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CHER AW GAZETTE. I 1 ~ ^ ' I I ~ fl u MACLEAN, editor a proprietor CHER AW, S. C., TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1836. vol. t no i* M i - - Published every Tuesday. TERHI9. If "paid within three months, ... 3. 00 It paid withinthree months after the close oi the^ear. 3. f>0 I f not paid within that time, . . . . ?1. 00 A company of six persons taking the paper a1 the same iMst Office, shall l>c entitled to it at $15, paid in advance, and a company of ten persons ?t $*8; provided the names be forwarded together, accompanied by the money. No piper to ho discontinued but at tlio option of the Editor till arrearages are paid. Advertisements inserted for 75 cents per square the first time, and 37$ for each subsequent insertion.' Deductions made to those who advertise bv the year, and to mcrchauts. Persons sending in advertisements arc requested to specify the number of times they are to be inserted; otherwise they will he continued till ! ordered out, and charged accordingly. IC/'The Postage must be paid on all communications sent by mail. RIRAL ECO.W5I1'. Skinless Oat?, and Rata Bajra. Mr. L. Tucker?I have no otlier apolo. gy for addressing you, than that I last spring procured from Albany, two quarts Skinless Oats, (for which I paid one dollar.) I sowed them thin in order to procure as much seed from them as possible. On harvesting, 1 1 * - "-> KnmlW T nut thorn naci iup common uuin>iwi ....? through my threshing machine, and cleaned up six bushels and four quarts, weigliing 42 }?ound3 per bushel. I am inclined to think that one bushel of seed will be sufficient for an acre, although I put on four of our common oats. I fitted one hundred and soventy rods of say three.fourths clay, remainder muck soil, for Yellow Swedish Turnips, in the follow, ing manner, viz: Ploughed, dragged and rolled 1 day, 81,50 Afier two weeks manured clav land 1 1-3 days 12s., " 2,00 Next day ploughed,dragged & rolled 1,50 Jime 16, ridged 27 inches apart and sowed with machine, 1,50 I lb. seed, 8s., put on 10 bushels lime as soon as turnips were out of ground, 2,25 Sowing lime 4s., transplanting 12 rows, which on pulling could see no difference from those so wed,8s. 1,50 Passing through cultivator \ day, 12s. 37i ? - j J : aa~"r?0 o nn i runningaiiu uivsmujj uui,tuai?}w Passing thro' cultivator \ day, 12s. lust dressing 2 days 5s., l,62i Pulling, topping and securing,2 men, 1 team, 4 days 17s., 8,50 Interest on land, 3,00 8 2G,25 Cr.-Bv 819 bushels turnij)S,20 cts. 102,00 26,25 ?- ^ 8134,74 I l>ave raised a small patch of Mangel Wurtzel which has douc well. I would recommend to every farmer to take your useful jxaper, and cultivate one or more acres Ruta Bogn. Very respectfully, II. Merrill. Ilounsfield, Nov. 18, 1835. C.nii fitirnipr. To extract Lamp Oil from Linen or Cotton. As soon as ]>ossible after the oil has been split, take the article on which it fell and immcrSc it in clean cold water. After soaking awhile, the oil will begin to float upon the surface; when this takes place change the wafer. By thus renewing the water fre. quently during a few hours, the oil will be gradually and completely removed without rubbing or washing, and when dry, iron it, and no vestige of the oil will remain, nor any change of color be visible. lb. How to have Mince Pies any time.?Prepare your meat by boiling and chopping, as though it were for immediate use?mix it with a suitable portion of suet, spice and salt?then put it in an enrthern pot, pound it down with a pestle, and then ccvcr it over with the best of molasses, keep it where it will not freeze, and it will be fit for use any time. My wife has adopted the above course , for four or five years, with perfect success; so that we have had mince pies made from meat killed in December, as constant in July following as in January, and quite as accept. able.?Maine Farmer. To remove sjx>ts of Grease or Pitch from woolen cloth?In a pint of spring water dissolve an ounceofpure peariash, adding to the solution a lemon cut in small slices. This being properly mixed, and kept in a warm state for two days, the whole must be strained and kept in a bottle for use. a little of this liquid poured on the stained part, is said instantaneously to remove all spots of grease, pitch