Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1819-1821, October 19, 1827, Image 2
fe
_ aoonJccL.
died, that they had taken their
iunfewdays afterward*, Mr.
i TOttitary chieftain letter, m it hai
Aylod# waa written to Judge Brooke} '6f
rta, ?f whom he sp?ak? a* a particular
J* Irt that lettor,he mentions his diffi
cult, ??highly critical" situation? the inter
' rogatUm to his conscience, and the course ho
had resolved to pursue. Thu?, to a partleu.
Isr friend, on the SAth of January, ami not
earlier* was e declaration made of the
course- he h-id concluded to take. Why the
necPSiUy ef a silence so long, and so rigidly
This Saturday evening meeting, on?l the
Course which Kad been resolved upon, form
ed generally on-Momlay the subject of con.
venation. The Senate having adjournal.
Gen. Jackson and myself were passing from
the capitol, being yet within Jhe enclosure,
and near to a flirht of steps leading to the
avenue, when Mr. Clav coming diagonally
on our route, from the House of Representa
tive^ piitij vary near, and without speak
ing. He waa proceeding down a flight of
steps in front of the building, and wc
were in the act of descending when some
person coming up, accosted us.? -At that
moment, Mr. C!ay, turning routuL observed,
"how are you to^lay General.'" with a
manner somewhat embarrassed, an thou&ti
he had just then discovered him. The salu
tation was returned and Mr. Clay passed on.
Immediately afterw i <is, Cieu. Jackson re
marked to me, that Mr. Clay teemed dis
ppsed to pass him without speaking? my
answer was, *? as he has concluded to vote
against you. General, I suppose he is solicit
ous for no farther intercourse:" we dropped
the sutyect. 1 had never before perceived
Mr. C? ty thus distaiit with (ten. Jackson,
having oeen previously quite the reverse;
?nd well knowing, from our near proximity
at passing, that it was altogether improba
ble he should not huve observed us 1 looked
to this r.oyues* on his part> as a circumstance
corrolmrative of what had hcen the reports
of the day? a deteriuin ttiou taken to support
Mr. Aduins.
Previously to the annunciation of this
meeting ait Saturday, I had ?> it distrusted the
revolt <>t* the election. A? regarded the
course Kentucky would take, even conced
ing the force o< Mr, Cluy's influence, 1 feit
there was security in these consu.erutionH.
That, to fur front there being any thing of
good, the'ie had been an unfriendly under*
standing very latelv subsisting between Mr.
Adams and Mr. Clay: tlvit Mr. Adam* was
not the choice of Kentucky? -liud not been
thought of or voted for th'.Te; and of nll.the
persons prevented to the pu >lic, would pr*i
nably hive received tuc m>*t inconsiderable
suffrage lu that state. T'.iat Mr. Critten
den, who U'xxl .it the head of the electoral
list for Mt'.'Clay, and whose opinions of the
preference and choice of Kentucky, I hence
inferred* might have weight, had written to
a friend of mine at Washington, that Ken*
lucky preferred Jackson, and wished him to
succeed against Adain-t. But, beside all this,
th$ Legislature of tho state had sent forth
their instructions, (or request) on this sub
ject, declaring what was to he considered the
sense of the people; and I, well remember
tog the warm and ancient contest between
Mr. Cley and Mr. Pope, on the subject ot a
disregard of instructions, had not aupposcd
that the former would venture to place at
nought hit previous open av owals on this im
portant political point. These were the
grounds of my opinions, and of my conclu
sions, and they were removed, only when I
understood that this meeting had been held,
gad the vote of Kentuckydcterinincd upon.
