Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, April 05, 1836, Image 1
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CHERAW GAZETTE. ?J
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JCoL Manning'a Speech fa the Ifouse of Reprc- {
sentmttres, on the Abolition Question, Ftbru- (
cry 23. 1
<
Tlw resolution of Mr. Pinckxey, of i
South Carolina, was adopted by on over- t
whelming vote in the House of Represen- j
tatives of the Congress of the United States, (
on the 8th of February, and is as follows: j
44 Resolved, That all tho memorials which have 5
been offered, or may hereafter be presented to this 1
House, praying for the abolition of slavery in the 1
District of Columbia, and also tho resolutions of. ,
feredby an honorable member from Maine, (Mr. ;
Jarvis,) with the amendment thereto, proposed 1
by an honorable member from Virginia, (Mr. 1
Wise,) and every other paper or proposition that (
may be submitted in relation to that subject, be j
referred to a Select Committee, with instructions
to report that Congress possesses no constitu- ;
tionai authority to interfere in any way with the 1
institution of slavery in any of the States of t
this confederacy; and that in tho opinion of this ?
House, Congress ought not to interfere in any r
way with slavery in tlie District of Columbia,
because it would be a violation of the puhlic faith, c
unwise, impolitic, and dangerous to tho Union ; c
assigning such reasons for these conclusions as I
in the judgment of tho committee may be best ?
rale'ikied to enlighten the public mind, to repress i
criterion, to allay excitement, to sustain and
~ . ? ?Kn inrf nvhla Af (ho i.lin>hn!/)inir Sfdoc ! C
and of the people of this District, and to re- i1
establish harmony and tranquillity amongst tho i
various sections of the Union." j.
On a subsequent day, abolition memorials or <]
petitiops were presented to the House. Members
contended, that under the adoptod resolutions c
above referred to, all petitions subsequently o? ['
terod, were necessarily and properly referable to ii
this Select Committee raised under the rcsolu. y
tioas. Other gentlemen contended against this j,
consequential reference, and insisted that petitions
not under tho action of tho House, or not v
presented when tho resolutions were. adopted, C
might receive a different direction than a direct
reference to the Select Committee. The honorable r
Sneaker decided, that such petitions as were
afterwards presented might properly take any
other direction, or might bo open for discussion. "
On Tuesday, the 23J February, on tho presentmast
of abolition memorials or petitions, much J
indirect discussion or debate was entertained by a
the H^use. At length a motion was made to !.
reverse the previous decision of the Speaker, so
that necessarily, under ther resolutions, all aboli- *
tion memorials or petitions introduced into the S
House, should go to the Select Cominitloo raised t<
under Mr. Pickncy's resolutions. On tho vote f
of the House, the Speaker's decision was reversed ,
by a vote of 147 to 56. \
, c
As considcrablo latitude had boon given to
gentlemen in the course of tho debate which
incidentally arose, ' ?
