Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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,L#"11 Ull s J**-'- * * /' ? f> *"f. \. - ? ?W#t BY D. W. SIMS, STATE PRINTER. * ' COLUMBIA, SOUTH CAROLINA, SEPTEMBER 15, 18W] VOLUME XV..-NUlHBifr > itilXtil . ? >y.' ?; _ ,.1"^.. '? . . 'A. ?? iA'< ? ? > *i.; \?V'v ? . .<'????? PUBU8UKD CVKRY KfUOAY MORMNO T?KM8?Tkn? Dtllart per annum, pnybU w ademnct, or Fiht DMtr$ payable at Ikttndtf tkt ytmr. .1DVERTISKMEMTS iiutrltdtlh? utumtrmlei POLITICAL. THE UNION. [Tiik Union.?Wc promised in our last 1?aper to /trove that any Bute of the Union, which on grounds and reasons sufficient and satisfactory to that State, considered our national compact deliberately infringed to the manlcfst detriment of that State ; and after repeated remonstrace could obtain no redrvsa?had a right peaceably and qui ctly to withdraw from the Union. The same rights of independent sovereignty which the State excrdsecf on entering the Union, remain still. TUey have never been renounced : and if the original consid eration falls, the contract falls. It is bind ing no longer. Here follow our proofs. They were written by a correspondent du t ing the last Administration. We say with great regret, they arc not out of time yet. Would to God they were?Bo. Tkl.] M to the right of ocfiaratton : I present to the reader, the following authorities fiom writers on international law, and our own constitutional law. Indeed, it follows at a dictate of common sense, that the injured party to a compact, must decide for himself, us to his continuing a party, where there is a serious difference of construction, and no equal umpire to appeal to. Por at to the Supreme Court of the United States, it is by the constitution deprived of jurisdiction in such a case : and IT it were not, we know the bias that sways that couit: on such a question it is not a trust-worthy tribunal; and we well know beforehand what the de cision would be. Nor ought we so to de grade ourselves, an to submit a question of state sovereignty to thnt governmental tri bunal, even if no strong suspicions of parti ality attached to it. The rule of compacts universally held by nil writers on national law, is this t A mu-1 tual compact deliberately infringe') *>v o% J party or socouUrued pernvcr^Kiv,'as with deliberate intention io work injustice as to SH9 of the parties, aadto confer unequal, Unintended advantages on the other, lo ses its binding force. The party injured may refuse adherence to a contract thus infringed, or unjustly construed. This, as between independent nations, is a point of international law, expressly laid down by every writer of repute on the subject. The party injured is at liberty to declare the contract void : to secede from it peaceshly, and quietly if posaiblc : if not, it becomes n matter of calculation whether the danger of secession, be greater than the injury complained of. The following arc among the authorities to this purpose. Si/tart unafadut violaverit, fioterit alter a- fidere dUcederc / nam caftita fctderio xingula, condftionU irtm ? Grotlun deJur. Bel et Pae. See. II Ch. 15. $15. Puffendorf speaking ofConventiona, says, .Vrc none alterum obligant, ubi nb uno, leg ibut conventionU non fuerit tat itfactum. ?Dc Jur. Nat.et Cent. S. III. Cn. 8. Puffendorf also in Book 7, ch. 5. sec. 20, 21, discusses the question of the right ol one or more States in a confederacy to sepa rate from the rcrtj and decides that If. there be no prohibition in the compact they may do so, if justice or expediency re quire It?The passage is long, but this i the result of his opinion. To the same purpose Hdnecciut deJur. -Vat. et Gent. S. I. Ch. 15. i 41.1 note. Protect autem Id unutquhqitr, ii alter fac tum adimfilere no let. Omni enlm bllatera li negotio, taelta inett conditio, unum /ire*' fiturnm, quod ftromlaerit, *lt et alter ex ?ua fiarte fiaclotit tatUfacturun. Si ergo, hle/fiacto non $ati*feclt, deficit conditio a qua *utficn*n ett obllgatio ; adeoque ut l/ita at reriut obllgatio cettat. yattel L. 2. Ch. 13. $ 200. if one party to a treaty violate it, the other mny declare it broken, nnd act upon this : for the premis es of a treaty arc perfect and reciprocal. liurlcmaqui principles pollt. Law, Nu genta transl. p 323 Part IV. Ch. 9. $ 18. parag. 