Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, May 10, 1836, Image 1
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CHER AW GAZETTE.
* ' CHERAW, S C." TUESDAY, MAY 10, 1836. nu
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* Extract* from the Speech of Mr. Be/l, of Ten.
w the Haute of Representative*, on the
Naval appropriation bill.
But, Mr. Chairman) it has of late become
jflOiC important than at any former ^period
Ju he history of the Government, that .this
subject ?*fPtesident-maki ng should be taken 1
up cerioUS-V, *nd made a ?^lhe regular J
business of Cod^rcss. By. force of that '
system of party orgd-n^h'ofl and discipline, 1
which is now rapidly ntaturing and spreau.
? ing itself over the country, it must soon' '
come to pass, if indeed it is not now the {
case, that the election of a President.de- i
termines every other question ' of public ]
% policy or public interest for at least four <
years, and perhaps eight. If this be so ; if J
it be true that every tiling is to be settled by i
the decrees of the party, and. that the Pre- J
sident, m the head of the party, is only the 3
organ through which their decree is to be I
communicated to Congress, then I appeal 1
to you, sir, whether you (Mr. Hamer) i
would, nqfc upon reflection retract a senti- I
ment expressed the other day; and admit t
the importance of discussing every question <
connected nearly- of remotely with the <
presidential election ? - j
I repeat, that if the doctrine is to be 1
established that no member of this House <
who professes to belong to the party in t
AAtro* aa* vnt#? ncainst a measure recom- ?
? J WM ? wvvr ?
.t>. mended either publicly or privately by the 1
President, without incurring the - imputation i
of deserting his party?and such I believe j
'u is the rigor cf the new system of party i
^tactics in operation,?if whatever the Pre- 1
sident recommends cannot be resisted by r
the party which profess to support him, I <
' assert that this subject of President making 1
' is the first and most important that can and i
V to occupy, our attention. If the result f
Nof an election is to annihilate the in. t
dependent power of action by Congress, t
f and put every thing in the hands of the t
President of a party, it is time not only to c
** assert the right to discuss the question here, e
but lo do it promptly, freely, and fully; and
it shah npt be n?y fault if it is not done, c
^Theie is strong reason to believe that the c
? .nklirnitinriQ nf nnrtv nrn held SO SQOrcd, f
VVI?^WMVMw Y
* that none who belong to the majority dare t
to do any thing which the President shall t
forbid, or to fail in the support of whatever t
x. he shall recommend. Have we not lately r
r seen the force of this obligation to be so j c
strong in this House, that the ahsolute I r
power of peace and war was ready to be r
yielded up ift effect ~ itno the hands of one i
0 man ? Coming to this House under the ex- j
d traordinary party pledges usual in popular i
, elections of iate, I hope it will not be i
regarded as improper or disrespectful, to t
t ^ ask, if the President had, during the late <
F crisis, said ** we must have war,"-would the (
i . r party in this House have had the power to 1
w*: gainsay it? War we must then have had; c
apd the moral power was not in this House i
to resist it, whatever may have been the i
, private opinions of honorable members of :
the wisdom of such a measure. j
* No occasion can be more appropriate for i
the discussion of the principles and prac- (
ticcs of the Government, than the one t
presented by the appropriation bills pre- 'J
seated as a whole. It is proposed to in- t
crease the annual .expenditure for the <
military defences of the country and internal i
improvement, ten millions in one year. It i
is a new era in the history of the Govern, i
l 2- meat. So extravagant a proposition is i
f uoknown in our annals, The results of 1
this new policy are beyond the ken or con- :
^eption of any; but those who planned <
l^it, understood them well enough, though it <
nay not be desinible to their interests to j
vow them all at once. The first inev itable :
_ result of this policy, if it shall be sanctioned i
L - ~ by Congress, will be the introduction, in a \
^ short period, of an increa^d and oppres- 1
*4 sing system of taxation. An increased j
.^annual expenditure of ten millions may be ,
1 -anet for a few years from the present sources
' .1 inf wvnnne but the Dublic lands are now
^Mjastate of such rapid exhaustion, that
sjM&oon we will find our revenue from this
j^paner reduced t^o million or less. The
public works whj* we are now about to
commence must be carried on, and funds
JStill have to be raised to support those which
,'niay be finished in the mean time. Then
;VoOmes a new and increased system of
k .^taxation as a matter of course, with its
il&ual train of evils.
f. But what will be a more serious coni
- f^uence, is the great increase of the army
j .mand navy, which cannot fail to follow the
t -of d doption of this new and extravagant policy.