Mr. Manning, of South Carolina, made c
the following remarks : t
Mr. Speaker: Should the decision of the t
chair, whjch has been made, remain unre- c
versed, then this strange anomaly will be a
forced to result from it, that the resolutions d
offered by my colleague from South Caro- i
lina, (Mr. Pinckney,) and adopted by an a
overwhelming majority of this Hoiise, in- g
tended to answer a definite and special ob- 1;
jecj, will be wholly defeated; because they t
w ill be essentially changed, so as to fail in i
answering the most important purposes for li
which they were originated, and on account c
of which they were supported by their h
friends. The objects, highly important, c
as we believe them to be, intended to be ac- I
coraplished by their adoption, will, after the t
mature and deliberate action of this branch tl
of Congress, be wholly changed. I trust o
that no skill; however adroitly or powerful- \
* 'J ?'^ ? ? ? AnAAiwI fn A
serve proper decorum. I would do all in my
power, generally, to sustain the Speaker;
but, in this instance, I feel a paramount duty
to myself and to my country, to urge upon
this House a reversal of Jus decision. I
wish that this course had been pursued at
the Very first moment, when indications
were given that the usual mode of disposing
of these memorials and petitions was to be
abandoned. -The usual practice of both
b:anehes of Congress has been to lay them
on the table, or to refer them to a commit,
toe. This has been the practice not only
of this I louse, but of the Senate also. There 1
they were laid, there they have remained, i
to sleep that 6leep of oblivion which they so :
justly merit. On some occasions, such t
petitions were referred to the Committee on
the District of Columbia, from whose safe i
keeping they never escaped to see the light 1
af day, or to accomplish that magnitude i
:>f evil which they were calculated to pro- t
luce, through the agency of wicked or
thoughtless citizens, who originated them y
it sent them here. It has been painful to j
?iany, and indeed to most of this IIou9e, <
hat we have been carried away from that c
>ractice oi botn Houses ol Congress, in tho g
iisposition of anti-slavcry memorials and t
>etitions, which, heretofore, has been found <
;o safe and politic. We were driven rc. 1
uctantly to pursue some mode by which we i
iopcd to arrest that tendency of things c
lcre, which we deeply feared might lead to <
ncalculable evils, and to dangerous results. 1
iVe hoped, by these resolutions, to stay <
lebate, to prevent discussion, to keep down s
rritating, heartburning invectives, and to [
mite Congress by a strong expression of f
ts feelings and opinions, both as regards f
he States, and the District of Columbia; s
.0 as to remove doubts, give renewed secu- t
ity, and unito us once more in the bonds of s
jommon interest, and of united affections; 1
md that we might meet and unite .upon a t
>road and common ground, from which s
listracting and agitating questions might i
>c avoided, and where varying and practi. c
:ally unimportant abstract notions and opin- i
oris might nave no iniiuencc m prcvuijuug i
iscful and practical results. Our aim bas (
Kxm to rcacli practical objects, to prevent v
liscussion, to keep down the excitement of p
ne portion of the Union against the other, ti
0 restore harmony, confidcncc,nnd that feel- g
ng of security to life, liberty, aud property t<
rithout which governments cannot long ex- I
st in tliis age of the world, and without t]
riiich they would, if they could exist, be a S
urs.?. *C
Sir, I have bcc^i filled with anxiety and r
arc at the course which things are taking c
O # Q
1 this country. My bed is not refreshing c
> mc as it used to be. Unhappy visions s
it across my mind ; thorns arc planted un- tl
er my pillow; the air docs not refresh me p
s iu other days; the sunbeams do not bring r
lose gladdening and animating sensations a
o my frame, as was the case when our i;
?M'ne V>nnnir>r r.nrl mr?m lini- ti
UUlIll'Ili Ui'Uliii j .... ...... w?
I'd; when the South, the land of generous J
eeling and of noble sentiment, the land of t
;ospitality and of elegant and polished life, c
if warm, impassioned, and sweeping elo- ?
[uence, and of moral and intellectual pow. li
:r, was one an 1-imited. These are the bright r.
features by which our southern States have t
:ven been characterized ; these are the line tl
raits which adorn the lovely character of v
he South. This interesting country, in s
sarlier and happier days, was full of hope, t'
md rioted in the grand prospective of the v
listaht future; and as the series of events c
infolded the rising prosperity of our State c
md common country, all was joy, hope, and s
jladness. -The times arc changiug; slow, f
y operating causes arc producing discon- y
ent; undefined apprehensions are succeed, t!
- - 1 .u_:i u
ng to full and unlimited commence; u mm* t
ing sensibility has been awakened, under p
loaded apprehensions, that attempts may 11
>c made to unsettle the existing order a
>f thing* by an interference directly in the f
) istrict of Columbia, at no distant day, with a
he rights of the slave o\vners;and by making p
his a mere first move into a more extended f
uid general system of operation in the slave- 1
lolding States at some still more distant r
lay. The object of the friends of these re- v
olutions is to disabuse the public; to sub- r
titutc for improper, correct statements; to p
resent just views of northern eentiment c
tnd feeling in relation to our institutions; r
tnd to give the other portions of our com- s
non CQuptry an opportunity of putting down ?