5. It is a conscqucnce of the nature of compacts in gctleral, that when one of the parties violates the engagement* into which lie bad entered by treaty, the other is freed, and mny refuse to stand to the agreement. The father of the late l.ortl Liver/iool (then Chan. Jenkinton, Ksq.)inhlspamph* let entitled, " a discourse on the govern ment of Great Britain, in reapect to neutral relations," first published In 1757 (about the time when Vattel wrote his treatise) nnd again in 1800, expiestcs himself p. 71. ??t the l|st edition, in this manner. M Trea ties of alliance being nothing more than stipulations of mutual advantage* between two communities in favor of each other, ought to be considered in the nntuic of a bargain i the conditions of which nre nl waya supposed to be equal, at least in the opinion rtf those who make it. I!e there fore, who breaks his part of the contract, destroys the equality or justice of it: and forfeits all pf*t?ncc to the benefits whieh the other party had stipulated In his favour." Accordingly, there ei&ted about that time, a treaty between the Dutch and Great Britain, containing two clause*> 1st. II either of the contracting pai ties, or the ter ritories belonging to them,should be attack ed > the other party at two months after re ceiving notice of this, was hound to furnish troopa in defence of its ally. 2nd: The ship* of neither of the contracting parties should be liable to search, on suspicion of having enemies property on board. But In contravention of this treaty, during a war with France, the British navy did bring to, and search the Dutch vessels to find enemies property on board of them. The Dutch made a formal complaint on this subject, alleging the treaty. The Court of Great Britain replied, that the treaty In qnestion was one compact, tho* contain* several clau aea: that if the Dutch set the example of breaking one part of the Trtatv, they had oo tight to Insist that the remainder should fceheld Acred, Prance and Spain had at* tacked Majorca and Minorca, whereof due notice was given to the Government in Holland* Who refuted or neglected to fur nish the stipulated assistance r wherefore, the treaty being thus broken in one part by (he Dutch, was not binding as to the re mainder on the English. This was acquies ced in. Nor arc we In want of American author ities of high character, as to the right of any ot*. or more states peaceably to secede from the Union, when the federal compact loacs its original. Mr. and impartial charac ter, and becomes oppressive to tho states, who have sought tor protection under its banner. I refer particularly to Judge Tuck" tr't first appendix in his notes to Black stone, S13. Tucker's Btackstone V lit. p, 73. of the first appendix. The passage bears directly on this question, and is roll and decisive in favour of the right of seperatibn but it is too long to copy til; next week. Kent* commentaries. Sec. 10. V. 1. p. 195. speskingoftheseperation of the Colo nies from Great Britain, he says. "The principle of self-prescTvation.and the right of every community to freedom and happi ness gnve a sanction to the separation. When the Government established over any people, bccomei incompetent to fulfil it* puposcft, or destructive of the essential ends for which it was instituted; it Is the right of that people founded on the law of nature, and tiie reason of mankind, suppor ted by the soundest authority, and hy some very illustrious precedents, to throw off such government, aud provide new guards for their future security." Whether tho rights of South Carolina have teally Iwen intxingod,cr?whether tho treasury which she is taxed so highly to fill, is or is not emptied by sectional projects of a protecting Tariff and of internal im provements which are not sanctioned by tho constitution, and wheroin, for that rea son, South Carolina disdains to participate ?whether these internal improvements even if tho acts authorising them were con stitutional, havo any honest and undeniable relation to tho common interest of the union?whether tho South general!*, and South Carolina particularly, nave not over, and over again, addressed, remonstrated, and memorialized the national legislator against these manifest onorxchnHr.itSj but in vain?whet^r auy (brthor remonstrance or KCTrtOtii', is likely to bo efficient?let the people of South Carolina judge. 