.There were other considerations of infer
ffioe and at argument. The state of New
York was thought to be dependant for the
couvse she would pursue, on the vote of a sin
gle individual. Thus situated it could not
be known to absolute certainty, though con
Jectu rally it was, what Anally her course
would be. Maryland it w * believed, would
et least on the first ballot, i>c on tl^e side of
Mr. Adams. These two, with the six New
England states, aere all, which with any
thing of certainty could be counted on. Five
"#ere yet wanted. Lousiana and Illinois, it
Was believed, would be in favor of the same
course, though as it was in opposition to (he
preference, indicated by the electoral col
leges at home, it was asserted, t hot the mem
bers from those states, would not march in
that direction except in the event, that
thereby the election of Mr. Adams wduhl
be rendered sccure and certain. Report
having urged strongly, that on the second
ballot, Maryland would secedc and vote for
Gen. Jackson, it was therefore indispensably
important to bring matters to aeloae. Th-:
whole affair taen rested with Kentucky,
Ohio end Missouri. Under thisatatenf things
was it, end after that it had been ascertained,
that Jackson would make no disclosure, as
to his cabinet, that the meeting of tke2.nd
of January took place. Those who attended
it, being participants In what was done, have
never yet declared the particulars.?! have
^ j wmrnv ??v?wi ? M4? ?riVlltl
of Mr. Clay. He gives the reason why he is
no longer that friend. To a letter which was
lately written to him by me, this is-his reply.
M The bargain of 1829, between Messrs.
Adam* and Clay, J remember well west re* -
ty spoken of by many members of Congress,
fit hough I had no personal knowledge of aay
{set, which would warrant the belief, that
the contract existed j besides the high esti
giatlon in which I thee held Mr. Cl.?y, for
bade mf suspicions on any accuaations not
? by positive proof} that proof was
id me, and I held him guiltless i ?
circumstances of unfa
r and which as the friend
wea serry had existence. The
te which I allude were the
reserve of Mr.
or lettting it be
It and the hot
i who rated for
mjn
w ?*
'^Eto$SBSg3:
ed, lie felt satisfied it would not bo so; but
that h? hot*! no personal considerations for
bin would induce tketu. to act aontrary to
their desire.'* Upon those circumstances I
ham often remarked, tU.it the ft ret ?u not
In character of KeaturkUu*, and that the last
was the strongest app?*l which could be
nude to a man's friend, and the heaviest
requisition which could be levied oo their
attachment. Until a very short time since
I bail not been convinced that the bargain
bad been nuide as executed, and I even now
regret that I am constrained to adroit It* but
believing it, 1 shall leave nothing undone
which can be honorably performed to defeat i
the coalition.
Antony's oration over the dend body of
Cnsar has been greatly admired for manner,
I artfulness and concealment of intended pur
; pose; bat this of Mr. Clay is quite a match
I ior it: so pointed, and yet so modest; so re
1 tiring, and so evidently concealing its real
intentions. Gentlemen, you are my friends,
and as such we have met. Let me not ask
you to neglect your duty, or sacrifice your
selves for met I ask nothing at your hands?
but of one thing you may rest assured.? If
Jack son is elected I shall be prostrated; but
if Mr. Adams shall be chosen, " he felt sa
tisfied it would not be so." In the one case,
there was d inger to his prospect*, in the
other there would be none; nor was this
given as au opinion formed, or belief enter*
tamed? it is of ittrongcr import? he was
naiinficU there would he mine. The speech
hud its effect; the long agony was over, and
the determiiidtutn taken to move together.
Thus was tlie whole machinery ready to
operate, provided defection could be? kept
fnin us parts.* And until t It U were effected,
.Mr. CUy's course was but matter of conjec
ture. It judgment and sound deliberation,
prompted him to adopt the preference he
did, certainly it docs not follow, Miat duty
demanded of him tins grave and formal ex
erei.tc of bi* influence, whereby to have con
trolled the opinion* and vote* of others,
iteming on thix ground of decision merely,
apart from any other and future considera
tion, such active ze il was forbidden by the
situation in which he himself had very lately
stood, and more especially from the perso
nal i elation which he ana Mr. Adams bud
recently orcunivd towards eaeh other.