hose wild and erratic movements at tlie c
iorth, by which those who aim at pressing 1
heir memorials and petitions upon Congress i
hat they may produce discussion, excite c
eclings, and thus to force themselves and s
licir objects into the notice and under con- t
? ' * ' * 1.:? ;
>luepuion oi a inuiKing, spe?ui.uig, wuu ???- .
ing age, may full short oftheir aim. Their [
success will best be secured, and their ends i
best answered, if they can but so far press 1
themselves and their objects upon the no. }
iice of the country as to produce excite- ?'
ment, awaken resentment, or elicit abuse. <
Under the silence of contempt, or under the t
indignant rebukes ofthc lovers of order and <
stable government, they will dwindle down to 1
their proper and safe dimensions. If let i
alone, they will sink into that insignificance j
which they merit; they will sink under those '
rebukes from the moral and intellectual for- '
ces of our northom brethren which seem
tq await them. If they progress, the bat- i
tic must be, will be, fought at the north. I
The good of society, the safcty and hap- 1
piness of every portion of this country, t
will bring about this * fesult; for if these cru- <
saders against the rights and interests of I
the sjaveholding States, arc permitted by ]
northern portions of this country to move !
on in their erratic course, they will produce j
such throes and convulsions, not only in the i
south, but in the north, that the established
order of things will become unsettled; the <
reign of law and cf will he endangered.
iy usou, wm ever so iar ?uw.vu ?o w v
vent the full action of these resolutions from g
effectuating those important final results, s
which the originator and friends of them do f
most ardently anticipate. Wc hope in the c
God of our country, that the exponent of a
these will be such as to gladden the hearts r
ofpatriois, and 6oothe arising irritations, by t
renewing confidence in cveiy portion of this r
widely extended country*. 1 regard these t
resolutions as settled rules for this House, t
as much so as any which it can adopt f
under its legitimate functional action. No t
parliamentary law, sanctioned by wisdom <
and consecrated by usage, can be more so. \
If the Speaker can by his decision reverse ?
these resolutions, which express and mean ]
"that all the memorials which have been i
offered, or mav hereafter be presented to i
r a.;? far ttw* abolition of sla. I i
HUB ptuJUJQ tvi v ~_vw. ?
very in the District of Columbia, be refcrr- I
r'C<l to a select committee, &c." so as to j
mean no more than that all petitions or mc- ?
-morials which had been received at the i
time oftbe adoption oftho resolutions, shall j
be referred to the Select Committee, raised under
tliem, and that therefore all of a like ]
character, subsequently introduced, could ,
be allowed to take any other direction, then
the whole character, scope, and extent, of <
them will be so limited as to countervail
t the specified and declared pbjects ofthem.
If tins be true, then he has power to suspend,
aher, or change, any deliberate act
of this House, intended as a rule for its gp.
verancc.
I know full well the responsibility and delicacy
of the Speaker's situation^ I feel
and acknowledge how important it is to the
orderly management and proper deliberation
ofthis body, that he should bo sustain,
cd by all parties in l^is general cfiVts to pre4
)
I t . J*
The South, sir, ought never to debate
this question ; it ought never to discuss it,
for discussion will produce excitement; one
degree of excitement will beget Another; a
warm and animated southern excitement
will, nay, must, produce a corresponding
northern excitement; each will grow in
character and in degree, until a grand north,
em interest may stand opposed to a grand
southorn interest. The north, then, be.
comes arrayed against the south, and the
south against the north. I wilt not allow
myself to inquire, under a conjuncture like
this, what will become of this our bdovqd
and happy country ? Under such circumstances,
truly will the hearts of patriots
tremble for the ark of our political safety.
The ground assumed in the resolutions is
not only a broad and common one. upoa
rtrhich all may safely unite, but is one broad
md amplo enough to sustian all the rights
md interests of the South.
