibid greater than formerly. The expenditures in this,departmcnt a few years ago did not exceed some two or three hundred thousand dollars annually; now they are between one and two millions; vet the irregularities and abuses appear to havo mUliipllPcTUi <'X~TIjO IUilgMllUl)^ of the public interest connected with, it. What i4 may be asked, arc the causes of these cxtroardinary abuses? The cause - i ? . i i is simple ana single?me enure incompetency of much the largest number of the officers and agents employed as heads of i bureaus or distinct and subordinate offices. It is the want of capacity, of skill, and, in some cases, of every necessary quality. This is the great and decided cause; and the remedy does not exist in new organizations of this or that department, nor in the invention of new checks and restrictions upon the discretion of officers. The remedy for this abuse, like all others, will be found in the removal of the cause of it. Nothing is more important to be understood, and extensively propagated in this country, than this ?that no 1 /* 4 government, however wise ana pcrieci in its form, exists, but may and will bo abused and perverted to bad and corrupt ends, whenever it shall fall into the bands of a set of administrators of loose or bad principles. No constitutional or legal enactments can supply the deficiency of ability j or fidelity; no checks or regulations can j anticipate and defeat the devices of artful and unprincipled office-holders. Neither I ability nor purity can be conferred by law. ! On the other hand, all experience has shown, that under any form of government or of official regulation, however defective, when the public officers are possessed of the attributes of talents and fidelity, the public liberty will bo respocted?the public prosperity promoted?and the great end of human government successfully carried out. But there is one mystery connected with the existence of the gross abuses in some branches of the public service, which deserves to be mentioned. How has it happened that these abuses hnvc not only been suffered to exist, but even to in, crease under an administration so decidedly popular and powerful! When this problem shall be solved to the satisfaction of the public, the remedy will be supplied. The true answer to the question, how . these abuses come to exist under such an f administration, is, because the (idmtnisfra> txon is such as it is because it is popular. . Everv man of sound mind and. lawful age, | knows that the President nor any other ? being of created existence, con exercise a . personal inspection and superintendence r over ail,' or even a tenth part of the most * important details of the public service. I Yet every important transaction connecti ed with the public service is so managed . by the subordinate officers, as to throw the t responsibility upon the President. If the delinquent officers, do not do this them selves, their defenders in Congress and out of Congress do not-fail, in effect, to fix e the responsibility there. Whether in Cone gress, or in the country, complaint is made d of ahuse in any branch of the public serli vice, the answer is, eternally, that the i e charge is meant as an attack upon Gen. d Jackson! His great name and popularity - are the shield and buckler of every official delinquent, whether from incompetence) or infidelitv, from a clerk to the head of & 0 ' # department; from the Register or Receiver of a Land Office, oran Indian Agent, to a Minister Plenipotentiary! The name and services of Gen. Jackso% I report, arc invoked to shield and cover ove'r,^ni with a mantle, every official transgression or omission, from the highest to the lowest, whenever it suits the interest of party to avail themselves of them. And the people are called upon to rally round?to stand by and defend,?not the individuals arraigned?not the delinquent department, hut the President himself, who it is asserted, through a thousand channels, is intended to be struck at and stabbed through tho sides of the accused officer or department. The people cannot at once detect the artifices of party. They arc jealous of every thing which savors of an attack upon General Jackson, and they in general act upon that suspicion. Those, therefore, who dare, here or elsewhere, to find fault with thecourse of affairs, upon any ground, instead of finding countenance from those in power, or from the dominant party?in i ,.r i i i MCilU Ul will" tlJCCICU Wll 111 mc 1111^1 at I* ous task of reform, are met on the threshhold, with the charge^pfsecretaod sinister motives?with Anti-Jucksonism! They arc told, that their object is to assail the character of the Hero of New Orleans, and the conqueror of tho United States Bank; as if either one or the other of those victories could be of any worth now or hereafter, except to protect the constitution, the country and its liberties?as if those victories could be of any value, if as the price of Ihem we are to surrender that very constitution, those very liberties ?those rich and glorious prizes, for tvhich those battles were fought and wot). If those who venture to make charges against any department of the public service are not met precisely in this way, they are, at all events, told that General Jackson is the head of the Government? that he is responsible fcjgpll the