The eour*e adopted by Mr. Clay, m refer
ence t<t t'aii election, ami the circumstance*
attending it ut the time, were then as now
the subject of five ami censurable remark,
the titial consummation though, did not torn
time take place- M .ny, incredulous to!
mere assertion, and anxious to niamt li ? their
former favorable opinions were willing and
disposed, to defer ull credence until after
I the inauguration. and when it shmild with
i certainty be ascertained, whether Mr. Clay
would be appointed to the first situation in
the cabinet.?' Tbe nomination tame! It
wax submitted to the Senate ? a vote taken;
! and contrary to what before, I believe, had
ever happened, in reference to a cabinet ip
polntrncnt, a large number <*f th?? ?*.?dy (one
third) were fiwnd in opposition to it. Be
sides tunse, there were others, unfriendly to
the confirmation, hut who yielded their
ahfcent, on the grot* .d. th.it the President
wm amenable to the country, for a correct l
administration of it* affairs; and that the itn- J
memorial imge of the Senate, had conceded l
I him the right to select his cabinet agreeably
to his own wishes. It wan said, if the Senate
shall refuse their absent, and future mishaps
arise, a strong defence to th?; executive
would be aftbnlcd, and the President be
j enabled to say? the Senate opposed me, and
'denied a right heretofore never withheld?
the right of obtaining that assistance in
which 1 hail confidence, and which, it was
my desire and object to procure. That the
nomination though, was silently voted on,
and nothing said respecting it, is not correct.
A senator in his place, addressed the chair
? opposed a confirmation, and presented the
reasons of hie objections, which w re entire
ly in reference to Mr. Clay's course and
conduct on the presidential election. I khall
not use his name nor attempt to miote hie
remarks, although the injunction of secrecy
has been long since removed. I welt re
member though, that the name of this sena
tor, and what he had done, and what said,
were spoken of at the time publicly t and I
well remember too that an' reply to him was
made or attemnted, oreommiueeof cmj.ury
asked for. After he had taken his seat, the
nomination was voted on, and carried, and
the appointment confirmed. I know not
what friend <-r member, afforded Mr. Clay
the information that hU nomination was not
objected to in the Senate, lint 1 do know,
that he made an incorrect report.
If, after a perusal of what is here written,
there shall be any, disposed to maintain, that
a statement, simply, of Mr. Huchannan's
conversation, is all that was necessary, or
proper to be presented; and that I should
nave gone no farther, this Is my answer. It
is a public matter, and one about which the
countiy hat. manifested deep solicitude; it
was right thence to sueak what f knew.
But besides this, Mr. Clay withot^t regard
to others feelings, or concern for the injus
tice he might l>e doing, has undertaken to
hold me before the public, by representing,
that 1 had sustained a paper for the avowed
object of assailing nls motives, and deterring
him in the exercise of hie duty, for thus it
seem* to be read/ a noble vocation, indeed!
Why do this? 1 had not interfered to inter
rupt Mr. Clay's repoee? IJ had written no
letter to Mr. Carter Beverlyi and Jar as he
then had knowledge, had spoken nothing of,
or concerning him. Ho reasonable man
then, ean look to me aa a volunteer in thla
business, or aa having gone farther* than
even justice to myself demanded.
JOHN H. KATON.
Franklin, Venn. Se/tt. 18, f 37.
Ft mil* Jfaasary.? A iHtle immpbUt has b*ea
published la Ibis vtelnit/, entitled " /MutfretJea
?/ Mtmnrg, nt pr*fH**4 in Kunpi, m
M y ' We have not pr rased (Ms edition of t
mate Mrpittifm. but sespeel it eoatains msUers
?juHe curious and ln<i?rMtlng We weetd bow
<r*er,/e?Hrh, tbnt we bave every reesoMebelievt
Ike work to be {attains, and a corrwet statement
of lk? mytferlea as practised la Keel?fcd. Prenee
and Osriasey. We may bete lodges of llatoa
1^ ikL - *- ? AkM!i|ai
w lwff (jwim i f pnoniT ?
Mwiht UUt4^t?f?
TTi JT m?N lKifni
... .