1 repeat these questions as to the tariff of protection in particular. One more, ono solemn, ono final cfi'ort, it may bo proper yet to maku: let it bo res pectfully made at tho next meeting of Con gress: should that bo equally unavailing with all the former, the remedy must rest with South Carolina herself, for it will be then manifest, that she can havo no expec tations of justice elsewhere. Tho abstract right of sopcrating front tho Union, in a quiet and peaceable manner, when tho constitution is deliberately and persoveringly so construed by a combined ami determined majority, as to become par tial, unjust and oppressive in its operation? when its plain intention is perverted, and ita original meaning quibbled away?when powers are arbitrarily assumed, which it no where cloarly authorises when its con struction is fraudulent employed to en rich ono part of tho Union, ami to impover ish another?when its original spirit of equality and honesty is broken, disregarded and defeated?when the rights of the mino ty are deliberately set at nought, and their contributions for a common purposo. regard ed only as an objoct of sectional plunder when repeated remonstrance has no effect upon those who hold at their command all power and influence. When this happens, who ean doubt about tho expediency of generation^ Who can doubt, who has prosperity in view, his bounden obligation to s<*pcra(o from an Union of usurpation, oppression, inequality, and Injustkel Is this tho union yod mean to imposoon your child rent In such case, the intent and meaning of the contract being disregarded, tho consideration of mutual benefit that ori ginally gave it birth, is dostroyed. Rut in a compact so complicated, involv ing no many parties, and so long ci.twined with our honest feelings and prejudices on so many occasions, and in so many ways one, or two, or three, infractions of the con stitution, such a* wo have experienced, supposing them to l>e real and indubitable, do not afford a justification to those who would wish to seperate. If we have borne murb, and much indeed wo havo boroo, that is not all our dutv required. Weought, as we have repeatedly done, again to pro test, remonstrate nnd appeal to tho good sense and good reeling of tho national le Sisla tore, to bring baclc the practical opera - on of our national compact to tho plain meaning of our ancestor* who drew it up. I believe no honest man in this country can reasonably expert a better constitution than our own, asoriginally construed and intend ed: to that, but only to that, the bounden allegiance of every good citizen is due, whatever be tho ex pence attendant on it* honest construction and administration: but I cannot feel that we owe any allegiance to tho doctrine* of general welfare, and a ta riff of protection, to the constitution of Messrs. Adams ami ('lay. Still it will be our duty to <lo as wo have done, once again to remonstrate and protest, until ns wo have reason to Itelievo, that remonstrance and protestation are set at nought?till patience and forbearance may reasonably Im? consid ered ns timidity, and tend only to weaken ourselves and encourage our oppressors. In this case, our duty to ourselves, and much more our duty to our children, (alls for some measure of decision: there must bo some reasonable termination to forbearance: and if our brethren to the north after anoth er efl??rt on our part, will not lot us go on upon fair term* tt>Uh them, I seo no diffi culty with Charleston as \ ????:? port, in ffoins on wf/Aon/ them Union in a good thing: Imt as it in now managed it in doubtful whether we do not pay too mu?h for our whietle: there ii wwly no treason in asking tho question, what are the benefit* and what ie the coatl Aait ia, all the tasae wo pay to the general government, go worn tin never to bo aeen again, nutta vetti/fUk rtirortum. To us, the national treasury is literally a sinking ftind the cry of our northern friendsis etemallf, Givo, (live. Ciivr All that we are doomed to pay as a tribute, goes toUie monopoly manufacturer*; it goes to return no more. It to not ao oMCfa for tho nation, as for them, that oar are exacted to the last cent. These source* of taxation will amount annually to a/to" two and a half million of dollais, on us by the general frorermnent, which expends the whole of it elsewhere. We do not exist as members of the Union for our own benefit, but to enrich the north. Nor do they seem to care if our foreign mar ket is completely annihilated. In ten yean South Carolina will bo drained of twenty - five millions of dollar*, which will be laid out almost entirely in tho northern section of the United State*: nonoof it in South Carolina. Suppoae the twenty-five mil lion of dollars Kept at home and laid out in 8outh Carolina; would it not it go far to make the whofo country a garden! llut it to In vain to ask such a question when we know that our axes will be expended chiefly in and for the north, norfh-ntfem and middle Unlet: to us, mere sponges of the north, it is a tribute that might as well bo paid to the Kmporor of Japan. Who can toll the benefit* wo derive in return! Who sees thorn, who feel* them, who can designate them! I challenge tho discus sion. ?suppose inaric?;on a rr.K.n potit, ex acting no dutiea of entry or