or oils, and the moment they disnnnear the cloth is to be washed in clear water!?Glasgow Mec. Mag. Alabama and New York. We last week promised the materia] parts of the correspondence between Gov. Gayle of Alabama, and Gov. Marcy of N. 1 ork, upon the subject of delivering the editor of thd Emancipator to be tried by the laws of Alabama, for transmitting into that State by mail seditious publications from the State of New York; and we now comply with the promise. Gov. Gayle transmitted with his demand a copy of an indictment "found by the grant! jury" of Tuscaloosa county, from _ whiclv it appears that the ofTencc charged was that Robert G. Williams, " on the 10th day of September, &c., at and in the county aforesaid, feloniously, wickedly, malici. ously, and seditiously, did cause to be distributed, circulated, and published, a sedi. tious r;.ocr <rtT.z*l t:i which paper is published according to the tenor and effect following, that is to sav"? [We omit the extract from the Einancipa. tor, Considering it seditious,] t GOV. GAYLE TO GOV. MARCY. Executive Department?Alabama. ) Tuscaloosa, Nov. 1035. } Sir, i I have the honor to transmit to you a de. mnnd, under the Constitution and laws of the United Suites, for Robert G. WiHrarns, and a copy of an indictment recently found a. gainst him by the grand jury of Tuscaloosa county in this State, for attempting to produce insurrection and rebellion anfong our slave population, m the manner set forth in the indictment. It is admitted that the offender was not in the State when his crime was committed, and that he has not fled therefrom, according to the strict literal import of that term; but he has evaded the justice of our laws, and according to the interpretation which mature reflection has led me to place upon the Constitution, should be delivered up for trial to the authorities of this State. My % iews, somewhat at length, arc contained in a message which will be sent to the General Assembly, which convenes on Monday next, and I take the liberty to enclose a copy of so much of it as embraces this deeply exciting and interesting subject.? Should your Excellency concur with me in opinion, 1 have to request that Williams be arrested, and confined until I can find an agent to conduct him to Alabama. I have the honor to be, Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant, JOHN GAYLE. His Excellency Gov. Marcy. Extract from Governor GayWs Message, accompanying the Requisition. We are told that public sentiment in the North is decidedly in our favor, and that the large and numerous public meetings which have been called throughout the non-slave-holding States, demonstrate that the majority is too overwhelming to be re. sisted; that with these favorable indications before us, we should not agitate this subject in the South, and that it is our duty to rely for safety upon the force of public opinion iu that quarter. Our northern brethren deserve and will command, our gratitude, for the interest they have taken in our behalf; and there can be little doubt that the majority against the abolitionists is very large; but this reasoning is wholly erroneous and delusive. lie who believes that fanaticism can be put ' ? mtininn Kne n vnnr imnor. uun ii jmuiiv/ u^uuvu) uuo u ivi^ feet knowledge of human nature, and must be deaf to the lessons and admonitions of history. So far from this being the case, the opi>osition of public opinion is the aliment, the food that, feeds, nourishes and sustains this dark and ficndlike passion. Of tin's, no stronger proof could be afforded than the success with which the efforts of the false philanthropists have been crowned, in opposition to the concentrated force of public opinion throughout the Northern States. Indeed they never acquired any considerable notoriety until this opposition commenced. Under its heaviest pressure, if the information-we have received be correct, they have established 250 anti-slavery societies, and about thirty presses, from one of which they send forth weekly from twenty-five to fifty thousand incendiary pamphlets, and other similar publications. But a short while since, the whole population ol the State of New York seemed to be roused to a sense of the dangers threatened by the machinations of these societies. The x ? *1-1.