executive branches of the public service, and no attack can be made upon any branch of the service therefor^ without attacking him, and every body JTnows that he does his duty. A most shameful, egregiou?, and pernicious fallacy. But the absurdity of the argument does not prevent it from being constnutly interposed. The argument is, that because General Jackson is able, faithful, and patriotic, in tho discharge of all his duties, therefore all the subordinate officers of the Government are so likewise. But more; if any one shall reply to nil this, and that he means no attack unon General J*.crtbuu, mat tie is willing to cxoncfalcTiim from any agency in the abuses which arc alleged to exist, he is forthwith denounced as a hypocrite?as a dastardly assailant, who wants the courage and independence to make a direct attack, lie is dared to come forward like a man, and assail General Jackson as the author of all these abuses?his pride is appealed to?his feelings arc chaffed to draw him on to utter the fatal denunciation: and the moment lie does so, the myrmidons of the party stand ready to hack him to peices! These, sir, are the true causes of the continued abuses in the public service. They are themselves, without doubt, the greatest of all abuses. So long as a greajy^nd venerated name maybe successfully opposed to all enquiry?to all reform in the public service, so long will abuses conti~ nue to multiply. So long as a system of terrorand punishment through the agency of the public press shall be successfully practised, abuses will thicken upon us. I have said that the means resorted to suppress enquiry into abuses, arc themselves the greatest of all abuses. Sir, they are so. I affirm that they are such as cannot long exist in a free government?for no government in which they exisUfora great while, can be free. ** * * # IT There is another subject^ Mr. Chairman, which I feel bound to avail myself of this occasion to "notice more particularly than I have yet done. It is another one of that series of pretences and impostures which I have so often alluded to. I refer now to the alleged mischief and danger of terminating an election of President by this House. No subject has been more artfully handled, and portrayed in more alarming colors, in the South and South-West, during the last fall and summer, by the partizans and adherents of the Vice President than this one. None, sir, has produced a more decided effect upon the public mind. It is well known that, in those sections of the Union especially, an election by the House of Representatives was made particularly odious by the representations and denuncia. tionsof the election by the House in 1825. It was one of the standing themes of every political declaimer during the last year. The evils of such a catastrophe as anothei election l?y the House has been a subject ol constant regret and lamentation, in the columns of every leading journal in the interest of Mr. Van Burcn. I should noi be far wrong if I were to say that two thirds ot# all the honest and sober minded planters and farmers, in the whole South, and South West, who are disposed to support th< nomination of the Baltimore Convention would assign as the reason of their course if -they were asked, their horror of ai election by the House of Representatives and their fears,that bv supporting any othc candidate they will only contribute to brin; about this result'. Knowing the extent c I this feeling, the partizans of Mr. Van Burc: have, in many districts, rested his caus entirely upon this point. A French wa - was described as an infinitely less evil tha an election by the House of Representatives It has been, and is now asserted by tli r | zealous and interested advocates of the Vice i President, throughout the country, that an . 'election by the House would be carried by , intrigue, bribery and corruj)tion ; and that"' . the voice of the people will be unheeded in the contest: The Government journal . printed in this city (the Globe) has of late i uniformly represented an election by the f House of Representatives as the greatest r calamity which could befall the country. I propose now to unveil the course of -the party in power upon this subject, and to expose their artifices and insincerity. * rIt is very well known to those who look beyond the surface?who pay only a due regnr<f to professions, and examine the real motives of human action as they are exhibited in the .course of the present selfstyl-Al republican party that they advocate the propriety and necessity of adhering to the practice of nominating a President and Vice President by caucus or convention, not fc)r the purpose of preventing an elec tioniv the House of llepresentatives, but upon the ground that, as they allege, in no other way can a party be kept together or f{to power and patronage of tiro governmeat be secufcd to their own members or followers. This is the true motive, and tins the true secret of the extraordinary efforts find influences which have been made and brought to bear on the people of late, in order to give popularity an<j permanence to the practice of such nominations. To avouTtlie evils of an election by the House is tlx? professed object of the party. That has'been the great political bugbcur which has boon held up and paraded through the country, to frighten the