exit, or at the very utmost five |?er cent. iuI valorem on imports; a rmsu pon-r, w.ro the vesaels of every nation upon earth, might bring without let or hindranco what thoy have to sell, and purchase froelv what wo can sup ply. What a city would it bo in Ave yearn! What a depot for tho transatlantic world! What a scene for commercial agency! And what nation would mr^ost a racE ronTt which is the port of every nation; which all nations arc deeply interested in promoting and guaranteeing! And what other taxes do wo need, in that ease, than the home taxes wc now raiso! And wltat danger have wo to fear! Who molests Luheck, Hamburgh, Bremen! Would Europe per mit a free port to bo blockaded! And where aro the taxes to lie obtained, to pay tho oxpenses of any hostilo attack u|>on us by our quondam friends! Whoso commerce famishes the taxes now! In such a case, wo should bo tempted to spend our sumuicni occasionally at London, Paris, or Home, in stead of swilling Congress-water, where no improving object is to Ikj seen, or any Im proving discussion heard Such aro a few of tho considerations which will present themselves, if thetariff mongers should force them upon us. But if tho Jirlncifilc of general welfare, of inter nal improvement, and of protecting duties, be renounced, and the tariff lie brought within five years to tho standard of 1816, I should not regard that man as a friend to his country, who would agitate these ques tions or any of them. With those amend ments, I should say of tho American con stitution, eato ficrfietua! But if theso ob noxious measures bo obstinately continued by Congress, t shall not consider that man as a friend to South Carolina who refuses to investigate tho truo value of tho Union to our state, who shuts his eyes to tho injus tice practised against us, or who will shrink from the remedy. Such are some of the prominent reasons stated in n very brief and general way, why South Carolina would act wisely by coolly and quietly withdrawing from a part nership, whero the south has all the loss, and tho north all the gain. A marriag* contract now so construed, that under it. embrace is death. Arguments which I shall closo by observing in tho language of La Fayette, "for a nation to be frcrt it mflicet that the willi it." 1 liavo not thought fit to dwell long on tho despotic pretensions of our national government, or on tho total change of char acter in our compact of Union, by tho mod ern construction of Mr. Monroe, Mr. J. Q Adams, Mr. Clay, and some others, who havoboon misled. The all-embracinsdoe trino of tftncral vjclJ'urr, now actually put into oxtensivo practice throughout the uni on, not only by the tariff of protection, but by surveys, and reconnoisances, which can not bo completed under 160 or 200 million of dollars, (calculating on tho usual excess of oxponce above estimate,^ includes every power which the most absolute despot could wish, or venture to claim. Under this om nipotent pretence, there remains not even tho shadow of a limitation to the powers of an obsequious Congress, seconding the magnificent views of a bribing, patronising, ana job-bestowing government. The in ternal improvements made and projected, give territorial jurisdiction wherever a road is to bo laid out, or a canal is to be cut. j No stato is any longer sovereign over its own soil. Under the powers embraced by general wolfare, all is brought within the grasp of the federal government, and the federal judiciary. The south is taxed to swell tho purse of tho north. The south is impoverished that the north may hn im proved and beautified; to tho lamentation, as well as tho admiration of every southern traveller. The northern aristocracy of wealthy monopolists, are constituted in point of fact our lords and masters, and we labour for their benefit. The present gov ernment is no longer a federal union of sov ereign and independent states, where the minority have rights entitled to protection. nut a conaouuateu, national government. It i* not the Union projected7iy tin* con vention that drew up the constitution of the United State*. It in a form of government totally different in every feature. It in ;i federal republic in name; it i* a monarchy in fact. To what length* thene palpable1 encroachment* on tlie hound* and limits? 