Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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UOCTOBERS, leaf, i mv< i ^ ? to^sayafew words M.oomoQ JStfM V American Citizen" we we acknowledge no other hake obtained in 'tsftsi the linked States. That n autttority, to serve his the hireling of a political . / bU Own unwarrantable r. prejudices, or iitoown party passions, thinks It to add to or detract from the conditions of the constitution, or to substitute his own folly , in place of tho wisdom of our ancestors, and to act Aside the terms of eer national com >citi*enshlp, that he may bawl out . ! reuegado! when he has nothing to offer, may not disgrace himself, be It maybe difficult to do so, bet he dis graces the character of an American citiscn. Charles King of the New-York American, tlie tool of .the British ministry, the base apologist for tlte massacre of the American prisoners at Dartmoor, His worthy coaityutor in party politics, the editor of the Richmond Whig, and other violent and inconsidcrntc > men, full of sectional prcjudiccs, or attach ed to the corps of governmental presses, have indulged themselves, in exclaiming '?gainst Dr. Cooper as a foreigner. Thst gentleman we are well assured, regards all their outcries, as compliments to the efficacy of his exertions in favor of southern interests end southern policy i as well he may. Tin sc who can employ this disgraceful mode of ettack, are manifestly driven to it, from weakness of intellect, or scarcity of argu ment: it can do him uo injury, and their cause no service. Dr. Cooper is a citizen, according to the meaning of tliat word in the constitution; mid he needs no other. What can he mure base and dishooest than the construction these weak men give to the constitution* It holds out terms of admission to citizenship, with all the priviledgca attached to it, ami persons born abroad, relinquish their homes, nnd ccgM here to accept of citizenship, under * the terms offered?then, when they are in duced to exercisc the right of discuvsinn, granted to them by the constitution, they fttw all at once assailed by their opponent!, with the epithets of foreigner and reuegado! lathe man who can thus bring into discredit the fairness and the honesty of the constitu tion of the United States, by vulgar scurrili ty, a good citiscn himself? We well know that there arc strong associations of pleasure and predilection that entwine themselves with all the teelings of u native in favor of his country; but we deny that they are meri torious merely becausc they are accidental, or that they are more praiseworthy than that love of country which arises from delibera tive choice strengthened and confirmed by self interest. In thus stating our sentiments upmi this subject, we appeal not to the passions and prejudices of our readers, but to their honest feelings snd their good sense. It has been urged against Dr. Coop::n, that as the President aim Professor of a Col lege, ho has no right to interfere in party politics. To this we reply. That the question of the Tariff", i-i nut one of party politics, except so far as thelcouli tion people have made it so. It is a great question of constitutional construction: no more relating to Mr. Adams, or (ivn. Jack son, than to any Manufacturer of the North, or Planter of the South. That it is one of the great nnd leading questions in the science of Political i&cono myt a branch of instruction expressly com muted to Dr. Cooper's care as Professor of Political Economy in our State Institution. That, when an opportunity occurred, of a practical nature, for this gentleman to shew to the public and his pupils, that the doctrines taught in his lecturc room, were not mere Closet speculations; crude and abstract then, ries?but were spplicablc to the leading ami interesting discissions that influenced the practice of our statesmen and legislator*? i* mane nw aury ro sucw lilts: by shewing in what way the truth* he delivered might be rendered practically useful to his country. That all thin wan done in the vacation; when hi* time was his own: :hnt it interfered with ntt College dutv or occupation) but was a voluntary dedication of hit leisure to the public service We happen also to know, that his former