Under the compromises of the States
vfcich led to tho formation of this Governnentand
to the adoption of the constitution
>f the United States, we believe,however oth;r
gentlemen may differ from us, that Congress,
under them, has no power whatever
o interfere directly or indirectly with the
.lave property of the citizens within the
District ofColumbiu, no more than it has to
n'erfere with houses Or land or any other
lescription of property. It cannot do this
>thcrwise than in such way, and for such
iigh and necessary purposes as has been '
dearly and definitely expressed in the con;titution
itself. Property cannot be taken
>y the Government from its citizens without
till & adequate compensation; and then only
or such important purposes, and for such !
r\C ikn AAliri J
IUSU1UIU wan 15) as 11 iu aaitn wi m? ouuu*
ry may require. Under these compromi- \
cs, in reference to the property of the slave- 1
lolding States, the constitution of the Unied
States was adopted; with these under- '
landings, the Government was formed; '
tpon these, as their proper basis, rest the |
:onstitution and Government. These, then, '
inder legitimate deductions of reason, arc 1
he spirit and life of the constitution and
jovernment; and under their broad banner \
re the people will protect and defend our 1
roperty and lives, should this sad alterna- 1
ivo ever be forced upon us. When Vir- 1
jinia and Maryland made a cession of the
cn miles square, within the limits- of this J
)istrict, they never for a moment believed 1
hat the original and inherent right of those 1
itates would be or could be transferred to
Congress, so that it could interfere with the 1
ights of property of their citizens, who Iiv- I
d upon the soil. Neither could Maryland
?r Virginia do any such act, or make any
uch transference. The constitution of nether
State gave any such power to their rescctivc
Legislatures. If no such power. .
esided in the constitution, then any such
.ttcmpt to exercise it on thwart ofthe Lcgdatures
would have been a gross usurpaion
of power, never yielded by the people.
Nothing but au act of the people, in convenion,
could have yielded that power, which
ertainly was never granted under those 1
! ?> ?? Then it i<s ns clear as 1
ight, that the Congress of the United States J
tevcr can interfere, so as to emancipate 1
tie slaves in the District of Columbia, until 1
he people of Virginia and Maryland, in conentions
of the people of those States, shall
ce proper to confer .the power. I believe ;
hat an unfortunate issue was made up, 1
vhen a fundamental priuciple of our gov- ]
rnmcnt was connected with the question I
?f slavery. What would, if this course 1
hould be pursued, be the result 1 ~By a
breed and unnatural actipn of this House, 1
'ou would drive?not the abolitionists, for 1
hey under any circumstances are and v?ll
c against us?but you drive on a most im*
>ortant vote, those who differ with us on a
nerc abstract legal opinion, but who arc 1
imong our very best friends; the abiding
riends of southern rights, and who arc firm
tnd unwavering supporters of those com romises,
under which the States united, to
orm the Government of the United "States,
rhis denial of the right to petition gentle,
nen never could have yielded. They
vould have been rebuked by public sentincnt
for yielding ono of those great pnnci>les
upon which rests fundamentally not
>nly our Government, but without which
10 free government can exist. Besides,
;ir, where was the necessity of taking this
jround ? It is one which is impracticable;
>nc which cannot be maintained by rcpubicans.
It would, if persevered in, drive from
is those very friends who, to protect and
lefend the existing order of things, to pre;erve
the Government, protect and defend
he Union of these States, and the rights and
ntercsts of the souAcrn, or of any other
)ortion of this confeRacy, would, in the
nanly and patriotic languagcof the present
Jovemor of Massachusetts, used some
rears ago, "buckle on their knapsacks,
md, with arms in hand, rally to the support
- ? -f.i.:.
)t the laws ana convsuiuuon or mm vui#i;ry."
Yes, sir, to the defence of those very
compromises, under which our fathers, with
their Cithers, cleaved down British power
n this country, and under which they, together,
built up that form of Government,
which is the admiration of tl]o civilized
world at this day.
I believe that without a resort to this
mode, or to some other like it by which the
broad field of discussion, opened on this vitally
important subject, should be closed
the heat created here, and thrown ofi* in
every direction, like as from a great centra!
fire, would not, like common radiant heat,
lose its intensity as it departed farther andfarther
from its great source, but would
gain intensity and violence as it progressed
from the elements upon which it would fped.