1 on the ancient land mark* of our original j con*tituion, may vet extend, who can telP 1 For general welfare ha* no Itound*. Nor j have I dWelt at all on the enormous, ap nailing influence of tho hank of tho United State*. Tho tfometlle evil* al*o, with which wo are inceaaantly threatened, arc fatly comprehended in Mr. J. Q. Adam*'* t;eneral welfare: and if the desolation b not o be immediate, it to distinctly held over ua, in terrmrtm, and kept back only, with mmnifcftt reluctance, till the preaent ayatem of aggrandisement on the one hand, and im poverishment on the other, will bring the fanatic. plan toita fall maturity, and render our threat* contemptible, and our resistance I ruin In all thin, 1 *p?ak aft a ftouth Caro linian: but aro not my views of tho sub ject applicable to every southern statel Ou our lelWw-citixensofthe south shut their eyes to a common dangerl I will not deny thai Messrs. Adams sod Clay and their coadjutor* may possibly make out a case, that would ieno?r the pro ceeding argument* unavailing, and coun teract their influence. Be it so. They 'n ill merit the thanks of the public, if they ran fairly do *?. They shall most heartily have mine, with every good wish for their Kucccts. Let Hie fielo of public discussion b? fairly ?and impartially open. But the spirit of enquiry m abroad: and they may rest unxurcd, that mere declamation# will not bo accepted by the public, in lieu of facts. Let us have a plain, tangible, in telligiblo account-current of lienefits and injuries with tho lalsnco fairly stated. School I K>_v twni'Ky tic* on our bravo officers; our formidable navy; our boing the bulwark of the liberty of the world; tho asylum of the oppressod; the glorious constitution of1 our wttto ancestor*; tho pvido of belonging to tho American family, tho most enlight cd nation upon earth; our ftituro prospects of greatness and pHjry; our extended terri tory, from tho Atlantic to the TsdAc, fcc. fee. AH this I think will bo considered aa tho sounding brass, and the tinkling cym bal; as a fnb?e coin, tliat a wiso and connido ratc public will not accept as sterling. Shall wo liavo more or lew of the Nplid, substan al comforts of life dUlbsed among our popu lation, by the incroane of our wealth and tho increase of our numlwrs?by union, un der tho general welfare doctrines, or by dis union! This in the question. Success to him who can resolve it so as to set truth in the clearest light. CATO. INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE. I'rovidencf,Jitne 26th, 1829. Hon. William Diiaytom SIR?I take tho liberty to send you a small sample of Cloth manufactured in Rhode-bland, by Messrs. Charles Jackson fc Co. of this town. Tho wholesale prico of such cloth is 18 rents per yajd. It sells at retail, for 20 cents. At tiicWk price* I understand this manufacture cam be sus taincil by a fair profit. \ 1 do not believe any nation on this globe, other than the United States, ran, at this time, fumisb the material, the machinery, tho skill and labor, fur such a fabric, at such a cost. It is not recollected by me, that any other region produces tho Sea-Island Cotton of a staple equal to tliatof the Islands of your State ami Georgia. Tho matorial of this cloth is of that kind, though very for from l>cing tho best of that Kind of cotton. We know you of tho South produce that kind of material; but wo of the North have not hitherto been enabled to put into operation the appropriate machinery; or America might, at this time, exhibit to the world such fabrics as neither Europe nor Asia ever produced. Althou|gh I do not rank weaving, even as practised by the fairest hands of antiquity, among tho fine arts, yet 1 must be permitted to believo that such ptoductn of that art, whether in thoir own native whiteness, or when pain ed under the operations of that skill which can K*vo such various beauty to, their co lor, would form a drapery, giving to ani mated, intelligent beings a more interres ting appearance, than the happiest pencil of antiquity could have conferred on the faircxtform of Muse or Goddess, produced and adorned by tho painter's imagination and skill. If Uiu plantations, spindles, and looms, of o?ir country could nover have produced, it will nevertheless ho allowed that they can mightily strengthen our political (ahric. TIh.ro physical, do in somo degree resem hlo moral cord* of union, they increase in Ktrengtli an Ihoy progress in linen***. 80 long as those feelinp which in the Revolutionary war, united tho mechanics of Rhode-Island with the planter* of South Carolina, can he continued in fuiroporation, tho production of your plantation* and our loom* will he as useful and ornamental to the people of this generalion, a* thoso "iron harvest* of tho Held" wero beneficial and illustrious to our father*. I pray of you, sir, to accept this little sam [do of our national ?kill. It is, I confess, mt n very inaricquato expression of the very high estimation cntertainod hero hy mo* anil my friends, of tho patriotism and candor of him to whom it is presented. I have tho honor to !