~ tt'ltmli ^n/1 ornr l\nr?n largest |iuuuu uhxihi^b mnvu u?u **?w uwu convened were speedily assembled, from which issued the most eloquent and burning condemnation of the abolitionists; and yet in the very face of these proceedings, imposing as they undoubtedly were, they have called a convention of their associates from the several counties and district? iff that State; and their leader, Tappan, and others, in numerous hand bills, have announced their firm and unshaken purpose of renewing with increased energy, their exertions in favor of immediate abolition. It is obvious therefore that we blindly and obstinately deceive ourselves if we entertain the belief that public opinion, unaided by the sanctions of the law, will have any other effect, than to strengthen the hands of this dangerous and insidious enemy. It has been improperly admitted by writers in the South, who have been engaged in discussing this subject, that the Constitution and laws of the United States, in regard to fugi' tives from justice, do not authorize a demand for the delivery of these incendiaries, to the States whose laws they have violated. This opinion has been embraced under the erroneous impression, mat tne rules 01 sirici construction which with great propriety ap. ply to certain parts of the Constitution, must necessarily apply to all others. They do not appear to have observed the obvious distinction between those provisions of this instrument which transfer ]>owcrs to the Gen' end Government, and those which confirm and enlarge the rights of the States, as the)' . existed previous to its formation. When the States achieved their independence, they had no rules to regulate their intercourse with each other, but such as could be derivcd from the law ot nations. This law as laid down by Vattcl in relation to offenders is, that a sovereign " ought not to suffer his subjects to molest the subjects of others or to do them an injury; much less should he permit them audaciously to offend foreign powers, lie ought to oblige the guilty to repair the damage, if that be possible?to inflict upon him exemplar)' punishment, 01 in short, according to the nature and circumstiiiccrLtte'idin*; d. liv-rhi ? untc . This rule as stated by this eminent author was defective, as it left it too much in tin power of the State applied to, to judge o ' the nature of the crime, for which an offcn der should be delivered up, and as no modt of prosecuting was specified, in making th( demand, and no compulsory obligation im posed, to ensure a compliance with it whei made. To remedy these defects, the Con stitutioh provides that " a person charget | in any State with treason, telonv or othei | crime, and who shall flee from justice, anc b; found in another, shall, on. demand of th< Executive authority of the v Staff, fron which he fled, be removed to the State liav ' ing jurisdiction of the crime." It is con tended that by this clause, unless 1 man ac tually flee, run away, or voluntarily go int< another State, he cannot be demuuded b] the Governor of the State in which hi; crime was committed. The expression .flee is not as comprehension as others that migh have been employed; but as the great ob ject of this provision was to secure tho pun ishment of offenders, and thereby preserv< .1* /% .m n. i* 1 . the harmony ot the states, according to ai the known rules of construction, it sbouk be taken in the sense in which it was uset by the framcrs of the constitution. Th< word flee, as it occurs in this clause is synonymous with the word evade. It wouk be trifling with the dignity and important of the subject to confine this expressioi strictly to its literal meaning; for it wouk lead to the absurd conclusion, that if an-of fender leaves the State, by any means what ever, without his consent, he could not b< demanded, or surrendered up to the justic< of our laws. Supj>ose the case of a mar guilty of murder here, who is conveyed b} force to Georgia, and is tried and acquitlec for supposed offences against the laws o that State. He chooses afterwards to re side in Georgia, and, according to the posi tion assumed, cannot be demanded of the executive; for he did not flee from justice if to flee is a voluntary act. This provisior of the Constitution should receive the mos liberal construction, for the reason that it is ir favor