Tariff Letter to our Repre sentative* in Congress in 1823?that the pamphlet entitled *' Consolidation," nml hi* tUfcuyson Constitutional Questionwere all written ill vacation; and were dedication* oi his time, his talents, and hi* ieinurc h'jurt to the service of his country. After all, Is it the spirit of our republican institutions, that a man is to be deprived of the com mo* privileges enjoyed by every Other citizen, from the President of the union ?o the Bricklayer's labourer, because he hap* mm to be a man of talents, of learning, and a Professor in a College? That the instant he accepts of that station, he must permit a gag to be put in his mouth, a padlock on his lip#, and fetters upon his hands, so that lie may Set put pen to paper, or utter one sentence of syllable, on the great questions ol public interest in which himself, his children, his Mlow-dtiseas, and posterity are deeply eon* corned? Is he expected not only to perform the duties of hi*truction, but to put ofY the character ol a cltisen; resign all his rigiitM as a republican, to hive no public feelings, however momentous the question? to al> n from ottering an opinion however he may deem it to the interest i fellow cltisens? Are these the terms imposed upon a President Did President Kara Stiles, poon of New-Jersey, corn conditions? Are they not andhnlntshed honor for aethg Mr has acted? and did they iefcittaued respect and univer on of the country tor so aetiM? Witherspoon sent to Cengfc*s cKhtena on that occasion. wMh : to hie presidency? Old these fflMlpf PotUKV." But was (Si. condition annexed in any manner to the oflke he holds? 2f so, he ?houMhave been notifikl of this expected notMMof thisexpected H* Is hired Ami paid for performing of President and Professor: he wm btcause he was deemed roost fit; he Is under no obUgatk* to the Trustees, while Kk performs the duties of his situation, as they wire understood at the time; and the Trustees are under no obligation to him, while he receives his salary. The contract is mutual, and for mutual interest. No oth er taintlve forms or need form any twutot U, so far as he dedicates the.time wnich Is his own, not t? his own amusements, but to ob* jeetsof public interest, he is not only entitled to do so, but his motive is praiseworthy* whether III* opinions happen to be right or wrong. If right, a lopt them, if wrong con fute them; abuse is no arcument. But we are not In the least surprised thut the ene mies of State Rights, ana Southern littered, should be very angry ut this employ ment of Dr. C*S leisure hours. It has had an effect in opening the eyes of his follow citizens, too decided to be forgotten or forgiven. But he is said to aim nt dissolving the union. We know no authority for this con clusion in any thing he has written, or said, or done. We have never hc.\rd any inan who opposes the encroachments on thfc con stitution, so perseveringly practiced by tiie general government, nor any opposcr of protecting duties, express any sentiment out that of affection for, and allegiance to the constitution, fairly, impartially, and honestly construed, according to its origi nal, and manifest'intent and meaning. We, none of 111, have any desire of discussing the constitution, except for the purpose of inducing our rulers to make tiieir practice conform to itsreal intention. It they do so, we arc satisfied: and so, wt havenodoub*,isDr. Cooper. But if the friendsnf Consolidation? the admirers of a great, and imposing nation al government, in which all state rights arc to be absoroed arc determined to persist in their encroachments?.if the northern attacksunon southern prosperity, arc to be brought for ward, session after session?if the principle of protecting duties is at all haxards to lie de fended and adhered to; and to ho enforced also, whenever occasion shall aff>rd an enti cing opportunity?then, and in that case, clearly seeing this determination, v. u say, the question will net be vuiuiitcercd, but forced upon us: we shall he compelled, in so'.f de fence, to sit down and i.ount the f.Oi?t: it *. ill become our duty to consider whether allegi ance is eternally due to a broken attd viola ted constitution, orto never riidin;; encroach ments, by which the north i? made the