people* into an ac quiescence in the nomination olsuch a body as the late Baltimore Convention. The truth is, that without the benefit of the terrors created by tiie frightful image of an election of the House, which has been so constantly kept before the eyes of the people, the nomination of the Baltimore Convention would have found no countenance. And this, sir, is the solution of the myster}'?here lies the secret of the continued and marked neglect with -which the repeated recommendations of the President in relation to sucli an amendment of the Constitution as would hereafter prevent an election of President an4 Vice President by the House and secure it to the people, lias been treated by the party. The history of this proposition is remarkable,, and highly instructive as well as curious. It cannot be forgotten, that from 182o i " T" ~ o ' until the commciaccmcnt of the present Administration, this proposition* was^i favorite policy of tlie party ' which brought Gen. Jackson into power. Tljp whole subject .. u.*n<5. dlirh*r~fci? i*crraa^ al>0' a.1Mf luII>' cusscd both in Congress and in the public journals. When Gen. Jackson was elected by the people, no one doubted but that one of the tirst acts which would distinguish the action of Congress would be, to recommend sucli an amendment to the States for their adoption. General Jackson in his first Message, urged the subject upon the attention of Congress in the strongest and most persuasive language. In his second ,and in each succeeding annual Message, he has done the same thing. Regarding the discussion of the subject as having commenced in 182$, it is now upwards of ten years since it has been before the country in the most imposing form?in the annual Messages of the President. The arguments and language of the Message upon this subject are worthy of particular notice; and I tfA 4/\ 4 a 4 ! f IT A,?A A4" M IliUM UdiV. lUiTU 1U UlUIJi* I^IIVIU 1U| i ' Bell read several passages from the Messages of the President upon this subject, all of which went to.shew.how important it was in the opinion of the President such an amendment of the Constitution should be made.] Well, sir, what has beer, the result?the effect of these repeated and urgent rrconffneudations ? In the early part of the administration, many earnest and well meant efforts were made to get this House to take up, and act upon this subject. Propositions in a variety of shapes were presented; and it has been a part of the regular forms of tly House, at the beginning of every session, to appoint a select committee upon this subject?but, sir, the truth cannot be disguised or disputed, that those efforts were the efforts of individuals only; that the regular annual appointment of special committees has been but a mere form; and at no time could the party be rallied in favor of the proposition. ; There was always somewhere, and from some motive, a power and an influence which thwarted, the action of the House upon this question. nnnninff r?f fllf> l.ocf QfmiOll 1 KJKJXJll mivi HIV VpVIJIIl^ Vk ii*V ?MVI> MVWW.W.. > of Congress, this subject began to excite ; increased interest, and certainly demanded prompt attention from those who seriously , and honestly believed an election by the , House of Representatives ought to be - avoided. It was then, sir, that it became , manifest that the Jackson party would be divided upon the subject of his successor; f and an honorable Senator from Tennessee ; was brought to the notice of the country as j a candidate for the Presidency, and stipt ported under such circumstances, and upon ; principles which forbid the hope that his , friends would surrender his pretensions to . the man who it was foreseen would be the 3 favorite of the contemplated Baltimore , Convention. This was a conjuncture to , test the principles of the party upon this i subject. The danger of a division in the ;, ranks of the party in power was manifest, r Tlwit an election by the House would be n nr result of this state ofthings, coald not ccrif tainly be foreseen; but all must have seer n that such a result might take place. As e early as the 10th of December, 163d, v ,r Select Committee was appointed to considei n of and report upon this subject. Spccia s. carc was taken to appoint- a clear inajorit} io upon t|>c committee who were known tc have avowed themselves favorable to an 01 amendment of the constitution, which would v< exclude the election from the House. The y< following gentlemen composed the com. ol mittee: Messrs. Gilmer, Archer, Binney, iu ' Beardsley, Gorham, Johnson of Kentucky, at Speight, Hubbard, and Carr. Five of these ci gentlemen are the known supporters of ol General Jackson, and of Mr. Van Buren d< as his successor; and all were understood vi when the committee was appointed, to be at in favor of the recommendation of the In President, which it was their exclusive and a< special dutj to consider and report upon, si The Chairman of the Committee, Mr. w Gilmer of Georgia, though not a supporter ti< of the administration, was known to be a to gentleman of great sincerity, talents and at J i 1? 1.2 ? .1 energy; ana ije was uisu kiiuwu iu uc ? 