of the rights of the States of the Union, in all their reserved rights occupy tc each other the relation of independent sove. reigntiCS, anu uuy unu ui liiuu iuu> mv iign to demand redress and satisfaction for injuries done by the others or by their citizens. But having relinquished the power to entci into treaties, grant letters of marque ant reprisal, &c., the only means to which re sort can be had to socure the obligation* which exist between independent States, w< should, if we relv on the national code, b< restricted simply to the privilege of prefer ring otrr complaints without the power o enforcing them. GOV. MARCY TO GOV. GAYLE. Mate of New l'ork. Executive Department, > Albany, 8th Nov, 1935. \ Sin, The reouisition made on me by vour Ex A w r cellency for the arrest and delivery of Rob ert G. Williams, has been received, togeth ' er with the documents and papers thercwitl transmitted; and I have given to the appli cation the careful and mature consideratioi due to it on account of the high sourc? from which it has emanated, and the ven >fravc question which it presents for my de termination. The crime imputed to Will iams, is, "the wickedly and maliciously causing to be distributed and published a se ditious paper in this State, [the State of Ala bama,] maliciously designing and intending * to incite the slave population thereof to in surrection and rebellion against their mas tors;" and it is alledged in the requisitions that he " fled from justice and is now goim at large in the State of New York." rr,t - ' . -t \tr:n: ilie inaicimcni ciuirges ituuuiiis wiu ' having committed the crime in the county o ; Tuscaloosa, which is within the territori al limits of the State of Alabama; but ii i your letter to me, transmitted with the re quisition, u it is admitted that the offende was not in the State [of Alabamajwhen hi crime was committed, and that he has no tied therefrom, according to the strict litem import of that term/' For any tlihig thu appears to the contrary, and so I presum the fact to be, Williams, at the time he com mitted the offence, was, and still is, a citizei i of the State of New York, subject to it i laws, and entitled to the rights that bclonj alike to all its citizen?. The right on your part to demand him : and the duty on my part to deliver him uf i if they exist, are given and imposed lr that clause in the Constitution of the Unite States, which declare that " a j>erson charg ed in any State with treason, felony, or oth er crime* who shall flee from justice, and L , found in another State, shall, on demand c the executive authority of the State fron i which lie fled, be delivered up, to be rcmov : ed to the State having jurisdiction of tli< crime." Although it is conceded that Wil : liams is not literally a fugitive from tb i State of Alabama, and nothing appears t< show that he has ever been within its terri - ton*, yet, according to your constructioi of the clause of the Constitution above quo i ted, it is my duty to cause him to be deliver ' ed upon your requisition. Whether it b i so or not, depends, as you conceive, upoi the meaning to be given to the word flee i in that clause. I am favored with your ex position of flint term, in that part of you : message to the Legislature of Alabami i which accompanied the requisition. Afte ; the best consideration I have been able t< give your views, I am constrained to diffe : from you, both as to your rule of construe i tion applicable to this clause, and as to th > effect of the clause constructed by tha > rule. In settling the proper principles of cor struing this clause, we ought ' ? he infl > bv 7; . .'"-V :*1 i. r u" , be once; admitted, the clause, as expounded o J by you, must be applied to all cases what, p f soever, which full within its oj>eration. If tl a State can pass laws on the subject of slo- c J very, making the acts of the citizens of oth. u 3 er States, done within their respective States g and while they an; actual residents thereof, b i crimes against the State enacting such laws, it - and thereby acquire the right to have these b 1 citizens delivered to it for trial and punish- s< r ment, the same State may pass laws on C 1 other subjects which will liavc the same ef- p J feet, and establish the same right to demand tl ) the citizens of other States who