mus ter. and the south th?? slave. A man wiio will say that we are forbidden to discu** an abstract question of such deep interest?aye, and dcclde It too, is an ignorant and spirit less member of our community. We see no harm that can result from the mem dis cussion of this or any other question, at any time, or by any body. We know of no con stitutional authority bv which su-h h discus sion cm be prevented; nor can we divine, how uny man can be the wiser for refusing to Icok ut bnth sides of the question. We sou clearly that the friend* of the coalition, anil the advocates for a system of plunder, dread it: those who enter upon it ? ith honest Intentions, have no reason to fer.i the result. But we shall not open the columns of our paper to such a discussion, unless the cncmic* of the south, by a perseverance in their attempts upon u?, should force the question into public notice. If they do, the I public will deliberate calmly, decide warily, and uct quietly and peaceably. Unless and until! such a time should come, we have no n?ur? to say on the subject, further than that we who arc defender* of the national com pact, in its original meaning, are more sin cerely and effectually its friends, than our opponent* who are psrvcrting and destroy ing It. bOMK INFORMATION RESPECTING AMERICA, COLLRCTKD ST THOMAS GOOFS*. I. AT IS OF MANCI1KSTKK LQMDQK. rmitrr.o rn* I Mumait, A'o. 72, St. I'aul'i Church Yar<t, im. Dunux. rni*tr.t? ? y wiumv ronvitu, ]'t,r f. If'w*, I' flrjfHt. IV. Ptrlcr, />'. Joint, J. Hitt, nnd K. Ktllj. 17R PREFACE. OH my return from America, I {< prwMil l?y mi many enquiries rK<prciini( (lit* iimu of ?i?riu!y, tlw menu* of living. Mini ttie indu':e moiN to ?etlle u|K>it Hint continent. thai J drier* iutii*<l lo rtply in print lo audi ipj*?tiou? a* >\ ia n)<Ml fretpntiiily put l?( me, nnd wlilc.lt Mteiot 4 lu Im of ilia* mofl general Importune* IfAncu <ljf |irir*?ul publication. wlii-h I ?hould not Imvo ven* Mtvil Upon, ?)' I were not fully MlUftod, that tint iiitarmatioii il contain* ?? il i?.) ^utili) Ini very aoreptabln to ?t ituiiie.rou* r.U?? of renter* In (>??? country, ! ?|iiiiiud Ku*lnn<l in AutpiM I7OT, an-l embark* ??J ?*? Nate-York, for Kuropo, 10th Feb. &7V|. I Irlt tills koi{i)oui r??r??*ly lo ?let*vrn?ln*> whellirr America, and what part of II, tea* eligible for ? prison lilt* utyvH, tyjlli a tiualJ fortune, and h lur^n family, to settle Ik Mitring mv retldeinm lu t*liiln?|**l|t4%W? ibnConxrt** tal, nnd I lia<4 Um*c forn lK? hi< 4iii of ?o?p<triwi MHitfalotv inform** lion r?*|Htcl)'ix ovary |Mtt of fho continent which t I?m?I not ? personal opportunity of ridling. I had no other employment, wltHo In America, than to tuako innervations tud anuoirle* to this ?HiriM?M.; I therefore made this my M?ii?es?, and having completely tMlsled my own mlnd tpott |M? subject, I left part of my family tbvra, and have returned {probably for the hut tloie) to thk country lo f?Heh away the r**l. 1 mention thl?, that the raadn' may Imtm'y aft. ptlfted of the degree i4 authority dun to |fce lamarka with which I preaeet Itlm. Sticb of tbam Mm tb? rewbft of my own observttkm, I tWtok maai |?a a^Clltr ratlai4 ami ar? lat^AAal *? IMa* ?-d ? mmj n nr^r ifwiu wm\ mmmm* it my oim? Ion, may those which I bare ventered 4* m#M?n Iht authority of 01hew, Ak? 'Hoy ir? Biii convinced (M l no) thai torn HH Mia for profiogetk* W?vty by .Iba bayonat, m terrifying n nation into fraodom by.ill* guillo tine, | chusa for this also among other imioni, to quM a onvnlry whose politics I cannot aiM#ore :? ^ J^sssiSr^tSSSsA myMjtabla oplnhn, U will oonlrlbutS not only In tbe hap,4ne*s of Individual., but lo the peaea of III* country, tu r'ivo fro* vsmt to the |Hrturbed spirit of the nation, rather than by oompreeeara and con line utrul to increase the polilkal acrimo ny already too prevalent lu thh bland. | | Should make tieriiaiw torn* apology for lb* duliinc,* with which I Imva related lb? facta, for be apparently triflin* ciicmnitancei I have Intro* ' and lha incompleteness of the work itwlf. But I have not lha uuans <?l making It mora romr plate; It contains all t know anna the subject worth neither Um " HjH rtiiinlng?h ?ertrd nothing Imt what I should bam been glad communicating?I have neither |ba time nor lb* make H taieuts, to make H entertaining?and I ha\a lu> ?orlfd nothing Ihi! what I should" lo bare known when I went out. Siich ii* it le. I bopo it will answer ? good par* pose to th? reader. THOMAS COOPWt. v Co arte ?