A lrhen all the navy yards, and all the new
, mificatlons now proposed to be estabiislied
. st iaTl be completed, a standing army of less
I than fifteen or twenty thousand men would
t ncU be thought of, or tolerated under the
I ne w impulse which is soon to be given to
i the xnilitaiy spirit. Indeed less than that
F nur ober would not be sufficient to guard our
j wei Jtern frontier, and at the same time secure
sc i nany fortifications upon the sea-coast
against surprise. As to the navy, after '
r fuel i gigantic preparations for the improve-;^rnen{
cad increase yf it |s are now proposed,
\ i ?
! -ib ^ ,
>
will *a Navy, of less than 100 ships of war
in commission be rcgarged as at all admissible
for a country of such resources, . of
such character and importance in the scale
of nations! Such are the views of grandeur
and power which are now beginning to exercise
an important influence over the course
of many of the leading men in power.
Some opinion may be formed of the
magnificence of the projects of the party,
from the declaration upon this subject of
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cambrelehg),
made in the course ofhis remarks
upon the resolution of the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Adams). The gentleman
expressed the hope, that in a short
time we would see the navy of this country
placed upon a footing to codc with the
ITlAct nrvttrn*?f?il f t
iivqv j?unwiui luaiuiiiiu jiuwur ui luUi upc ;
Who does not see from all this that we are
to liave an increased TarifTin due season,
and that the managers of the party are
preparing to claim the support of the
manufacturing interests?
But if we should be satisfied that it is the
true policy of the country to adopt the
plan of defending the country by fortifications,
no matter at what cost; lo increase
the army and navy, at the risk even of an
increased system of taxation; still the in.
rjuiry and discussion which I propose to
go into,%will be of great importance. The
system of public defence may be wise and
prudent in itself; but the time, and manner
of carrying it into execution, may'and docs
demand a separate consideration. The
improvement of the navy, and the new
fortifications projected; it is estimated will
require an annual expenditure of ten millions
for ten years, making a total of obc
tiundred millions. The faithful and judicious
ipplication of this vast fund, supposing it
to be settled that it shalt be expendcu upon
these objects, becomes a subject of the
lnAr\nf?t tA fk/* IITKAIP PAItntfU Th/*
IV/ IIIV II iiviv VWUJIII^I XIV
country has a right tQ. enquire who are the
igents and public servants who are about to j
tie entrusted with the disbursement of this
mormo?? capital. Are they faithful? Are
;hev competent? Have they proved themselves
so upon past trial ? Sir, a great pre.
iminary question is to be settled before we
idd teh. millions to the usual annual ex.
>enditure. It is a question of confidence
n public servants, as well as expediency, i
kVho are they that demand from the rep- j
esentatives of the people .this signal mark
)f confidence to place ten millions in their
lands during the present year, more than
it any former period ? Arc they the same
rnblic servants who have had charge ot :
he public defences during our late difficul-j
ies with France, and under whose supcrin- I
endcnce they have suffered decay and!
lilapidation ? By what title do they ask. this !
xtraordinary evidence of confidence ?
Sir, they ask for money and increased 1
:onfidence; we demand scrutiny into past j
:onduct. They ask for reward for past (
nerit and service; it may become our duty ,
o arraign them as delinquents before the
ribunal of the public instead of pouring
he Treasury into their .laps. To vote
noneyis the least difficult and most pleasant
luty of. a representative of the people. It j
equires neither experience, industry, talents, j
tor fidelity in members.. But, sir, to sec
ind to provide that it shall be faithfully ox-!