A tadtottable advaota
Jmm ? towernrouiit, are
from Kiloy. Innetastance
re<iXh?IT3B5lS.7hIt JhiSTflf : imDroJT
tea than in tMtuvuuit wniist ui improve*
nent oust necessarily originate wHh those,
who patiw the highest degree of intelli
gence, they cm in a majority of instanoes
anticipate no other return (or their honoura
ble exertions, than to have their actions mb*
construed and their motive* traduced.
Aware of these hard emditloos, attached to
the privilege of being useful, the philoso
pher and philanthropists still (eels his bofom
swell with emotions, which preclude the pos
sibility of his being silent, when the publto is
threatened with injury or inactive where the
arm of oppression is elevated, ami l? about
to prostrate its unconscious and unoffending
victims.
The above reflections have been elicited
by the pertiMl of repeated productions ht
the poiiers, in which it has been attempted to
turn the fell tide of indignation against Dr.
Cooper, Hie President of our College, on
account of the conspicuous p.u-t, he has token
In the ptoceedmgs against tile iniquitous and
oppressive eaactionn, under the spec iuus dis
guise of a tariff", which a corrupt and infatu
ated majority in the oouncils of the nation,
are dfrmined at all hasards to practice
against us. On, what in thenam?or human
fatuity, do these sapient dialecticians depend
for effecting their diabolical purposes. 1 heir
argument stands thus: Dr. Cooper is an
Englishman? he found an asylum in this
country? -he is secretly favourable to ling
land? lie is therefore a traitor.? Let us con
sider each of these branches of the accusa
tion in their order.
Dr. Cooper is an Englishman: and who
have been the most illustrious asserters of
human rights in ni'dern times? With all
it* faults, and it has many, it is o generous
blood, and o South Carolinian of any intelli
gence would .u soon suppose that honour
might <bc acquired by blaspheming the repu
tation of his mother, as by renouncing llrit
ish consanguinity. If to have trod the same
soil, to have breathed the same enlivening
air, and to nave feasted on the same ambro
sial banquet of liberty, with a Wickliffe,
the great patriarch of religious freedom;
with Bacon, the advocate of intellectual inde
pendence^ with Hampden, the champion of
popular rights; with Sydney, the martyred
apo*tlc or liberty; with Milton, the prophet
of all that is suulnnc, or holy, or dauntless
in human thought; with Locke, the intrepid
pilot of the mitid, in it* attempts to explore
the most important interest* of man; with
Smith, the great d?>ctor of the ruler* of nv.in
Ictiid; if to be allied to a race like this be
odiou*^ whrre is the Carolinian that would
not l>e jealous of his share of the contumely?
Uiit they attempted to oppress us? Who?
Certainly not the worth and talent of the
nation. Surely it would ill become us to
torget how mill h the approbation of * Chat
h.im un l a Hmku coolir ned u* in ???r belief
of the jas*iue of |h? gi'e.it content fur our
right*. Whence w-?s the spirit ot Carolina
derived, which prcvipitated Iter iutoa glori
oiih Itu*. perilous struggle, with an entire
consciousness of the appalling truth, that the
could not muster ten ihou*Hnd men of every
arm for the defence of hur liberties.' It was
the noble during of the Lion's whelp, whose
blood whm inn\mcd to madnuxs at the
wrong* inflicted and mc<jitatcdi even by itu
sire. Let those who would trifle with our
rights beware how they again put that blood
into a ferment!