There is nothing in this country which has
connected with it so many dangers to this
Union as this very question of slavery. The
unhappy re!a!;c?n > lately quisled icc* >
. (?l(
tween this country, und France, tuid which
I thank God, arc so happily settled to the
honor ofhty country, to that of France, and
of England,was,to the lovers of order and security,
a matter of secondary importance;
nay, a war with France and with the comhined
world, and a fortunate and happy issue
out of it, could not he of half so momentous
a consideration to this country as a proper
and safe settlement of this vexing and
liarrassing question.
This settlement could not be accomplished,
and never will be accomplished by motions
to reject,"in limine", |>etititions or
memorials. Good results can never be produced
by illegitimate and unwarrantable
means. If petitions and memorials are presented,
licentiously abusing the sacred and
fundamental right of petition; on 1ho receipt,
Congress will instantly reject, or pursue
such mode, as either to treat them with the
sileruv* thnv ilf>cr>rvr> nr u*ill tnL-f? ciiP.h moa. i
surcs, give such rebukes, or inflict such
punishments, as the propriety of the ease
may require, The abuse of a principle
must be separated from the principle itself.
Fundamental principles ought not, cannot
be impaired, or be trenched upon, because
abuses grow out of practices upon them. Licentiousness
but too often springs up from
the wickedness of mankind, under the purest
forms which free Governments can be
made to assume. This is incident to all human
institutions ; but for this the great
foundation upon which they arc bu lt, cannot,
ought not, to be disturbed. Those
who administer this Government, and these
who legislate under it, must have such virtue
and wisdom, as will check and control, j
so as to give a safe direction to whatever |
may come tinder their legitimate action. If |
this should be otlierwise, the Government;
itself lViil fall to pieces.
Ill 1805, a memorial was offered in t'?c
Scnato of the United States, praying for
the emancipation of slaves in the States.
On the question to receive, the vote in the
Senate was.nineteen in favor of receiving
and nine against it. Among the nineteen
was the venerable anil distinguished name
of General Sumter, of South Carolina. It
is impossible that the denial of the right of
petition can be sustained under a republican
Government.
This distinguished patriot, soldier,' and
statesman, the immediate & intimate friend
af Mr. Jefferson, in whose firmness correctncss
of opinion, and strong republican
virtue, Mr. Jefferson is said to have had
f t /? _
more connucncc man 111 any man in congress
at that time, could not, as a republican,
with all bis perfect devotion to the true
intents of the south?could not, as a
supporter of the true theory of tlje Government?
do otherwise than vote that this principle
of the Government should not he vioLatedLandthat
the memorial "should be
committed."
In 1790, on the presentment of a memorial,
praying for the abolition of slavery in
the States, debate arose, and began to take
a warm and inflammatory character, and to
assume such an aspect, as to make it proper
at once to dispose of the irritating sub.
ject. Mr. Madison, then a member of
Congress, moved to refer it to>a select committec.
This was clone. The report was
made ; this satisfied Congress and the country.
Within a lew years, petitions of a
similar ltind?were referred to the Committee
on the District of Columbia. A strong
report was madc#by Mr. Doddridge, of Virginia,
which was acceptable to Congress,
and which satisfied the country.
Sir. excited ffenllemen at the South, arc
, 0
surely not aware of the extent and charactcr
of the injury they -are doing to our interests,
by discussions on the memorials and
petitions, which are sent here by unreflecting
or wicked abolitionists. Js it not bad
policy, to bring either their newspapers,
their books, or their false pictures, into publie
ni toriety? Is this not accomplishing one
of the objects, which they most ardently desire?
The tendency of this course of action on
the one side, and of the counteraction on
the other, is, I contend, to throw the elements
of civil society into dangerous commotions.
The truth of this is deeply impressed upon
my convictions, and I feel that something
ought, and must be done, to arrest the tendencies
which are rapidly dovcloping themselves.