may violate tl these laws, although they have never been within the limits of that State. The right ti . to demand, and the obligation to deliver lip, tl ) arc co-cxtcnsivc. In cases to which the c 7 constitutional right to demand attaches, ft s there is not, and cannot be, any right in the tl ?..Kio mriiln n t w.WUim: UIl WI1UIII IIHJ lUijUioniuu 10 muu^, |/ t to withhold the offender, whatever be the o character of the act which is made a crime ji by the laws of' the State demanding him. tl 2 I have presented this view of the subject, not h 1 merely to exhibit the dangerous consequen- p i ces that would be likely to result from ad op-' d 1 ting the construction you have given to this 6 J clause of the Constitution, and thence to p - deduce an argument against the prefitimp- p 1 tion that the framers of that instrument in- f< 2 tended to confer a right that in its exercise n i would produce such consequence*'; but I n 1 have considered the subject in this view, o principally for the purpose of showing that tl the obligation cm die part of the States to p 2 deliver up their citizens in such cases as the f* 2 one you have presented,' is an essential di- tl ? minntintl /.f wllip.ll tllfiV WOlllll D j IIIUIUIIUII Ui IIIV |n/ifv?M " ' ?^ .. 4 possess as independent sovereignties, and n 1 that the sound rule of Construction which a f you properly concede to he applicable to h those parts ot the Constitution which trans- . for power to the General Government, ap- tj i plies with equal force and pertinency to such n , parts of it as destroy or transfer any portion u i of the sovereignty of the States. If the w t fact that this clause of the Constitation jr ? confirms and enlarges the rights of the ti States, as they existed before the forma- n ) tion of the General Govcnnnent, constitutes M as you contend, an argument in favor of a t giving it a liberal construction, is not this t< argument neutralized by the consideration n timt ti-l,it it rrivfs to the States in one re- ? kllUV II ^ - ? WW ? - f, r spect, it takes away from them in another? 0 1 If, by ih's clause, the right to demand fugi- tl tives is given to the States, in eases in 0 3 which they had it not before the adoption J ? of the Constitution, the correlative right to c - refuse, in such cases, to deliver up, which s must then have existed in all the States, is y f also taken away by it. If your construe- p tion be correct, this c!a ise has coarc.Ted the power on each State to pass laws that have t] an extra-territorial operation, and to pre- j( scribe rules to which the citizens of all oth- jj ; er States must conform, or be subject to the a criminal judicature of every State passing $ such laws. This is undoubtedly enlarging v . the rights of the States in one respect, but f . it is a serious diminution of their sovereign1* ^ . ty in another. It is more than enlarging i j former rights ; it is conferimg new ones? . I it is giving to some of the muuiciple laws of a j i each State, an extraordinary character?a c 21 character that renders them obligatory be. t] ! yond the tcrritoiy* of the sovereign power p . i which enacts them. It is subjecting the \\ . | citizens of all States to new duties, to be <j r- j imposed upon them by a power to which $ . | they owe no allegiance, and nnder the juris- a . 1 diction of which they have never placed p t themselves. It is creating new obligations ]< . to be performed by the respective govern- v . incntsof the States. i, I have not been able to find the doctrine f * ad vanccd by any writer on the law of nations, c that it is the duty of a sovereign state to de- 1 t liver its own citizens to a foreign power, to t f be punished for acts done by them while ? . within the territory of their own sovereign, e 1 The passage you have quoted from Vattel, s . which speaks of delivering up the offender, i r I am persuade! docs not apply to such a e s case, but to the actual case of common fu- c t! gitives. The paragraph preceding the one f. from which you have made the quotation, is c ,t as follows: " If the offended state keeps the c c guilty in his power, lie may, without diffi- t . culty, punish him. and oblige him to make t jj satisfaction. If the guilty escape and re- c s turns' into his own country, justice may be i ? demanded from his sovereign." This wri- \ tcr, not having specified a case like tire one c i? under consideration, but having mentioned f >, the cases of ordinary fugitives,mUst, I think, ti y be understood to refer to these as presenting t j occasions for delivering up offenders, or li . withholding mem, "according to ui;; namrt; i i. of the case, or the circumstances attending ii e it." r >f The demand made by one independent J1 111 nation upon an other to deliver up fitgifivcs, * -! ?I mean in the literal sense of the word? c c j is not, I believe generally regarded as found- c !