Shall it here be tauntingly asked. who has
wronged you? Of what opprcssi-ma do you
complain? What voice from the people
ha* proclaimed their indignation? Ask the
memorialists of Charleston, of Beaufort, of
Walterbomugh, of Edgefield, of Orange
burgh, of Cheraw, ?<c. and they will tell you
a tale of exactions, which have no parallel in
the annals of despotism. They will
tell you of the millions of treasure,
that leave our shores never again to re
turn' They will bid you mark the in
sidious attempt to convert us back again to
a despicable colonial bondage, that a corrupt
majority may fatten on their ill gotten mono
?poly in the purchase ot our products and tha
sale of our supplies? They will arouse your
abhorrence of a government, which unblush
ingly announces Its contempt for all that sci
ence has, for the last fifty yearn, taught con
cerning the prosperity of natioii?i of legisla
tors, who aresothriftlessof the public resour
ces, as to suppose that the higher the rate
of doty, the more overflowing will be our
treasury; so reek I est of public morals, as to
tempt our imputation, to engage in all the
cares and sorrows and degradation of illicit
commerce: of a power emanating from the
n tie and ordained for their good, active in
slngnew schemes of onerous and unheard
of taxation in a time of profound peace, and
at a period, when by far the largest portion
of the popu'ation, from which the public
contributions are drawn, have suffered a de
falcation In their Incomes of at least >ne half!
Hhpll these wrongs ne inflicted and every cl
tiarn, wh< ther native or affiliated,' not en
deavor act ordingtothe measure of his intel*
ligence und influence to expose and resist
them ?
As ik compensation for evils like these,
what are the monuments of the power, the |
glory, the generosity of this great political
leviathan, by which we are surrounded?
They are in reality no where, but in tha
dreams of the ignorant and the fears of the
timid. The Catawba Journal asserts, that
" the south, to say the least, is as much be
nefitted by the union as any other quarter of
the country and on several accounts, would
be the gr ft rr loser hy a separation. " Most
oracular! aolut iatrt ?nS gtnerati. Let the
Journalist martial hisparticulars, ami we may
then join issue with mm. At it is, hit ifit
dixit Is not wotth the ink with which h was
indicted* Doe?he suppose that any intelli
gent man In the state can fail to ask and an
swer for himself such questions as these.
When our oommvrce was assailed did the
United tttates protect it? When mo
ney was required for the prosecution ot the
War, whence were the first resources ob
tained? From the Treasury of South Caro
lina. When (he enemy landed upon our
Islands, and atjto threatened the safety of
ttatT Will KW? frtkaded <?a* tha ?pto?
at _
?ml London j what have we reaped? Con
tempt. Qne drop froto the veine <4 the men
of British Moo* our chkvalraeTL*i??wm
and Hiockney, would have secured the
ramatdM to republieen virtue Mud^tMgfct
thelauKhty Premier of England to reverence
In the . resence of hi* tanals* the dignity of
international correspondence.*
So much for the crime of being an Eng
lishman, charged against a man venerable
ibr hi? years, celebrated for hh acquirement*
and every way eat Unable for hi* benign
and tolerant spirit towards hit opponents
who during n residence of thirty three years
In our country* ha* exhibited a moat inter
eating example of private worth and public
virtue* and who from hi* earliest manhood
to a late and green old age of usefulness, has
been distinguished as the intrepid Apostle
of LU>erty? as the uncomprtatng enemy of op.
[iression, in all the various disguises which
t assumes, end as the consistent asserter
and defender of the beijt interests of men
ami of freemen.
Brave and generous Carolinians* I know
your noble natures too well* to suppose, that
you can for a moment suffer a man like thbw
to be taunted, with having found an asylum
among foreigners, lie who voluntarily re*
n ounces his native land, because he finds
Her in martial array against the rights and
thu hopes of mankind* and select* your toll
as his foturc country* honours rou by his
cho^ej and must foel himself entitled* in the
comnlutest sense of the word* to nil the im
munities of a citizen. Let it bfe remember
ed* that Dr. Cooper is not among us in the
character of an adventurer, who loves us for
the profit he mokes by us. His reputation
w*s estiblished, and could he have recon
ciled his mind to the spectacle of abuses,
which he wanted tho power to cure, he
might, instead of laboring to impart the new
milk of elementary doctrine to the embryo
statesmen of America, have assumed a sta
tion among the magnates of the land, in the
u<-oudt;st empire uf the world. But the
rriemi and comptnion of Johnson, Home
Tookc and Priestly hath chosen the good
and in the proud consciousness of
lis rectitude, mu?t in the decline of his life,
enjoy a peace of mind, which neither the
slanders of the corrupt, nor the malevolence
of the envious, nor tnc machinations of the
base, can wrest from him.