How different was every tiling in relation
what I have here asserted. Sir, I am noi
mistaken; this has been tho settled policy
of tho South ; and wherefore depart from it 1
Tho slave property of the slaveholder
States has been, and is so surrounded anc
guarded by the. sanctions of prescriptive
right; by long lines of inheritances ; by tltf
approbation of civilized man at that period;
and since its first institution, by the joini
purchase with the united capital of northern
and Southern men of this kind of property;
by the sanctions of laws, compacts, and constitution
; by the approval of o purely virtuous
and enlightened clergy; and more
than all, by the arrangements, under the
plans of Divine Providence, that r.o question
or doubt could ever be entertained by
iiq Our nnliev lms been, nnd still isu never
MW" _ r j ? > --
to discuss, never to entertain discussions.
And if the countless guards, which \vc believe,
arc sufficiently strong to protect and
to sceurc our rights, should foil us, we should
then be compelled to employ all those means
of self-defence nml protection which -the
Providence of God has placed amply within
our reach.
What I have said is not the opinion ol
yesterday. It is one which was public!}/
expressed, and which was, 1 presume, pub.
liclv recorded in 1820.
One objection urged against the resolution
under jconsidcration is, that it is improper
to reaffirm that Congress has no power tc
interfere with slavery in the States. How
can a reiteration of a self-evident proposition
impair or weaken its force ? Can the repetition,
for ten millions of times, that two
and two make four, impair this self-evident
~ # ? A
truth ? Or the reiteration of the truth, that
the whole is greater than a part, weaken,
one jot or tittle, the certainty of this postifc
late ? Or can the fundamental truth, thai
Congress has no power .to interfere with
slavery in the States, add or take from its
certainty ? . It cannot. I believe, with many
who have voted for and supported tl?e resolutions,
that Congress Las no competent
power to interfere with the existence of
slavery in the District ofColumhia. 1 have
already declared that this is my Own belief;
but, sir, all the friends of southern rights do
not believe as wc do, but entertain a .differ.
encc of opinion on an abstract constitutional
question with regard to the powers of Congrcss
over this District. Those gentlemen
who differ from us on this point are as
staunch and abiding, nay, as devotod friends
of our institutions, as the purest and lofties!
patriots to be found on earth. Was it politic
or expedient, under these circumstance?, to
assume a ground on which, for practical re.
suits, the advocates and friends of southern
rights and southern security, under the compromises
of the constitution, were unavoida.
bly to bo soperntjd ? Was it right to brim
on a forced and unnatural action of Con
gross on the constitutioual question, wher
it was to result in an impolitic di\ ision an<
separation of our friends ? Was it politi*
that weak vote should go forth, making ;
appear to the world that the great, majority
of Congress were against the rights and in
tercsts of the south ? This would hav<
given a falsexmd unnatural presentation o
he true feeling of Congress to the .people ol
the United Slates. It would haveproducec
distrust, cretged unkind feelings, and wouk
ultimately have had an evil bearing on the
safety, and happiness of this country.
I approve the resolutions offered by m)
colleague, (Mr. Pinckncy,) most cordially
I say to him, to this House, and to my coun
try-, that I believe bis motives arc hones
and disinterested; and that his conduct or
this occasion is worthy of that name which
he bears, and which, connected as it is will
- " * - ! Ua.
the History ot tins couniry, is-ucar, am
ever will be so to the American people.
fcfir, if these resolutions fail to effectual*
their legitimate and laudable objects, it wil
bo because the opportunity afforded for qui
cting the country, and for obtaining for al
useful results n strong and decided declara
tion from Congress, shall bo unwis.Iy do
featcd. It will be defeted by creattng, un
der unjust excitement and from bitter invoc
tives against our northern friends, counter
actions to the efforts which they have beer
and are still making, to rebuke and pros
trate the wild and unhallowed efforts of thos<
wicked men, who are acting without a jus
regard to r.hc rights and interests of th<
*? _ #
south, or without foreseeing the throes an*
convulsions which must inevitably resul
from their course of action, should it no
be arrested.
If these reckless 'agitators continue theii
course, and northern integrity and northeri
patriotism should not put them down, thes<
melancholy realities will be the result.?