01 zealous advocate of the propositions sub- m initted to the Committee. I have a per- ju sonal Tmowledgc that unusual efforts were tb made by the Chairman of the Committee, h and by various other individuals to prevail y upon the Committee to agree upon some e( report at an early day of the session, that it w might be before the House and acted upon |,j before the close of the session. The t0 friends of Judge White especially, fearing tj( the use which would bo made against him e( of the argument that by dividing the party i jj the election might be brought into the Ilousc, i jv exerted themselves in every lair and lienor- i nblo wav to nrocure a decision upon the j question by Congress. Several of the mem hers of this Committee, who had always avowed themselves in favor of the measure J were privately appealed to; but all was ^ vain. The answer was, they could not! j> agree upon the details of the measure?no j ^ two, it was said, could agree. Now, sir, i ^ every member of the least experience in i legislation knows, that upon any important j . question whatever involving details, two men , 1 can rarely be found to agree upon all of j them. It is notorious, that no Committee '1 j of this House would ever report upon any j subject of importance, if a majority of its ^ members were expected to unite upon all ' the details of it. All that can be expected Si in such cases is, that a majority shall agree T uponMhc principle of the Report. The to House is always expected to alter the details ei according to the views of the majority. I? ai was no adequate excuse to say, they could \\ not agree upon details. I will not bo so ,,, * * Jtv?/\mKnv3 nf tho unjust as to say, mai ??i"v .? , u, co.iunittco who had before that time profess- j cd a desire to sec the Constitution amended, f p, in this respect, wilfully combined to prevent q, any action upon the subject last session. J ni Of a committee of nine members, and six u] only of them being friendly to the principle j a( of a measure, any two of tbe six were able j iy KTUCl?at any action upon the subject. A Cl report from the committee, I feel warranted | a from the circumstances, in asserting, was , u defeated by the management of some por- j tion of the members of it, who were, at the tj same time, avowed advocates of the ex- w pediency of such an amendment of this j ^ Constitution. The farther history of-tbis cjuestion is : ^ this: Mr. Gilmer, the Chairman of the i Committee, failing in all his efforts to get j (c the committee to make a report in any ' j shape, canic into the House on the 31st. j.j of January, and asked that the committe ! ^ might be discharged from the further con- j sidcration of the subject, on the ground jj that they could come to no agreement thereupon; and on the same day. he was permitted to lay a Resolution, containing ? a proposition for an amendment of the Constitution in relation to the election of j President and Vice President, upon the j tuble. I well remember that at first, one of [ , _ f ll me prominent meinueia 01 iuu vuimuuicc and who was also a prominent member . of the dominant party, refused to give !r his consent *that Mr. Gilmer should J v even' lay his Resolution upon the ta- a ble; but ho became ashamed of his a conduct, and withdrew his oposition. n Thus the subject was before the House ; P and it was at at$ time in the power of the n. mninritv to take it ud, and decide upon it. On the 13tli of Feb. Mt. Gilmer finding -v. that it would not do to postpone the subject any longer, without losing sight of it t 0 altogether* during tho session, moved to j suspend the rules of the House in order j J to proceed to the consideration of his Res- 1 olution. Against this motion there were ^ onlyfi fly-six vote3, & of these thirty-seven were the known supporters of Mr. Vaa n Buren for the Presidency; or, in other. v words, ofn nomination by a Convention; w and fifteen of these thirty-seven were mem- P bcrs of die N. York delegation. The re-1 11 solution was that day taken up and road. t( a second time, and postponed to the 19th ' n of the month, but it was superseded by i v other business until (he 25th of February; i a when Mr. Wilde of Georgia moved that P all the orders of the day be postponed, for 0 the purpose of considering this subject. P Upon this motion there were 11'4 yeas, ana | 92 nays ; of the latter, 3D were supporters of Mr: .Van Buren, and 24 of them mem-1 " hers of the New York delegation. The p subject that day underwent considerable j ~ discussion, but the House came to no decision upQn it. On the 27th February Mr. n Gilmer again moved that his resolution be s taken up; and on taking the question the c ' vole stood, yeas 99, nays 104. Of the c nays, 60 were for Mr. Van Byron, and 24 P : of "them from New York. On the same ' ! day, however, at a later hou^ Mr. Gilmer's ^ . Tesolution came up in the regular order of l l)usiness; a motion was made to dispose of 4 . it finally, by laying it on die table. In favor c f of this motion ^tlicrcVas only 3d votes, and \ , 30 of them were friends of Mr. Van Buren t i and 13 of that number from New York, i After further debate upon the resolution, a { I motion was made by Mr. Vandcrpool of 1 r New York, that the House adjourn?evi- i > dpntly with a view to evade die question up- < "' *s I, ... n the resolution. Upon this motion th? >tcs stood, yets 5?, nays 112. Of the 3as, 49 were for Mr# Van Buren, and 30 r thom from New York. Tfte subject was j irther debated, hqt no decision