The American riy stem i* ambiguous phra
seology. To the value of one \mericuiil
System, Dr. Ct?oper will freely assent. If
more cnpital exist In the country than can
be judiciously employed in agriculture and
commerce. Dr. Cooper in common with all,
who know any thing of the subject, would
rejoice to see it flowing into the channel of
manufactures. The test of the Judgment
displayed In this transfer, is to be found in a 1
willingness to compete with the f-/reign capi
talist. He, who withe* to embark Ins capi
tal upon any other footing, deserve* to be re
garded us a public robber, only more con
temptible on account of the nabterfuges,
to which Ue resorts, for the purpose of cloak
ing hi* villainy. If any mau In ?Sk>uth Caro
lina should propose to render pine apple*
more abundant in supply and more excel
lent in flavour by raising them in hot house*,
provided a duty of 300 per cent were laid,
that is. If the eiticen* would pay a dollar for
that which it worth only 25 ceuts, so as to
exclude the produce of foreign skill and more
fortunate climates, could the extravagance
of the proposition escape the notice of the
most shallow understanding? Would any
man be duped into acquiescence, by a talk
about patriotism, the Carolina System, the
American System? For opposing a system ,
equally absurd, Dr. Cooper in the enlight- I
encd mate of South Carolina is denounced
at the bar of public opinion a* a secret pen- ,
sloner of the English, and he is warned to |
desist from such delicate discussions or to
depart from our coasts. But of what coun
try is the father of this system of political
chicanery, Matthew Carey? An Irishman,
of limited opportunities, ?nd of slender Infor
mation, and of impudence and pertinacity,
perfectly miraculous. So that an Irishman {
may transfer his deep rooted antipathies j
against the government under which ne was
bom, to our peaceful shores and endeavor to
implicate us in a senseless and ruinous eru- ,
rule against a country whose capital has
fostered our nascent resources and still con
tinues to sustaiu the value of our products,
whilst an Englishman of acknowledged
character ami abilities must see the ruin ap
proaching, without using his effort* to avert
the sacrifice, for fear of giving offence.
Let the people of Carolina select their
guides. Let them say whether they will
ehoose to listen to an Hibernian renegado,
endeavouring to infuse the venom of his own
corrupt]) asstons, into the iktotian popula
tion of Pennsylvania, or to Thomas Cooper,
who was married at an early age to the
cause of popular rights, without bribe and
without aower. and who has -never been
known to burn incense upon any oilier altar,
than that of truth.
Does the annonymous assassin who has
dared to raise the cry of treason against Dr.
Cooper, reflect upon the nature of our insti
tutions? Does he not know that the crime of
treason is defined by the constitution and
that the utmost licence of speech without
levy of war* cannot be questioned in any
court of this state, or of the United States?
Would this petty tyrant forever banish the
right ol free discussion from which our coun
try has hHherto derived nothing but ble*o
ings? Does this rude votary at the Urn of
Washington, suppose that the shade of that
illustrious patriot can be gratified by the
view of the obscene weeds of error, with i
which he has attempted to adorn it* Has
he forgotten or did he never know that in the
convention, Washington and Hamilton had i
the hardihood to discuss tho merit* of aj
" SmeetMi po?**g? wsi a rltlan tl?? crave hss for |
svevslossd ti|H>n Hi# tptoudlti sareev, <4 ihls snei
?nee. tnmlund mjnut, I have no doubt that Ame
rica bed a lares time la hi* asteess. He ws* too
eteleslvafy British to be **tmr t*rf*?tly ill* or
?uAsteatly eoaslltattag In a?lt*rv*ht?-b <<? >ep
potod lo fie la ?ay w-y itppowd to b?r latarast*;
Uke bh grot pnitoiyjw fkt, be ?*? a ready,
patriot, bat a Jo* ptfiaatbnmto. Tbe ege )?
eoma, when tbe ebaiaster ef F-t will be eoarfd
tbe
A fet*r?. Editor*.? I deeply regret thft
course that our friend the editor ot the
Charleston Mercury has felt it proper to
pursue, in stopping the publication of chef*-'
says of Brutus; and as far as I have learned
it is equally regretted by every other friend,
of that paper, and the cause it so ably advo
cates, in this part of the country.