>ended and* applied to objects of public j
itility, is a rnorb difficult as well as more j
mportant part of our cJuty. i am aware
hat upon this question of confidence and
jompetcncy of the public officers of the
jroveramcnt, tis well as the policy of mndng
large appropriations for building up the
lefences of the country, there is a roady
tad.conclusive argument at hand, in tlie
nindsof many. .* I know welt enough, that
ill objections are intended to be met and
>ut down here and before the people, bv
lolding up 'for their due regard and acquiescence
the sentiment and rccoromenijaion
of the late Special Afessagc upon
?rench affairs. ; It should be borne in mind
hat 25,000 copies of that Message were
)rdered to be printed by this House; and
n a week from the'date of that? order, the.
whole number was said to be published and
it the disposal of members, when at the
same time there were documents ordered to
be printed at the commencement of the
session, which had been furnished, it is
easy to penetrate the design of this unusual
despatch. .The document was expected to
jive tone to public sentiment, generally and
speedily. The effect of it upon this House
after it had time to be returned upon it
through a thousand channels, was rallied
upon to pass the bill necessary to carry this
new policy of the Administration into execution.
" I beg leave to read a single'
paragraph of the Message, that I may submit
a few remaifr^ upon the singular
character of it.
- *1 maybe permitted, I trust, at this time,
without a. suspicion of the most remote
desire to throw off censure from the Executive,
or to point it to any other depart,
ment or branch of the Government, to refer
to the want of effective preparation in which
our country was found at the late crisis.
From the nature of our institutions, the
movements of the Government in preparation
for hostilities must ever be too slow for
the exigencies of unexpected war. I submit
it then to you, whether the first duty we
owe to the people who have confided to us
their power, is not to place our country in
such an attitude as always to be sq ampjy
?iinnlip-l'with the means of self-defence as
to afford no inducement to other nations to
presume upon our forbearance, or to expect
important advantages from a sudden assault
either upon our commerce, or sea coast,"
or our interior frontier. In case of the
commencement of hostilities during the
recess of Congress, the time inevitably
elapsing before that body could be called
together, even under the most favorable
be pregnant \vjth dan
ger, and, if wc escaped without signal disaster
or national dishonor, the hazard of
both unnecessarily incurred, could not fail
to excite a feeling of deep reproach. I
earnestly recommend to you, therefore, to
make such provisions, that in 110 future time
shall we be found without ample means to
repel aggression, even although it may come
upon us without a note of warning Wc
are now, fortunately, so situated, that the
expenditure for this purpose will not be
felt; and, if it were, it would be approved
by those from whom all its means are
derived, and for whose benefit only it should
be used with a liberal economv and an i
enlightened forecast."
Here, sir, we have a distinct avowal that
thero has been gross neglect somewhere.
That is something gained; but it is left
doubtful whether it is Congress or the Executive
that is chargeable with the neglect
which is so manifest as to call for a full acknowledgement
It is evident, however,
that theeflbct of the manner of this admission
is to shield the delinquents whoever
they may be, and to charge the defenceless
condition of our country at the late
crisis to the nature of our government. I
shall, before I sit down, endeavor to
vindicate our form of oovernmont from this
? 0
charge, at least so far as concerns the late
default. -I pledge myself to sW>w * who
were the real delinquents, and what were
their employments when they should have
been taking care of the public safety and
interests. But there appears to me to be an
inconsistency in the passage I have just
read, which I cannot omit to point-out. In
one part rof the paragraph this sentiment
is expressed.
" From the nature of our institutions, the
.movements of the government-in 'preparations
for hostilities must ever be too slow for
the exigencies .of unexpected war,"
In another part of the same paragraph,
we find this sentence.