/ ttudirtin the University of Vir ginia.?Thtj Richmond Enquirer famishea the following cxtruct from the course of studies of the Professor of Ethics. It Is gra tifying to know that the legislative and ex* ecutive ignorance of the present day. Is not likely to descend to. the next generation, or prove a curse to posterity as it la now to us. It is gtatifying also to And that the studies recommended and the doctrinea taught by our own President and Professors, are re commanded and t.iught by wise and able men in other seminaries of education. In Pvliiieat F.eenemy, Say s treatise in iba test hook. Till* subject was nerer tuugbt In the Unlver'ity till iifiarthe close of the preceding ses sion. Wu art* Inclined In think that no branch of science better deserves t? form n part of Collegl* atu education than this, which iastroots the Ingis* lator and statesman in the best modes of promo ting the naiinnul |iro*iierity,andyAttaore, heeause it wains ItUn ablest toe intermeddling which may imeadett. There Is no country in which cummi-r del regulations si once mischievous and impor tant, have not prevailed from false views ofitoll* tical economy, and our own must come in f r u lull ?hurst in lists censure. The truths in which litis science inculcates are tbr. more valuable, in this country, as popular errors on this suhjret bei owe those of ine government; and liters* is no effectual way of preveutitiK vicious lenisiution ImiI by teachinir sound theory to the |*opli>: of \vltirh troth our Tariff Ny>/?m and the Hn/rithurn C'un I ration xfforil, unfortunately, too strong an iltus tration. II this desirable object could lw aevow plithrd, though kaavory would not b? convinced nor cupidity intisfii'd, weutlght reasonably indulge the hope ilmt witii th" aM of those who are at this time in hone>t crior, wm should hi- able lo arrest tuc progress of the prohibitory policy, und even to reinsert our step*. George Tucker, K?a. for many years n uieuitier of Congress from Virginia, well known a* a scho lar and it w riter, prrsMs,o*?r this department. Virgiii* .idrocutt. COMMUNICATIONS. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT by Con cress, with the assent of a State. When, in 1817, president Madison re turned the bill setting Apart the bonus of the Uoitcd States'bank, for constructing roads and canal*, and improving inland navigation, he unsigned as grounds of constitutional ob jection to it, that the constitution contained no provision authorising the measure j and that the assent of a state could not confer on Congress the power to make roads and ca nals or imfirove water courtei in the body of ouch *tate.?12 Nile*' W. Reg. 25. Afterwords, in the same session, a commit, tee of the house of representatives assertod a power in Congress, 1. To lay out, construct, and improve post roads through a state, with in anrnt; 2. To make and improve military roads in a state, with if ament; 3. To cut canals through a state, with it* lutcnt, in order to t-ukancc and secure its in ternal commerce, and to improve the means of transporting military stores, 6cc. in wars Provided, in all these cases, the Jurisdiction al right be left in the state assenting and uf fcctjed.?1.1 XIlet' Week. Reft. WT. And Were, I apprehend, is the origin of this subtlety, by which it was attempted to whip the devil round the stgmp, and to make that constitutional which w#i not so, by vlr* tue of the uuent of tt atate, Let us for a moment examine the doctrine, and see how far it U grounded In reason. 1 Uke it as clear M>*t all the powers In tended to be vetted in Cottar*** arc cither expressed in th? constitution, op yest in Congress as necessary to effectuate the ex press grants. The rxpress powers, then, and those necessary to their execution, are all thntthv frantcrs of (hat inittunx-nt iudg? ed it *<i/e, proper, or convenient to lodge in Congress. Jiut if a state, by its assent, can vest additional powers, then is the dangerous prerog ?t?ve vested i*? a single state (and that stato, too, in thu condition of one receiv ing a >?? '?')