*>, sir, with tho lushest respect, your obedient servant. TRISTAM DURGKS. (?HAni.ERTON, Iht Auo. 1820 D?: \n Sin?In consequence of my ha ving left New York for Charleston, before Mr. I ley ward had received your letter and parrel, (hey did not reach me until a day or two ago, or I should sooner have dono mvnelf the pleasure of answering your friendly letter, and of returning to you my thanks for tho specimen of the skill of tho Providence looms, which you had tho cocd noaa, to send me. Not Iteing a judge of any species of cloth, I *sked the opinion of those who were conversant upon the sub ject, n* to your sauinle. They tell mo, that for the prirn at which it in sold in Pro vidence, ('20 cents the van!) it ia strong fine and cheap; hut that Cotton of the same quality, could not he purchased here, for lr?i than from 25 to 2)0 cents the yard, a difference, as you will perceive,of from 20 to 331-3 per cent. Entirely fteccording with yon in the conviction of the immense national importance of permanently flour ishing manufactures, I yet am so unfortu nate, an to differ from you respecting the mode I>est calculated to effect that deatucra tum. I will not tiro you with the ground* and reasons of my opinion, in a written tfterch, as. nolens volenti, yon havohcenJ ami proahly will again be aufliciently grat ified in that way In lahorioualy and ably advocating tho intereata of the manufac turer; according to vour conviction of what will beat promote them, I am satiafled that you are Influenced by the pnreat motives: and howaver impressed you may ha, that t am in error, in taking a view different from yours. I feel assured that you will acquit me ofhaing intentionally wrong. With great reapect and eateem, 1 am, dear air, your fkithfhl and obedient aervant, WM DRAYTO!f Hon. TntafAM Buboes* [ TrUlam Burgeooqf Rhode-bland, Col. Drayton of South-Carolina, and Cobbctt oj Lomdoru?Tristam Burgess brags of the excellence and cbeapncat of (be manufac turers of Rhode-Island, end docs not believe (h* *ayoJ that any natiou on tbo globe can Aunieb such a apodmen at the tame price. Wonderful! What then do the manutac turers want with a Tariff of protection! In quality and chcapncee they can challenge the Qlobe; and yat they want a Tariff uf 60 or 100 per cent, to exclude the dearer and woree manu&ctures of Great Britain, from their own doors! What an excellent speeinmn of Rhods-lsland reasoning! F"ul ly equal to Tristam Burgess's specimen of Rhode-Island cloth! VWly this polished member of Congress has a head! And so] fia* a Cabbage. We recommend to our readers the follow ing forcible tbo' vulgar letter to Murray the Bookseller from Cobbct, and wo ap peal to our ilfcders, after perusing'tbo list of prioes contained in it, and those published last week, whether any the slightest cre dit is due to Tristram's inferences. Wo oflfer the following extracts as foil proof that prices have fidlen yet more in England than in this country from the same causes: vix. low wages, low raw material, low pro fits, and improved maditnery. But if Mr. Burgess isright, what does he want with a Tariff! Could not Col. Drayton have as ked him this plain and obvious question* Col Drayton is a polite man of mild and gentlemanly manners: but ho might have found means to des/roy his correspondents arguments in a sentenco or two, without breach of politeness. Wo wish he had so done. These truth-tolling manufacturers ?would fain persuade us that all low prices are tho necessary results of a Tariff of high duties. They will by and by persuade us if they can, that Tristam Burgess Matthew Carey and Hexekiah Niles, are golomons and Sol ons, and that John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay arc disinterested Patriots ! !? Ed. Tel] COllUKTT. Wc have in tlie conductor* of the Press id our country, manv imitators of Col>l.?tt's icuritlitr, but they lack the strength and >riginaliiy, and blunt humor, which, in lomc degree, redeem Cobbctt's abusive ?f fusions, and render his personal attacks oc MkionHlly amusing. He, however, some times indulges in a strain which, in all hut he wit, would not disccdit the columns of he Boston Satesman or Delaware Gazette. I The following, for instance, from one of his late Kegisters, has been copied into the Richmond Whig, as a specimen of hisvitu perat ive talent, blended with his plain mat ter of fact mode of reasoning.?.