" I earnestly recommend to you, therefore,
to make aich provisions, that in no future
time shall we be found without ample means
to repel aggression, even although U may come
uptm-us withoiiUMiote of warning"
Now. Sir.T"do not know that it is proper
J to consider this passage as the result of ileliberation,
or to criticise too closely a paper
which, like many of the same kind, have
j often to be drawn up without affording time
for close or accurate provision; .but it is
manifest that this document was intended
and expected to produce results of the greatest
importance to the country. It was doubtless
intended to prepare-and reconcile the
public mind to the change of policy by the
party in power, and to give popularity to
the project of expending the surplus revenue
upon such objects as would raise us io the
first rank among nations in military and
naval power. 1 regard it as therefore entirely
proper to point out any inconsistency
which may impair the effect of it. It- would
be idle to vote a hundred millions to the public
defence of the coufltry, if i( be true that
by reason of the nature of our government,
it is impossible that the country can ever
be put into a condition to meet the emergency
of sudden war. . *Mr.
Chairman, I regard the time as particularly
propitious *to a ge neral review of
the conduct and principles of men in
power, especially in reference to the public
defences. The frcnch question is at an
end, and wc can now inquire into the qo^duct
of the public "officers who are resfrohsil le
for them, and hold them up naked to tne
world, without the risk ofexposing our weakness
to a public enemy. A lime of peace,
too, it is said, is the time to prepare for war.
This is the great maxim upon which the
nnii' nnlirv nf tliojidministration is exnccted I
..v*.. I J _ ,
to be supported. A true and wise maxim
I it is, but one "which is only half understood
by those in whose mQUths we most frequently
find it. Many suppose that the only
preparation for war consists in increasing
our military and naval establishments.
The great minister of the fourth Henry of
France, who was surnamed The Great, understood
the full power of this maxim. The
best, the truest and most effective preparation
for War, is to take care that all the important
departments' of the civil administration
are in a souud and healthful condition ;
especially those connected with tho fiscal
-resources of the couutry, and those which
are the keys to public confidence. If those
be disordered and disarranged when enter"
ing upon n war, there can be no hope of a
successful and economical management of
thejpublic credit and resources, or in other
words, of the sinews ot war?there can be
no reform in time of war. Public confidence
is as essential to the support of war
as money itself. In truth it is confidence
which supplies money. If you mean, then,
really: to enter upon a system of defence and
effective preparation for war, begin at the
right point. Correct the abuses in your
civil administration?regulate and discipline
your househould troops. When you have
-done this, and not before, may you feel secure
of the faiihtul and skilful application of
the public treasure to the public defence; and
when war shall actually come, success and
victory cannot fail to crown your arms.
But thero is a stronger justification than
- ? T Untr/i mpnftnnivl nf tho emirsf* of
j UIJ^ X JVl ....
discussion and scrutiny which I propose.
It isthat no time is to be lost in calling the
attention of the public to, and exposing some
late practices of the part}* in power; practices
which are of the most mischievous 'and
alarming tendency. We have too long
slept upon this subject. Every moment of
silent acquiescence here, tends to give currency
and support to these dangerous innovations,
in the minds of the people. If then?
was but one voice to be lifted up in this
House against the late conduct of lite party,
it ought to be instantly and boldly uttered.
Besides the direct interference of public 0Q1i
cens cf tjje highest?*de, :p tfcc election of
members to both Houses of Congress, is
not the Executive Chief Magistrate engaged
in the canvass, the open advocate and champion
of the election of the Vice President to
the Presidency ? Have we not, in fact, a
Government candidate for the Presidency,
supported by the whole power and influence
of the Executive ? Are not the whole
train of public officers, with all their dependents
in the field, in full cry, barking away,
and hunting down every man who dares to
interpose his influence against the consum
motion of their plans ? I here in my plaee
declare there is such a candidate, who, should
he be elected, may be said to have succeeded
to tho Presidency, as truly and manifestly
through the power and influence of the
Government, as though he had been appointed
to the succession, and actually installed
in office by his predecessor. I do not say
that every individual in office is giving him
: ?t '
ouu ujf iu mis service; i miuw mere are many
honorable exceptions; but as a class, a
corps, what I have said of the public officers
I reaffirm. Sir, how long is this state of
things to continue before any solemn opinion
shall be expressed by this House in regard
to it ? This interference of the Government
in the election of a successor has been
open and notorious, for the last nine or twelve
months. A session of Congress, in the
meau time, has intervened. More than
three months have elapsed since its com-mencemcnt,
and yet no resolution has been
ottered?no notice of any kind taken of so
extraordinary a state of things. We hove,
too, a House of Representatives, in which
tl?ere are said to be one hundred and forty
members who profess to be republicans!
the disciples and followers of Jefferson! and
not 8he of them has lilted ud Ihs voice here
to denounce a practice so dangerous and
detractive of the constitutional guarantee
orour liberties.