<?,) of conferring authority on the general government, which the whole of the states withMd as unsafe, Improper or in convenient. This view might easily be am plified? and other instances given where the Assent of a state would be enually efficacious in giviug powers to the general government, which would be universally admitted to be dangerous in irnr hands. Again, How was the constitution, by its provisions to be adopted at first? Hy nine states. Can an additional attlrle he inserted by one state? Or view this additions! power as H ought to be viewed, at an amendment, Can one Mste amend the constitution.* How would the generation who thought they had adopted the constitution, if now permitted to revisit this earth, be suiprised to And they Itad not adopted it: but that t*ch single stafe had a right to add to an instrument which Hi framcrs foolishly supposed complete? 4 If it be sold that the assent of a state, in the cases referred to by the commit* cession of state sovereignty, which gresatake t are not than * complete sovereignty i the states in this anion stand equality u relates to so vere; onto put from ifiortfo* what to tu prevent I If to, CAR Congress t lillwa'or instance, JWL ., or the people of South Carolina, choose Con gress for ha legislature; th? president ft* Its governor, and the Unlted'States judges ft* Its ownj mod abolish all these Mate functiona ries? , ^ , ' ' * ' ' f f Again. There is no instance in the eon* ititut ion, of Incomplete powers, except sach as are therein declared such, In all other instances when Congress has power, it to Mmplete. For instance, the power fee Con gress to declare war, may be excTotocd with out consulting a singlb state. If'Congress possesses the power of making roads, fee. it needs not the assent of a Mate: if it does not, that assent cannot confer it. What folly to be asking the assent of a state, to mane a good road or canal for it, or to open Us rivers! Would any Mate refuse It? It to & lingular prerequisite, which to to Cbme from the party benefitted. But it to the btJ^tr ?tatto, who pay the money, - whose leav6 oukht 'Xo be askefl*/* n - It willbe observed that X have considered a state In giving its assent to make roads, See. through it, as yielding tovereignty, end Con gress as acquiring it. I know thait the com ? mlttee provided what they considered a ?alvo against this objection, by saving the jurkdictional right to the state. But this to all a m?rc fudge. If the state, in giving its assent, was parting with nothing, why ask that issent? Could the private owners of the soil give Congress their assent to make a road bver It? No. The state might Mill re fuse theirs,, The state would still possess that species of sovereignty oulted the Immi nent domain: which consists, so Car h- con cerns this argument, in a right to employ such portions of the soil of cittoens as may be neccssary for roads. The state might want for the purpose of a canal, this very line of road, a purt of it ceded by th? cHisens to the United Stutes. When a Mate, therefore, gives to Congress her assent to make a road or canal, she parts with this very sovereign ty called the eminent domain. True, the committee reserve to the state the jurisdiction over the road alter it to made; but this is another and distinct por ! tiun of sovereignty. Is there no sovereignty . in opening a road through my land? If there t is, it is that which a state gives to Congress, j A citUcn could not convey t? the general I government his lauds, in the body of a state. fCoininunwealth vs. Young} 1 Hall's Jour. Jurisp.) The United States could not hold such property. If they could not hold the lund, now could they hold a right of wa/, which is nothing but an incorporeal heredita ment issuing out of it? Their laws could not be extended to it. Nclthcreould the assent of the state mend the matter. It has been decided that Congress cannot extend their lass to a fortress, not owned by the United States, but occupied by their troops, in the body of a state, even with the assent ot the state. (People v. Godfrey; 11 Johns. 