-Yaf. Int. TO JOHN MURRAY, Of .llbtmarU Stmt, PublUher o/Tnr. Qu4Rtrr> it Rkvitiv, and abu Pu blither ^"Caiw- and ?tkvr tuth t?rLi. Murray : In the last number ot your base snd infamous publication, called **'1 he Quar terly Review," there was an article ** On the Currency," in which article, after speak ing of the work -of Mr. Thomas Attwood In a very disrespectful maimer, for which you ought to have been horse-whipped, you speak, or your wretched hireling* apeak, of me, and ot my false predictions relative to the effect of tne oue pound note bill. Igno rant and malignant Scotchman as you arc, one would hardly think it credible that you should nave tolerated, wilfully the publication of a passage like the follow ing; but you did tolerate it; yoo did publish I it, and 1 will now take it while the cries of broken tradesmen art piercing your ears,' and thrust it up under your snuffy and gri my Scotch nose. The passage to which 1 allude I find In pAgc 462, in the following insolent, malignant, lying and stupid words quite worthy of an upstart Scotchman, and therefore unworthy of any other human be ing. After spebking contemptuously of Mr. Thomas Alt rood's forebodings, you ** proceed, with regard to me, thus:?-Ano " ther writer, indeed, of great notoriety, " has for years been in the habit of assert " ing in his weekly lucubrations, that this " measure never can be carried into effect ?* without reducing the price of wheat to " thirty-two shillings per quarter, and the '* price of other commodities in the same " proportion, and producing in coo sequence " public convulsion. A public convulsion ?Ms the tummum malum towards which " all his aspirations are directed; he has ?? wasted the whole of a long llfrt and very " great natural abilities in vain attempts to " excite and foment fiUhllc dbeontent. Ami " the anticipation, that the suppression of " nf the one pound note circulation must " create nnational commotion,isihe/atf Ao/tc " to which the hoary democrat now teem* | " to ellngt at least such is his declaration; ** for he has given n pledge, and renewed it " weekly, that if the circulation of one " pound notes he finally withdrawn, and n ??public convulsion do nnt take place in ?? consequence, he, Mr. William Cobbett, >' will consent to be roasted on a gridiron. " For ourselves, we profess t?? entertain " neither doubt nor fear upon the subject: " in fact, the event anticipated with so much " glee by the democrat tf Kensington, a? " the source of pMitical contusion, and with ?? to mnch gloom by the alarmist of I*m ** bard street, as the cause of commercial " embarrattment, hat already taken fitacr.1 " The act for the final tuppreaslon ot one " pound note* hen already began to ofieratej " end yet we have neither heard nor teen " any thing which teem* to indicate that the (mature in qttettion has produced the tllghtnt inconveniencei M tar m we can tee, it ha* not affected the ?eUhtR price " ot any tpecfet of commodity.M Now Murray, yo?* '?ll your roadcrt here, I your wheat..! ???*'?. .1 formed readers, that| the ?*hoary democrat**" prediction* hate ?? proved 'Mo he falte) for that yoa have not " (Uncovered that the troall note-hill, thonah " It hat gone }rto effect, hot flroduted the 7 '"glut* ineturvmltncc," und you ar thd ithss wA a&ifcted tht till** 'price ofun*' *fi**k9 ?/'comAc fur u you yom*' "If * broom-stick, or rMt*< end, laid about your earcas*and a kkkfot' snd bundling about by tbe toes of nailed *hoes; pumping upon, drugging through ? horse pood with a ropo round your n?ck: flinging into a dltchTOM? US}' log you stinking along like one 0/the street* oTyour native country, something of thjx l101"!iWotV l. a ?"**'y-beedcd. under looking fellow like you J but. With regard to your readers: with regard to the base, hpr rupt, and malignant wretches that aapport you; something in the wkjr ofexposure of your ignorance and of their folly Is neces sary. The brute, the vile hired slave, whom you paid for writing the article which | have quoted from, knew he shnold delight you I and your corrupt customers, by abustagffiO 1 m the first place, and In the neat place.bv encouraging the belief thai the Small-note BHl would produce no distress or incoaven | icnce, and would, at the same time, falsify I my prediction. It is astonWhing to e^at I lengths the stopidity and malignancy of rots and your crew will push you on. Befcw I this article was written, the effect of the Small Note-Dill had been felt most severely; there hud been. a.risible decline of price** and commerce and trado began to be at a stand Yet you could put forth thU malig nant article, not perceiving, appfrentfjr, that a few months. If not a^few weeks must mike your stupidity notorious* ' , ' TT Kow, however, people will listcnrercn tho fools, .the malignant fools, the fools than love to believe that which they know to be false: even these wretches will now listen; for though they may live upon the taxes and though they may be profittlng from the distress and ruin of the payers of taxes; still they hsve some lurking fears that this dis tress mav be so great as to cause a blowing up, and that then all taxes may ccasa* Alt parties will now, therefore1, listen, and ha ving them in this mood, I will tell them something worth listening to. The prlcr of com Is of little consequence at thla thnr. seeing that the farmers nave none to sell? I hsve before mentioned the almost total absence of wheat in some part of the coun try; 1 can now state the same with rapml to Hsmpshlre. So that the farmers navo actually no corn to sell.,and may* therefor< be extremely happy on the prices of corn. In msny parts of the south and west of Eng land. wool is sn article of pretty near a* irush consequence as that of corn. It al ways was one of the grcst articles of pmlucr in this country, one of the great sources of the nation's wealth and power. This arti cle consists of various description?* one of which is called Sout/idoivn wool, which forms n great proportion of the country.? This sort of wool sold, during several rears, st from 2*. Cd. to 3*. a pound; and, in tho year 181S, at the wool show, at Lewis, in Sussex, Lord Sheffield, who b*ed to be ar* annus! agricultural gabbler,com plained that the Southdown wool "was ruinoualy to*,'* because it hsd fallen to (we ?hUllng* and four ficnce a fiound. This wool which wa? thought so low at 2*. 4d. in the pound, was, by run panic, brought down to&d or 9 J. per pound; and the small note bilt has brought} it down to five fienct a fiound! I state as a tact, that In Hampshire and other counties in the west, Southdown wool is now sel Ng at 28 lbs. So that, underlookinc Scotchman, con ceited as you arc, here is a f*ll of price* at any rate. On the down farms, that is to m> the sheep farms, it used to be deemed bad luck, a bad year, when the wool did not pay the rent. The price was about 3*. 6rf. the pound on an average. A sheep carried about 3lbs. of woo!)so that 700 sheep yield ed in their fleeces ?262 10*. and the samu flock of sheep now yield in their fleeces ?Ai 15*. This is what the chnckie-headed far roers have got at last by prancing about a.< yeomanry cavalry men to keep down "ju cobins and levellers." There are some at the farmers that, were never guilty el this baseness, but who had to saner persecu tion tor their good ttnse wA pttblk spirit, and their detestation of this system. Thttt? are safe: persecution wde them take caro of themselves: and, as for the rest, there i* nmhing they ean suffer that can exceed that which they ought to suffer. Tu die upon their own-dung hill* with their mouth* full of haif-cheiMjl grass, and to have their car* casses food far th* birds of prey, would-not be a bit too much for those ferocious villain j who eheerfally aided the borough-mongm in crushing the reformers. However, the lust punishment is now approtchtag: Indeed it has been begun to be executed! the ruf fians are under the hands at that same Wel lington, to whom they sent cheeses and ox en in Spain, when their own poof creatures of labourers were starving* Lay on the lash well, good Dukei they have thick skins and hearts like flint ttones. Every man of them, who took a part against the reform ers, deserves, not only the punishntfent ho is receiving, but ten thousand times great er punishment than even thi* scourging and pestilential syntem can inflict. And* His so appropriate, it is so just, that the last should bo laid on them by the man, with whose name they used to insUlt us. Stupid Scotchman 1 gristly headed, and undercooking Sawney! I hnve lately notic ed that fresh butter It Mold at 8d. a pound in the weald of Kent. By the Leeds Patri ot I am told that It i? told at ?LxfienM the pound at Damnify* in Yorkshire, t per ceivc in all the London newspaper*, except I think, the Morning Journal, a studlff? >1 lence upon the sabfect of the 4htreuei i t trade and in agriculture. 1 perceive that they acarcely eter allude to the sob?eat, though Khopa are daily ahutting up, even in the moat frequented streets, and though theie are. In and aliout tendon, from I0V 20,000 new houses that manifestly never will have an inhabitant) though it i* notati ons that the i ecuiptt in every branch of bu aineaa haie fallen off from a third to * half* and in tome eaves three-fr o thsor f though, all this h notorious! I matt says It to every other man, _ paper* are totally silent upon tha i It is notorious, that woollen, U silk) in short, alVsorts of good so low in price as to make it If the makers or venders sh?