How are we to account for tfeis silence ?
It is agreed by the party that there is no
method of perpetuating their power but by
a regular line.of succession ? Is this silence
the result of a deliberate judgment in favor
of the practice of employing the patronage
and influence of the Executive in behalf of
the regularly nominated candidate ? Sir, I
i hope for the safety of the country that it is
not. But I have lately witnessed the rapid
progress of error on this subject not only in
the minds of individuals, but of a whole coin'inanity
; and it is melancholy to reflect how
sudden and precipitate may be the overthrow
of all those principles and maxims wnicn
have heretofore been regarded as fundamental
and. essential to tlie \pry existence of the
institutions and the public liberty. When
the first evidence was given to the puWic of
a direct interference of the Executive in the
election of his successor, scarcely an individual
of the party would be heard to defend
it. But in a few short months every supporter
of the Vice President in that community
was ready to attest his sanction of
tltgr practice as just ancfcxpedient under his
hand and seal, if necessary. It js time to
oppose ourselves to this terror if we would
save the Constitution.
Mr. Chairman, I have spoken with great
freedom of the course of the ]>arty in power
and I have not spared my censures when I
thought it was deserved. I intend to continue
to exercise this privilege, in tlie course
of die remarks I yet propose to submit.
i? i_ .i- _ i_i;
iJut il is due to myseu, sianuing in me ueacateand
diflicult relation I now do towards
that party, that I should distinctly declare
i tlic nature of that relation. I have, up to a
late period, given a support to the present
Administration ofthe government. I still
j consider myself a supporter ofthe Admini
istration, upon-every leading and important
I question which, has arisen, to the same exi
tent to which I formerly gave them my support,
except those which originated iir, or
have been changed and modified by die illegitimate
desire and purpose of the Executive,
to secure the election of a particular
and favorite successor. As to all the principles
and practices which have proceeded
from this source, I am, I have been, and I
am firmly resolved still to be opposed. If
any member of this House can claim the indulgence
of the Committer in commenting
freely upon the present state of public affairs
and especially upon the practices and objects
of those in power, when it is remembered
by whom, and in what manner I have
been assailed, I think I may do so. It is
not only due to myself, but it is due to the
public. I owe it to many of those of the
Jackson party who have united their interests
and influenco with the party which is
attempting to bring in tpc Vice President,
and whom I hone I may still claim as my
personal friends, to vindicate the principles
which have impelled me to my late course.
It has been said that I have abandoned the
party to which I once belonged. I deny
.1 ? !>- i" nmrni> is nrrkrvrl.v
llj'-ll II1C JJUI I V IIUW III
speakiug and if principle be the test of party,
the same with whieh I once acted. But,
-sir, if this be the party of which I was once
a member, I am free to admit, and I am
ready to demonstrate to them, and the world
that either I or they have proved recreant
and faithless to every cardinal principle and
political virtue which they once professed
and avowed as the rules of their conduct. 1
proceed now to the proofs, and I shaH when
1 have arrayed them, most cheerfully sub.
mit to the decision of the public opon the
question, whether 1 or the party are the culprits.
.