They will convulse this republic to its cenfr<
and lay bare its massy fouudations. Insteai
of conferring benefits upon the black race
whose exclusive champions they profess t<
be, tlicy will stay prehaps forever those mel
iohitintr causes which have been gradually
exercising their influences for the last thirty
years U])on the condition of the slave popu
lation of this country, and will consign it t<
a necessary and inevitable condition o
greater severity. Yes, sir, they may pro
duco that deplorable condition by wind
their utter destruction may be^ncecssary U
secure the safety of this country. VVas i
ever yet known in the history of mankind
ihat two distinct colors could coexist or
terms of equal civil and polio'cuf liberty 1?
iSooner than this shall ever be realized, th<
1 ouoor the otlier will be exterminated.
When the abolitionists, in their Quixoti<
notions of general emancipation, pros:
forward to their objects against the arrange
ments and the established order of thing
under the plans of Divine Providence, the;
censuro the wisdom and virtue of our com
mon ancestors, condemn the usages of th<
patriarchal ages, disregard the sanctions o
the Bible, and arraign the justice and wigdon
of God.
I jkr! assured"* that the viiluou?; t!.c C?p
to this subject during the last session of
Congress, to what it has been, during the
present tossion. I xvas gratified then, as
a southern man, and as an American citizen,
to observe the direction given to such
anti-slavery memorials., as were presented.
As they were offered then, they were successively
laid on the table, and' were never
again called up. This was in conformity
with the common usage, and with the few
exceptions stated, has been the invariable
practice of Congress from the origin of this
Government, to this time. Not a word,
during tlic whole session, was spoken, to
the best of my recollection, on abolition,
either on the floor of Congress, or elsewhere.
I donlorc it. as a deep misfortune, that
thecommou practice of the Congress of
the .United States has been abandoned \
that the course of southern presses and
southern policy has been abandoned; that
the order of business, and the time of this
House, have been, to a considerable extent,
occupied with the discussion of these miserably
disturbing petitions and memorials.
From my earliest recollections, from my
childhood up to this time, :it has ever been
the settled and fixed policy of the Southern
people, never to write, to speak, or to print
any thing ou this all absorbing question.?
Consult the old men of this day?look over
public legislative journals?look over the
columns of the newspapers in the.Southern
States, cnjJ you will disprove
% *
? iterate, the lovers of order, the support It , .
i of the Union, ami of life, liberty, ami pro*
f perty, have-made up a cool aod ddtborato ,
\ judgment; that northern people have
I nothing to do with the institutions ofslavqy .dl
j in the south; tliat to attempt to interfere; q
i will eventuate in remediless injury 1odflp?* ;
black and to the white population, aod-that
t tho end may be to destroy that bctfttiftf '
t fabric of government, which has, for fifty > . ^
; years, given unrivalled happiness and pros?
> pcrity to this country, and which has pro.
duccd, by successive nctiors, the happiest
s changes on every Government in christen!
dom. I have predicated my opinions and
. declarations with regard to northern lait'i
aid northern patriotism in reference to
slavery in the slaveholdingStates^ upon my
earliest convictions with regard to that
enlightened and admirable portion of our
cJintnon country; upon tho deciaifetfOOi of
I gentlemen from every portion of the coantty,
possessed of all the means necessi ty to
- <
11 enable thorn to give just views ot weing
i and public sentiment; upon the declarations
of the people in tin ir primary meetings,
F contained in their deliberate resolves; upon
the addresses and ivovrab o,.nu;r?y of the
. best and wisest men of tho north; upon
executive messages to different State Leg isi
latures in the northern sections oftlie Union;
and upon the unequivocal dcctarationsond
assurances of the groat bod# of both
: branches of Congress.. These are tbo
i grounds upon which l'predkstte by belief,
that with the exception of the mere abolii
tionists, northern feeling and sentiment arc
: perfectly safe, and that the morel and inteh
; lectunl forces of tile countny will prevail,
, if southern fol!y and excitement do? net
prevent it, in prostrating northern.folly and
; fanaticism.