225.) Again. Bv an amendment to the constitu tion of the United States, it is declared that Rrivatc property shall not be taken for pnb c use without last compensation. But this prohibition in the opinion of some docs not apply to u state government; it only applies to the general government: the states arc as sovereign and unrestrained in this respect as before the United States' constitution was framed. Now, if a state gives Congress n right to make a road over my land, who is to pay me for U? The state is not bound to do it. Cahnot Congress which is not lame at an excuse, say we did not take your pro perty * Your state took it, and guvc it to us; look to the state. But l am tired myself; and 1 have no doubt the reader is. ft to no longer dangerous; I will, therefore, ventuuc to sign myself ji Radical Hr/tubticon. In Chisholm va. Georgia, it was decided by the United State* Supreme Court. (vUte, 3 Dal. 419) that a Mate might be sued. This occasioned the 11th amendment of the Constitution, which forbids such t.uit*. It has been decided {Hnllingsworth va. Virginia, 3 Dul. h/h. 2 Dot. 4ho.) that this Kt an end to Mich suits as were pending ut adoption{ although on contracts which vested a right to sue. Querc. > |f a Judge in oflice was put out by an amendment of the constitution, could lu-, after this decision, complain ?4 a violation of CON'I II AC T. uuurus. Afeurt. J'Ulllora?Is it not mi astonishing phenomenon in Americou politics that in the short period of tblrty-scicn years one of the meat important clauses of our constitu tion should hare been so overlooked by our statesmen M to have bceome obsolete, and fallen into absolute oblivion, as a dead letter' It is true prior to tho year 1816 no occa sion had occurred calling fur the application of the all important provisions contained in it. And in this way only can this most ex traordinary fact be accounted for. But since that memorable year the vcrv facts which the convention in hs profound wisdom foresaw might arise, and for which they aniplv provided have actually occurred^ aim have luadly called for the interposition of tbwe vcrv provisions. Yet this clause has remained us dormant us the blank paper on which it was written until the utntr day, when the author of a iinwt intere sting series of eaaays signed Hnutua In the Charleston Mercury brought it to the light. The people of the UnttcdHtato* are deep ly indebted to this very able writer, who* ever he may he, for this discover). Ami amongst the citizen* of this country none ought to feel the force of their obligations sensibly than the representative* and senators of Congress; but especially those of them who, from time to time, have so deli berately and pcrsevcrhigly been flagrante violating this eery clause which they had Mlemnly ftwoen to support, protect and da |^*7he*e nohealtation, however, In M'irlng paMwMi r^f.TVjrrr tioniovt iM, tec. lOtk,; first t'Umfj rends \ M No state aba!) CVnjrrr**, fey any ports, or exports, excq nitty nect?mry for e. lav?i and the nett pn imposts, laid by any state, on export* shall be ti>r tAt mm of the United State* and all be subject to the revision and control gress." Since the key given tothla tus, obtained from the of the clear and the ming and adopting the to provide for the precise state of which now exists. They foresaw crisis might, and roost probtbly in some of the states when it wi their real Interest to encourage productions, both agricultural turinr, by protecting, and tory duties: made urovl time, resort to such a system fbrt&eiaMres, without injustice or oppreiaion to their s. by sin i convention, can any* and evident, than that lie people of the Unit* ?t and they wisely and equitably vision by which they might* aft any irtto such a system fbrtnemiehres, injustice or oppression \Q their neighbors, by simply bbtatatog the-eonscnt of Coogresa. Nothing can be more fair, nor nothing can be less objectionable. Most as* ?redly every state ought to have, as it real has, the right andtne power Of managing own eternal and 4otnestle aftsirs; and in nothing more properly than In t" agement of their own Industry by otherwise, as they may deem bei suredly< lyl its to the ettcour ooutmet or s they may deem bT the scheme shall not conflict with the interests of any other state** But at the same time that the fratneri of the constitution carefully reserved this power to the, states