****** ****
I now proceed to notice briefly those leading
ant) prominent principles and professionsofthe
original" Jackson party which
those who now claim to bo identical with
that party have abandoned and disregarded
in practice,
The original supporters of Gen. Jacksor
advocated his election against Mr. Crawford
the candidate nominated according to part)
usage, uno.n foe grputvl that tho practice
- ?- - - . "tffryfrri
of caucus nominations ofa President of the
United States was a violation of the spirit of
the Constitution, as it tended to defeat the
contingent right of the small States to have
an equal vote in the election of that high officer,
as often as the election might devolve
upon the House of Representatives. They
also objected to such nominations because
they were effected by intrigue and corrupt
influences; and upon the further ground,
that it tended to defeat the free and independent
vo ce of the j>eople. All the objections
to a nomination by a congressional
caucus apply with still greater force to a
nomination by a convention of pretended
delegates from the people, such as we have
lately seen at Baltimore, in thetirst canvass
of Gen. Jackson this was, in a very
large section of the Union, decidedly tlie
most popular and available argument against
the candidate who had the advantage of a
nomination by the republican party. Jiut
now, Sir, no man is admitted-to be a Jackson
man, or a supporter of his administration,
who refuses to admit the practioe of caucus
nominations to be orthodox, and to sub.
scribe to the obligation of acquiesence and
absolute obedience. It is worthy of notice,
that the very individual (Mr. Grundy) who,
in the State which I have the honor to represent
in part, was the most active and pow.
erful opponent of the practice of caucus
nominations in 1824, is now the leader ol
the party in that State which supports the
candidate of the Baltimcre Convention.
.. In Gen. Jackson's second canvass foi
the-oIHce which he now holds, commencing
in 1835, the first, roost exciting, and one ol
the most important positions or principles
assumed by his friends, was, that the righi
nf thn tn plonl th*? Piwidpnt shnilld be
rescued from the hands of political managers
in and out of Congress, and vindicated
and secured to them by new constitutions
guarantees. The recent election of the
gentleman from Massachusetts, who cits be.
fore me (Mr. Adams) had given rise to this
feeling and determination of the Jacksor
party. Hence the proposition to amend tlu
constitution so as forever to- prevent the
recurrence of a similar event, was taken up
and proclaimed as a capital object to Ik
accomplished by the election of Gen. Jackson.
So serious and obligatory was this
engagement ot his original supporters re.
garded by Gen. Jackson, that he has fell
himself bound in common decency and can.
dor, to bring the subject of an amendment
of the constitution to the notice of Congress
at the begining of every session of his administration.
But what has been the result 1
The party which now has the assurance to
claim to dc the only and exclusive supporters
of that distinguised man, have wilfully
evaded the subject, as I will show before J
close my remarks. They appear to hav
come to an understanding among themselves
to regard all that the President is in the habii
of repeating at each session upon this sub.
ject as an empty form. It has never beer
made a party question since Gen* JacksonV
first election. The fear of an election bj
the House was too potent an argument in
favor'of caucus nominations to be dispensed
with by a sagacious party.
Another, and most important principle
assumed -by the Jackson party in the canvass
between *1825 and 1829, was, that it
was essential to the puritj of the Government,
and to the independence of the elective
franchise," that the practice of electing
any of the great official incjimbents-to the
Presidency should be broken dowm It tvas
observed that, in the early period of the
Government, it bad come to be considered,
that the Vice President should, almost as a
1
matter of course,, and of right, succeed tc
the Presidency. The .first, Mr. Adams,
who was Vice President during Genera!
Washington's administration, was the neacl
President. Mr. Vice President Jefferson
ousted Mr.*Adams; and, no doubt, but foi
the suicidal course of Mr. Vice President
Burr, he would have succeeded Mr. JefTer.
" ? - i- nf- r??
son as rresuiem. dui m ami. uuh mc angular
succession of the Vice President tc
' the Presidency was broken,aad afterwards
the Secretary of State acquired something
like a prescriptive right to succeed to th<
presidency. We must all remember the
sentiment of a distinguished gentleman fronr
Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,), expressed in justifi.
f cation of his vote as a member of tin's
House, in favor of the gentleman from Mas
sachusctts (Mr. Adams) upon the subject:
he avowed the opinion that the .ejection o
the Secretary of State to the Presidency was
; a safe precedent. IIow obnoxious this doc
trine soon became, and- how much the-nu
thor of it suffered in the" estimation of th<
honest and stern yeomanry of the countn
who supported General Jackson is we]
known. It is sai(f that if the precedent e
electing any of thegreafeflfcer^-ofthe go
vernment to the presidency should be foHow
, ed for any great length of time, we might a:
, well establish a hereditary succession a
i once. The argument was ably and power
i fully enforced that such a practice would ne
I cessarily lead to great abuses of the patron
?i mflnonoo r\f tfip Rrprutive. Tha
U8C Uliu ItlllUVI.vv v> n?