-1 cd in a well-established principle of right, c e The right to demand, and the duty to sur- n d render, arc sometimes given by treaties; but ^ - | where there are no treaty regulations, a t! a j compliance with such a demand is a matter I | of comity, and the fugitive is withheld or c -! given up at the discretion of tlie power with, c c I in whose jurisdiction he has taken refuge, c 11 ' The provincial government of the Canadus ? refuses to deliver up the citizens of New ^ - I York who have committed offences in their I r ; own State and fled into the British Provinces, d 1 unless the crime be such as by the laws of t r Kngland is punishable with death or the in3 fliction of corporeal punishment. Many \ r crimes of an aggravated character ajc not t - thus punished by the British laws. I allude ) c to what Iconceive to be the Law of Nations, li it and to the practice of independent powers, i so' far as I am acquainted with it, for the r i- purpdse of showing that the provision of the j ' (/omtitmioi. rrv^re fr?u v v is In factc k ''le!* .'.si-r. i.?!," * .,r:.i!r ; *<! ' thcr jKirts of that instrument which delegate a owers. I certainly do not wish to restrict die range of this power. Limited as I con. eivoit to be, it is in my judgment very sal- it tary in its operation, and I shall very readily b ive my aid in carrying it to its full extent: s< ut no consideration can induce me to push t< beyond what I deem its constitutional o oundary. I am therefore compelled by my j< cnsc of duty to apply f6 this clause of the c lonstitutioii, the ordinary and generally ap- c roved fule of construing that instrument? tl ie rule which gives to the language used e icrcin its ordinary import. r I jjefCoivc you are aware of the diffidul. tl es which would result from the exercise of I lis power, if carried by construction to the g stent you propose to give" it. You have u xirly stated the embarrassments wider which a ie prosecutive power would labor in its d roceedings against persons brought from tl tlier and distant States w ithin its proper o J* . i J c ^ A irisaicuon, ana mere irieu iur uuis uuiic m j lose States. There are other difficulties nd danger^ incident to the exercise of this t owcr, not brought into view by you, which t eserves serious consideration. ' What oc- i urs' daily in' the ordinary course of criminal t roceedings, may rake place in regard to c ersorts transported to Si distant jurisdiction f )r trial. It may happen that un innocent c inn will be accused, and if demanded lie s mst be delivered up, should your exposition t f tlie Constitution be sanctioned. Under v icse circumstances, his condition would be c crilous indeed. Dragged from his home; t ir-removcd from friends; borne down by r ic weight of imputed guilt; and unable r robably to obtain the evidence hy which he n light vindicate his innocence; if appear, t nces were against him, he could scarcely v ope to escape condemnation.' t The assumption of a similar power; and ^ ic application of it to the American colo- f ists by their acknowledged sovereign, to ' horn they owed full and perfect allegiance, * as regarded by. them as an act of revolt- c lg tyranny, and assigned in the Declara- r 011 of Independence as one of the pi*omi- * cnt causes that had dissolv'cd tljC bands by ? rhich they were united to the British King 1 nd nation. This consideration renders it c ) my mind, very improbable that the fra- [ icrs of the Constitution (almost all of horn were revolutionary patriots) intend- ? d to confer on each state the right to cause 1 ic citizens of all others to be transported 1 utof their own State to be tried for acts J one at home; and I cannot resort to a loose onstruction for the purpose of extracting ' ucli a power irom me sacrcu instrument -liich emanated from their wisdom and exeiiencc. It is a subject of serious regret to me lial I am obliged to differ from your excel?ncy as to the rule of construction ; hut, if I were otherwise, I think the result of the pplication you have made to me would be lie same. Iam apprehensive, and I say it nth all due respect, that any reasonable ule of libera* Construction would not ex2nd thi9 provision relative to fugitives So as j bring the case of Williams within its o petition. If we could, by the force of liper1 construction, and without unwarranted liensc, give to the word "fee," in this cauSfc, lie same meaning as the ordinary imort of the word " ei-adc," as you prtfyosc, : would not, in my opinion, remove the ' ifficultv that attends the present applica- j ion. The meaning of the word "evade," s its etymology indicates, is to go from, and r i _"? 1 ?i.?* u a l 11 ue ussuiiicu nidi /no ia ui hjuiyujnt import to the word " evade " and this 1 rord, or some of the expressions commony used hi defining it, should he substituted or terms', " flee " and "fled" in this clause ?f the Constitution, such an altcfatioh of its anguage would not so far extend its opera- \ ion as to impose on the Executive of any i >tate the obligation to deliver ufr nfi offendr in a case similar to ttie one you have preented to me. To satisfy the word " evade" 1 f it were substituted for the ofTend- 1 :r must have done some act with a view to ( iludc or escape from justice, and must have , jone from the offended State, before he :ould be brought within the operation of the ' ;lauso in question..' It docs not appear in 1 his*case that Williams has (and therefore i ifh Inrrol nrnoninnfinn ii tll.lt lip li.lo llflt^ ! Iru iVptu pvu?...|...v.. y~ / lohe any act whatever to evade or in manicr to escape justice, and it is conceded that ic has not escaped or gone from the State >f Alabama. The substitution of "evade" or " flee," by a rule of liberal construction, toes nothing to'advance the purposes of his application, unless .a rule of still more * iberal construction is applied to tlic substi. 1 uted word " evade" which would give it an 1 mport equivalent to* the plirasc neglect or j rftise to rurrendcr voluntarily; and that t art of the clause .which speaks of the . 'State from'which he fled," is regarded as ' ntirely nugatory in this case. Such a li- 1 ense m consfruihg the Constitution would j flectually destroy all the restraints and li. ] citation it imposes, and make it the source ?f all"power that might be desired to evade i lie rights and sovereignty of the States. 1 ly no view that I have taken of this clause * f the Constitution, have I been able to dis- 1 over that it imposes oir me, as the Iixc. utive of the State of New York, the obli. ration, or confers the right to surrender rVilliams to the executive authority of Ala- 1 Kjma, and I must, tlicrcforc, respectfully * leclmc to comply with the requisition in his case I ought not to close this communication vithout expressing to you my thanks for he very complimentary manner in which -ou have alluded to me personally in your ite message; but in a much larger measire do you merit the grateful acknowledge .1 ncnts of the People of this State, for the i stice vou have done to the motives mid ' conduct of a Iarg? uia-ozitv of them in realtor; *o tl" : - '* thary* : r. pf | lis - are of the mischief these proceedings art? H oing among our Soutliern brethren. H Large and highly respectable public meet- H igs in all parts of our Sate have ulready H een assembled, and have expressed their H entiments upon the subject in the strongest I .Tms of reprobation. Iti the proceedings f these meetings, in almost all our public I jurnals, end in our sociul intercourse, the I onduct of the abolitionists lias been dis- H ountenancod, rebuked, and condemned ; I le claims of the South to remain uhdisturb. d in all her domestic relations have been fl ccogniscd, in the most explicit m&foner \ I he duty of respecting tliesc claims has: I een strenuously urged, upon the bro&df. I ground of plighted faith and political justice I I nd the strongest appeals that eloqt&A&u I nd patriotism could make, have bcert Ad- I Iresscd to the few nbolitioncsts, to induce- 1 liom to intermit their labor of mischief,. I ih] abandon their worse than visionary