I have teen the reasons offered by the
editor for doing so. but I must confess they
are far from currying conviction to my miuu
of the propriety or rather good policy of the
conne. We might enquire what are tho
duties of n newspaper editor? But % foil
discussion of this question at present would
lead rae from the object of my remarks: and
further thun I am disposed to go. 1 here
are, however, one or two points so obvious,
or rather so self-evident that they require no
argument to prove them; and 1 am Mire no
man is less disposed to dispute their correct
ness than the editor of the Mercury.. These
are, that it is his duty to advocate the truth
at all times, wherever it may lead* or what
ever may be the oouteqhcnces: and also to
represent the true sentiments of the people
of the country on all great and leading ques
tions involving either their rights or their
interests. ' 7 & ?t :
With regard to the truth and soundness of
the principles and views advanced by Bru
tus, and the uncommon ability with whieff
he hus stated them, I believe t nereis but on#
opinion throughout this country. I think we
may say without fear of contradiction that '
there has not been published in the United
States since the adoption of the constitute
a more able series of political essay* than
this of Brutus; nor one calculated to produeo
a greater sum of political utility. 1 think
therefore we are much obliged to Brutus for
the pains he has taken to enquire into facts
and the lucid commentaries he has given, of
them to the public. 1 speak of course of
those numbers that have been published; but
even of those the editor says " they often dis
played a tone and temper which we thought
too vehement. *t Now in all charity and with
the most friendly feeling towards the editor.
1 must beg leave to differ In judgment with
him for? r<eh. Indeed I am entirely eft a
loss to conjecture Hi what this vehement ,
tone and temper oonststed. I have convete* ,
ed with many gentlemen, some of them too
rather of the fastidious temperament, on the
matter and style of these essays, and I have
never heard any other expression concern
ing them but that of unqualified approbation.
In fact they are considered as conveying tho
real tone and tem|>er of the tOuntry, und as
honourable to the state. No incident there
fore has lately occurred which has occasion
ed more disappointment of feeling, nor been
considered more unfortunate for the eontti
tutional cause Itnelf than this event We
cannot but view the transaction #? impolitic; i
for although simply in itself it Is s mat ler of no
serious importance, because there are other
accessible sources of publication besides Che
Mercury t yet emanating from that prase
so correctly cAitidered as one of the organs
of the south, it Is singularly Well calculated
to make a false impression abroad; to mis
lead our adversaries, and to add strength to
?heir audacity. And If left to stand alone,
uncorrected, its necessary tendency must be
to defeat the noble effects now making bf >
an earnest and unanimous people.
The editor complains that " these num
bers excluded a great deal of other matter,
and were likely to exclude much mort of J
much greater interest and importance."
There to certainly, on many oflMnn* much ;J
validity in this reason. When an editor is
K retted with a superabundance of matter*
e will assuredly select sue!* as he conceives .
mAtt impoi taut and most conducive to the i
public good. But with proper deferenc* to
the judgment off the editort and with
remotest wish to enr roach on his left!
province, t must t ?ks leave to i
from the Mpecimcu*' of mutter 1
any newspaper for a long time |
very fairly be made a question \.
papers or' Brutus ha*c yielded
?ubstantlid Value ami utility to e
nicatkms which linre been, or
ipin VKHl t<| Iff) Off I $ (HI*
Another ejection to tl
U |km It) fin ft* r it* whiiih
?w www 'W nilliei IH WHUHl VI