1 a public officer of so hrgh a grade being al
I ways near the government and constituting
[ a part of it, would always be able* with i
i very small share of address, to conciliate th<
. favor and support of the Executive. Hav<
these argument lost their force by the men
. lapse of time? Do they not carry with thfen
the same weight* and conclusiveness nov
that they did during the canvass whicl
. brought Gen. Jackson into power? Yel
. Sir, do we not see in the support which i,
i given by the government to the Vice Presi
i dent, this important principle, these Solid ar
I guments all set aside and trampled unde
foot by the party which still bears the nam
i of Jackson!
, It was also a favorite principle and imos
effective topic of electioneering declaraatibl
; by tho Jackson jvarty, that the purity an
_
? mi ' 11 mi
independence of the public press shook! be '
guarded and protected by-legal restrictions
and provisions against thelhfhisnce and con?" v
trol of the Executive. It was thought by
the Jackson party in former years, that
$30,000 disbursed at the discretion of the Wjl
Secretary of State, was sufficient to corrupt,
hi a dangerous degree the entire public press. *
The discretion of tho Secretary of State, it -y3W*
was seriously contended, ought to be limit- jpp
ed by law so as to prevent ,teppssibto a.
busc of his fund by besto^ rupoa polt; ?
ticol partizans. Who among; us doe* n6t yti
remember the famous res< JutSnofagcntleman
from North Carolina (Jr. Saundcfrs) upon
this subject, and the eqtaBy famous . >3|
debate that arose upon it? h was, I believd, .
a favorite scheme of my colleague, wlio is . -JyM
now the presiding officer of Xhis llouse (Mr. ^
Polk), to take from the Secretary of State ^ ^
the power of designating the publishers. of '
the laws, and to vest it in tbe House . jjj
presentatives; so important ait that dajjras \ ^
, the purity of tbe public press teganpfifhy V^j
the Jackson party. I well remember wbat
a decided effect was produced upon
minds of the people in the State wtyrtft represent
in part, and what indignation was 4 5
, excited by the single act of the Secretary of ^
State under the late Administration* ofta. 1
king the printing of the laws from theJiasbi
ville Republican, a paper friendly to the e- *
f lectibn of General Jackson, and giving it to
i the Whig, a paper published in the same *
place and supposed to betin the interest of'
' the Administration. Well, sir, in the vicis- 1
; situde of human affairs it so happened that . i
r the party in whose cause the Nashville He- . Jjj
i publican Jmd suffered came to be uppermost,
t and it was restored to ha former rights tod .v ^
i benefits; but as if it were attended to mtni- . J
fest the utmost possible contempt for the ear* ' - .'
I )y principles of Jacksonism, end to give the
I most unequivocal guarantee to new allies* ' r
; which the nature of the case admits* thut all
. the principles avowed bv the original Jack.
j son party, are* henceforth and forever* to bei
repudiated and forgotten, the present oftho- *
> dox Secretary of State has recently ordered
> the printing of the laws to oe again taken
> from the Nashville Republican, which is*
t now supporting Judge White for the Prett- "
dency, and given to the Union* ejwper- ' J3
i printed in the same place, a paper surely
. pnrtizan in its character newly established,
-P- ?!!?I kt?S tn tluxi- <
[ uuu ui a wry jujiucu v"^uuu4vni| uw ?< %?v?- ya
. interest of the Vice President. The Post- * "*
: master General has added his testimony To *' .$
{ that of the Secretary of State, that the early''
, principles identified with the name of Jack- ?