rejects. . The fc -lings of almost the entire pcpblcion Item, is what the South could wish it to e; . The powerful energy of public opimon has been brought to bear directly oa his subject, and has exerted and is now carting a bending influence in repressing fltfr iinaticism that has arisen in this seCUom >f the Union. Many who, without fbmieeing or considering tl>e pernicious results o which the schemes of tlie abolitiohists could lead, and who have incautiously givn countenance to them, arc convinced of heir errors, hive renounced their unf&tulate association with these fanatics, and iow join in the general condemnation of the tbolftioil movements. The prescdt state of liings here in relation to this subject,- When iewed from your position, may not seem o justify this statement; but I am wholly leccivcd in my observation, if it be not as I ? J* .'nil It ia triu>. (liprfi nm n. 'I it IU J WUi AW II V*vy ??VWV ? ? ?. nong us a few infatuated individuals, who, rom strange ond perverted views of moral tnd religious duties, or from a love of mere lotorietv, have put forth and ore continuing heir efforts in despite of the stroflj* and weeping current of public opiniod ;' but it - "firtinVIv r\ omnt f>rmr tr? tnkfi their' show O V^Vi WU1I! ?J M gi vw? vstva w ?- ? >f organization and tlieir boastingjr (made >rincipally \Vith a view to check desertion)" or indications of their growing stRiigtii]. ind thence conclude that public opinibd, rib t exists among us, and operating as- it does fircctly on the subject, is entirely iaabdtenS o curb the mad course of this tanftnCiun. )n this I am sure you may rely, that the \'ople of New York generally entertain the nost friendly sentiments towards their bre. hren of the SaUfh. They know your rights tnd will roipect them. Tliey know their luties to yotif and will fulfil tlicml They ipprcciaie the importance of the union if he States, and the unnumbered blessings hat arc suspended on it. They will perbrm in good faith the obligations it imposes, ind', if in petti, will put forth their {might, iest efforts to sustain it. Persuaded that these arc the views and sentiments of almost the entire body of my bltoWibitifceiis, I fihvC a perfect confidenco hat their conduct in relation to the subject, md oil others which aflfect the riglits and nfefests of other States, will be such as to lllinu ail iwitouiiuui^ v.i|a^vi?hiviio? I have the honor to be, with great rQ9*. )cct, your obedient servant W. L MARCY. EliS Excellency, J on 5 Gayle, Governor of Alabama. Documents accompanying the Fml? dent'M newMfe to Cofwn on tin ?a* Ject of oar Frencli Bcl>tfwi?i No. 1. This is a loiter from Mr. Forsyth, Secreaotf r\f C(ain \fo Poi^An PKftrflhft *4' A tny kji uiaitf tu iuu i^ui iuuf v/nui^v u airs at Paris, dated June 28, 1835. It informs Mr. B. that the Messrs. do [tothschild, the Bankers of the United States, had been authorized to receive the money Juc under the troaty of Prance, if offered, but not to demand it. Mr. B. is instructed o receive any communication made to him by the French Government, and merely ransmit it to the Department of State* No. 2. Mr. Forsyth, to Mr. Batfoit. September 14,18361* Tiiis letter informs Mr. B. that it lias a], vays been the intention of the President that lie delegation of tlie United States should cave France if the treaty were not fulfilled, [t instructs him to call on the Duke de Brogie and request to be informed 6f the intern :ions of tlie French Government on the rob. cct; and to do so in the most conciliatory :onc. If the Duke should reply that the money is to be paid on any fixed day, Mr*. B. is instructed to remain in France; otfjTrwisc he is required to apply for his pot$f lorts, and state the reason to be that die rcaty of indemnity has not been executed >v France. Ho 16 directed 1o comply with these in. ;troctions in time for the result to be com. nunicatcd to Congress at tlie dpening of he session. ~ NO. 3. r !fr. aiitoaiatkePak* 4c aactfe'. Legation of the United State of America, . * Paris, October54,1835. f ? . ' Mo.nsieX'R lb Due: Having executed* to the lotter^br ast instructions of my Ocn^imiiciB, fipi interview which I had the hOnor to hvnr with your ontiro 20th of-tfra ; s'ii. io order ihnhe'r to I'ornplyVu* fftdac . Mo . I asft&oufioer.. ' V v. j h :s* ' ;r.?\ X'* * r. . ''"i