they with equal wisdom* and sn equally due regard tojustic*. and equity, after the most solemn discussion, exprcatly denied the delegation of this dangerous poWer to Congress) the laws of which they knew must operate uniformly on all the states, as well on those not interested as on th&e that ore so, tuid consequently unequally, ai egrcgiously to the oppression of the tonne But Brutus has investigated and discussed the subject In so lurid a manner; and has rendered it so palpable by the mostltafra falilc testimony in his fifteenth number, that must beg leave to recommend every citi zen carefully to examine It. I will venture to say that no person ingenuous and candid enough to examine and give due weight to evidence befote he pronounces, eandoubt of the soundness of his exposition. Nay, with out the entire rejection of the highest po*. siblc testimony, assent ranuet be Consistent ly withheld. Indeed the whole series of numbers arc so ably written thst as they have only been published in the Mevrery, and it cannot be supposed that every eitisen has hud an opportunity of reading them, I flatter myself the}' will be re-published it the pamphlet form in a sufficient number of copies to ?nable every eitisen to have the gratification of perusing them. ' ? H. If for Instance MatsachusalU should find il to her iutensit lo uncouraga tlis culture of insdder, or of boot, u tbejr now Tftil to do of wool, itn?i ?if msnufsctures by laying web Itu po?4 rfutias ?veu lo tlifl prohibition of thsse pro. duel* as tboy migbt dcein proper, wM state r?wld po?iihly lee I any ohlffetlonto tlieir doing to* Or if South Carolina riiotild find KM bar Interna to encourag* tlie culture of the grape, and the making of wine l?y projecting duties on foreign wlnet; what other Mate eoald bavs any reaaoa to complain? But who wonld ever think of apply' in* to Congress to do tbU by ? ceueial law, wbieh mint opetnUi on tho?e?' utei which are minded l?y the netHf? of their climate from cultivating the nra|ie a? well at on South Carolina r Thank hea ven, Coiigrrta ha* no Mm tnrntStailoml power; and thr eserehn of H Is a flagrant and ifftrigMsou* Ufirpetlmi?and mud be resisted, Mc?n. Editor*?In a letter signed " Lowmlcs" commenting on Mr, M'Dumei speech against Mr. Clay, and Inserted in the National Intelligencer a fc# weeks ago, but of date that I do not now recollect, was an expression to thiacfTect, that Mr. M'Du file's name ought to be crated from th* roll of honorable men. Tills appeared to me, as I believe it did to alt your readers, ah expre*> sit -a calculated to excite a personal quarrel, needlessly and improperly. Believing then as I believe now, that audi irritating ex presaions arc improper in the discussion of a . public question; and that they tend to dia ? courage the wholesome investlgfltioa of tty< public character unci conduct of public men I said that the public was interested In shew ing disapprobation of nil such ?eedless pro vocation*. I thought ** Lownd?*" was not justified at the time In using such an expres sion on such an occasion. I think so now. " Lowndes" may he, as I presume he is, a man of courage, ami hi the usual sense erf' the word a man of honor, but a* apolitical writer, in which character alone 1 speak of him, ho is not in my opinion justified in using personalities, that tend to convert a public discussion into a private quarrel* The puh? lie arc interested that ull questi#>s In which they, the people, are concerned, should t*v investigated on both "ides, openly, fully, and by fact mid argument only, Jlrwrlter who usrvcxprcsalonn ijccdlessly and personally irritating against his opponent, la not calcu lated |o promote the benefit of the public by such drawback * on free discussionr for men will be deterred from the consideration of such questions, if they arc suMfCted In the course of disc usslon to h arsh expressions from ati ntitag >nUt who luis rcccttrcd himself no pcraouaT offchce. t write this in reply t? " I.ov.mle.' ?" ?'ojiiniOfilentlon in theNattonn||| Intelligence! of H'.'pt?:iuberflfl, I know little^ of JHMa'Diiflli md nothing of * Lowndes.* But as one of the people, nt that capacity I nly, ) fcf I interested that no obstacle should !?><? tfironklnlh* ws<^f eating to account