1 son are no iooger to be the guide of the par~
i ty in power. He has not only appointed a
. printer of a newspaper to be Postmaster ofk1
' very thriving and considerable town in Ten-'*
[ nesscc, but the printer and the Postmaster
i arc actually suffered to meet in the same ofi
fice. It is needless to say that this printer
I is also an avowed supporter of the Vice
. President. But, sir, to enumerate all the e- i
videnccs which exist to show the dehbaMte '
i purpose of the party to use the patronage or
r (he Government in seducing the pubtsfe press
i to their interests would far exceed tbe limits
- - i* J" l_ _ * '
[ oi my remaras.
But the necessity of reform?a retrench- *
! ment of the expenditures of the* Government,
and the reduction and limitation of
Executive patronage, were the perpetual '
themes of the Jackson party, as originally - -'m
cohstituted. The Augean stable over which
the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.- . .
i Adams) was said to preside, vgar to be
i cleansed. The nutpber of Executive offi.
i cers was to be diminished, 'and die*discre- '
h tionary po wer of the President of removing 4
L nr changing "them rvnsto-b? restrained by
, legal enactments. The principle ofabdieso
. engagements of the patty, and to whjetohey
I were bound by the highest* obligation?of*
: truth, honor and patriotisrh,- was-regarded
i as vital.- Gomu^tion: through Executive
patronage, it was foreseen, wotiid* becdVne.
t so universal," os^sooq to. sap aud Urtdhrtnine
. tHfc pure foundation of our free insfitUtiOBs,
. and convert thegn into tlie mere instruments
of power and ambitions. How those pfrb-?
' ? ? ? ? ?. kmIIaam ^mlLhrlt
) mises- fXMl expeciuuuns- (ia*c U-.UI twiuwt
by the party which now wfcnra its mantle,.
> may be inferred from tl?e fact*?ist' The>
abuses then existing in several departments
i of the public service" have actually mdtiplied
. under the present "administration, iostead-of
5 baing reformed. 2d. Theexpewfitores, es-.
peciaby in those branches of the public ser.- Ja
; vice most liabfe- to suspicion and abuse,
f have been increased. 3d. Public' office*
j. li ni lfn niiu ifhsrd,iiiiilaiMid(ir|<:Mj^irilfrvi'i
. have been appointed, some'with discretion.
ary and arbitrary aflowanc^aridjdwfee with
j annual salaries, without neceJ^tv. or'war- $ja
1 meut instead ;of being reduced^ tyfrof late
f been increased in a most CTtroaVdjnJfcry apd -fW
I in n vrtrictV of WSVfi.
-7. ?rr.v - r ,?
. most obvious and alarming' accession or
s Executivepdtrooagc, ptfwer, ondiaflueace
t which has taken place has proceeded from
. the policy of the administration inputting
. down the U. S. Bank. WheteveMuay bt#e
. been the moUve^howeVerjiuttj and" honest
t the purpose?the effect oftbat peliey Has.
. been most clearly;, to putthe treasury, the - ?
* money-ppwer eft be eouotryyfrt the absolute
1 disposal of the Executive. Where "is now
5" your Treasury, and by. whin: guards is it '
e watebed and secured? If the President.
5 should think proper to convert the etsMetea
venue of tlio government to any object*
ir whate ver of his own, whether public or pri1
vate, is there any check or control existing;
in any department or officer of the govern^
? .MAW^'nirtAtfiAfiCMdBi'
s Jiicitif U[ ouv IUW ttvw"'"T)'.'T' ' rz^T
. tion which has been , put i$on exnrfJT' ^
- actraents over his w?S or ccwewr'' j ^
r not all the depositaries of**#' Are
3 selected, changed, afcfclfc*' JiKS fiJopeV3
connexion with tht'Slv their
l the mei* will ?
3 Can he not or&nSe poSfe. ?*c^ive?
d retained in taelmnda Zf+0? f e5r? *>be
PQOoctors^
- rtr'" *-- ?
as ,'-w