i Under these circumstances, and" with'
i these convictions, I call on the Congress of
' the United States, under deep and solerau
feelings, to regard this question, which is
' * ?-? *krt nAnnln th:a
lllOSl HJJUriOUSIV 1111/ JA/VJ/JV VM MMur
country, and to unite by some decisive act,
i to quiet and arrest the course which things
; are taking; for, if this agitating subject be
> not settled, and excitement and agitation
. shall be allowed here, then you will meet in
this capitol, sir, some one cr two years
. hcncc, under such circumstances of feeling
i and ofdoep dissatisfaction, as will endanger
i the safety and duration of this Union*: J
t call upon numbers from every section of
t this great and powerful confederation, under
; a just and proper sense of duty to the
? republic, to compromise dilR ring opinions,
. and to give confidence and security to every
i ; section of this blessed and happy country.
; This government was born uhder a lony
. ! and enlightened spirit of compromise, ai d
; it cannot exist one year without it. Modem.
. j tion, justice, and forbearance, rro neccs1
sary and cardinal viitjes in carry ii g, on
I j the great plans of self-government, for:
3 conceived mid executed by the conscript
t j fathers of this countiy. Ail will bo dej
i mental war, unless wisdonv rather flrtm
- j passion, shall preside over tlie counciTs of
3; the nation, in the management of tlxc multif
furious interests and endless concerns of
f this extensive and mighty ccuntiy.
I : . . ' . - .
k ; Debate in the U. S. Senate, March,IT, ia relc'
Hon to the deposit Banks and tha safety,the
public revenue.
i Mr. Webster moved to print 3,003 extra
. copies of the Statement cf the deposits
. Banks.
t In making this motion Mr. Webster calfI
ed the attention ofthe Senate to the document
t fiym the Treasury, shewing the state of the
II deposite banks nt the latest dates, flc quoI
ted from the tubular statement sonte of the
leading facts. The immediate liabilities of
3 the banks amounted, it appeared, to nearly
1; seventy two millions of dollurs, viz. the.
. | public depositee, 830,670,879 91; tho-pn\
II vatc deposits, .815,043,033 64; the bills it)
. | circulation, 826,248,688 26.
. { The amount of specie i.ttld by tlfcsc.
. j banks, it further appeared, was 810,198.
f 659 2d; that is to say; thfcro is les3 than ono
- dollar specie for six dollars debt; and theju
, is due to the Government by thoao banks
. more tharrthrce times the amount of aU the
i specie.- *
t There arc other items (said he) which
3 swell the amounts on each side, such as
1 j debts due to banks, and 'debts due,
t' from banks. But these are only equal,
t j ling quantities, and of no mcmest in the view
j I am taking of the question..
r j Among the means of these deposits bank r
1 I seenn item of "other investments," of no
3 less amount than $8,777,228 79; What
- is meant by these "othor investments," [ am.
3 not informed.. I wish for light. I have my
1 suspicions, but I have no oroois. Sir, Jook
, at the reported state of tnc Fanner's and
n Mwhrmirs* Bank of iMchijran, the, lost ii?;
. the list. The capital of that bank is only '
f $150,000. Its portion of the public depos{
itos is no less a sum than 8784,764 75.??
. Now, sir, where is this money* It is not in
> specie in the bank itself.^ All its specie is'
f ! only 851,011 95; all its. discounts, loans*
.1 d-c., are only $5OO,O0jt* or thereabouts;
11 where is the residue ? Why, we see wheru '
> it is; it is included in the item "due front
l banks, 8678,7G6 37." What banks have
, got this? On what terms do they" take it?
i Do they give interest for it? Is it.In the de
posite banks in the great cities? and does
3 tbi3 mark a part of the other liabilities of
these deposite banks in the cities? Now
3 this is one question; what are theso other
s liabilities ? But, as to these ."other invest
ments," I say again I wish to know what
s they artw Besides real estate, loans, disi
count, and exchange I begjp. what
. other investments banks usually make.
e In my opinion, sir, th? present system
f now-begins to develop? itself. We &qo
a what complication of privatoaud pocuaiai^r
interests have thus wound themselves around
.. our finances, Whtofho ju^cot staff of