feijaOTV?" :. Now, sir, upon a view of all these ci> imstancas^ eon there remain tUe shadow ' :a doubt that this question was wilfully, Jgj ?signedly evaded at the last session,by the -w sry party which now professes to hold ^ -ju i election by the House iwaseh utter ah* ?9 Drrencc. The neglec^^MDongrqss to on, might admit of soroaspology. There ere so many exciting ario&sortont ques- 2jj 3ns of another kind, cooftt i absorb the chief attention of Congress; id besides, there had both*1 UP preeppct % 'an election by the I louse until the coin- ^ cncenient of last session. But there testification for the course of the part? at e last session upon this subject. It is . jgi it too clear that the party in favoftpf Mr. an Bur en for the succession, deterroinv. ' > 4j 1 to have the full benefit of tbe&pfs' \ hich existed in the country of an efeftlMi/ t j i the IIou.se, in compelling a submia^ani ?the decrees of the Baltimore Confeu^*^ on. Else why was it, that not the alight- jSjsj it notice was taken by that vigilant guar- an of every thing that concerns the par-, the Globe, of tha question presented ( / Mr. Gilmer's resolution when it was ' uder discussion. Not one paragraph as penned during the sitting of Congress ion the importance of ameafllng the onstitution so as to prevent an e!ec--? on of the President by the House of % v J epresentatives. Why sir, was not te Committee which had charge of in ettKior t mfnrt finr their HMiidtMifft id omission in not reporting Hqxyi ie subject submitted to them ? ' Whyere not the usual denunciations uttered trough that organ ngninslthose members f the party who voted in every instance > prevent the consideration, and to defeat l j together the resolution of Mr. Gilmer ? ir, a large portion of the party upon that' ? jestion showed that they were opposed < > a measure which Gen. Jackson bed irnestly urged upon Congress, in everyiinual message since be came into office.. . fhy were they not pointed out and d?? aunced as anti-Jackson? There cmv 3 but one answer to this question: It _j as no otfcncc to any one to oppose that' jfi roposition at the last session. That this | iiestion was designed, to be blinked, ivaa- . . inuilest to me, from the coarse of partic- * ,~t (ar members? a course which I could . r WliMn:. LUUUItl IU( UJIUll tl" wiiivi yvaiw. Ir. Gilmer's resoluiion was under d is- ' ^ ussion, at ono time, there appeared to be * serious determination on Ibe part of the * [qusq to carry it. My colleague (Mf. 'oik), who is now the presiding .offieer of * lis House, and who cannoUbe'.charged ' ith a disposition to thwart 4he* views ef rose in power, made a speech' which was vidently intended to put an end' to the irther consideration of the subject at that jssion. He complained that the time tras 10 shertto give the subject that exam- , miion which its importance demanded. r [e thought he bach with the *ligbt.4lflE&., on he had given the resolution, delectedan rror: and there might be many. more. [e dwelt emphatically anon the impot- ^ t nice of not permitting the lesoi&ion to o from the House in an improper; shape,. for then it would be gone in fetor*! Irhen he concluded, a gentleman who eat Y him rose to move that the rosolttfioii.' e laid on the table, but the Chair gt*e le floor to another member. Now sir,, irthcr delay and further time to examine ?to the details of the resolution could'on' he had by dropping -the question until nother Congress. Thai wan evident ro II. But, Mr. Chairman, the party aro ot only answerable for the failure of the reposition at the last session, but tley re responsible for its failure at the only tne which has arisen within-the last ten ears, or which will probably arise within ic next ten, when a fair prospect existed f succeeding in it. Such was the nnxier of the members of the opposition that lis plea of the danger of an election by le House should bo taken a why from le party known to bein favor of^tfivYan uren, in sustaining the contemplated omination of that gentleman by a. Conention at Baltimore, that many of them ho had always before that time been.op~ oscd to such an amendment of the Const*, ition as was proposed, were willing then > see it adopted. It will ' be found that tore than fifty members of tho opposition, oted to sustain Mr.' Gilmer's Resolution, nd there cannot be a doubt* that* if the arty in power had not deserted- their wn' principles upon mis occasion,-mo roposition would have boon carried by ie requisite majority. We have seen ,ic same question treated with the same eglecf, so far, at the present session* iccording to Custom, we have a Select; Jommittee upon the subject: bub half le session is past by,' and we have o report from it. But I am free to ay, sir, that I regard the course of the ommiUec, at this sossion, of btytJlttleonsequence. If we were now to udopt a. imposition for amending the Constitation> n relation to the election of jjfresidentand Tice president, it eiui hardly bo oaiculacd that the legislatures ofyhere fourths of he States could be got fb act upon the question, in time tyoperate upon tbo next iresidential election^. There wight have>ccn some prospect of a favorable result f the. committee-had reported at the be inuingoftho session ; but it is now tooate to hope fyr^uccess to any tfuch measure. Them are too muny interests stitt ?ombiucd to- defeat iL