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MRi Front a LondonJiafier, , Scottish Ballad?AcOm 'tht Liverpool Albion profesi picked vp the *orkoftlic folloy SffiSs, THC YKI?l<OW If AllVD LASMK. ?? tii simmer when b(|te*ells I.law soft ii> (bo vale, A-J ,,r'u" " -? spreads Ma bryatt to tha gisfe, 1**"*""*? , ro wlHo\ftlui WitM o'er th? . 5 ntnlr saft than a fate, * t . birds Hi t|M? branches ?j( rnnfe; Itpiell I* iw eharm'd wf* her strain, i R echoes tin. theme beck again. . At av'nlng when dew-drop*begin to distil, kAnd ?W'd wl'lli the breese U the soand o' Ilk rill, the yellow bnlr'd lasde Will steal (hie tin thranr. , fcnjoying safe silence the woodlands amang. The raoon,M?ha rises, look* blithe In ker face, Her shadow the wl<l? spreading water* embrace: Amas'd wl'slo beauly, awliile ih-> would stay. And mi}n??r,,.Csrfewen''es theygtideda their way. O tell mo, ye winds, that rare round her at trill, And lake from ber (Ipso sweet kisses yoor Oil, The secret you lesrn it ye wanton a|anf, Tell me wiio-U.ll me Mho is the tlltm* o* liei My , ctlojr bnlr'd lassla Is sweat as hope's tale, WtM<n fancy's tnnd dreams to the bo*om prevail. My yeilow halr'd lassie is dearer lo me PiSti life to my bosom or light to mine o'e. TUB PU.FKRF.ft S PRf.TKXT. A late of jibttracHon. A runiting u i?, but graceies* sinner, vvho oil by swindling got a dinner, And wno in all things had a way t <> lx>g, steal. ^Iieat or any Iking but r*v, >t:auntored into a chemist s shop one day In gfamfof mood. The shopman, tiowing,naked his plrnsnrr ' Sir,' qnotli Ibe rogue,' 'twould be n tremure, rA. ' ? - Indeed It would, If I could buy t'rength, or by weight or measure; My stomach fails at aoch a rapid rate, I go on weekly In a more weakly state; \Vhat shall I Jot What do yon recommend?' ' Nieet lotengf*,' was answered by the attend in?, minister ot drugs. Just (hen Some one came In to Imy a pen nywotth of something or another: ! The shopman turned Ids Itack?end t'other T't (The rogue I mean.; Noting the well-ftllerf In*-me-lenes, as they lay Vpon the counter, stoln one, and then stole nwny lie thought m?s?*n}? lint twas not so?the shopman's eye Had glanced upon him llme?>n?ly. '? flhlrk as a shot fp.<n> shovel ran Close at his beol* the drufjost's man, Who *0on dhl eStcli Idm. if * When takenj (doetoissay;' in Imj well thfil-en? * And just so fared our rogue. Yet not l?nnk?<ii Vy impudenre, or trick* to save his bacon. (Thtrt fow rould inateh him,) Hi cleared bis throat, nndtlien to clear M? honor, Spoke thus/' llold, hold, I'll nnlt>e put upon, nor Abused f?r placing on your word* too much reli ance: <? Voo said," SttiffyneHpti,"?I did so, in compli ance: \nd, as I took them from the counter, it Wa? no rraf taking, but r> tounltrft.it/r~ tills pleading proved tH<- knave n>. I'ool, And quite sufficed to overrule The shopman's: n.;er. who, like many a one, Urged ton laefch, forgave the raluhlef done, And with a cnmlon half rathetical toj- mlaied birroftreship, losengcs, and all? g.: his ?iln:>y mSsfershould M'hlrto at thr knave's bad adlon, mads 11 goof TO J F.8HY. Lord flyrort n hin Lid\jt a ftw month* before th-t '* trfiu riifhn. Tli' re w a ~.y?tir. tly??l of life Ho dourly urfntfi'ri ?vith ?nt?te atone, TJ'fti dealing'?r?-t knlfn At one? mm' icvit both or none. Tltrre U i/#rm on wliloh tlieM l|nvi? often KM"*! with fond dr'Ughf. X?y dav that ftflhn tMf Joy Ann dreamt rntoro it through the night. Tlww it ? rrtfi tfinrn tnwrire Bnc?i thrill* of rupture In my brfl*ft~~ I woiii-f not liwr >i rompfc rfinlr I'nli I'.it VolM. ?:<iii!iI i tin tlx- n Thrr* It* fate who?a t"H AflVrWo'ttVlUlv ii|K?nthe ch?fk? l'.ul, |mttid lit on* Inrr well, rmelklmt morn love limn words ran ypeak. Th' ?' l*a f/frtwMehn?1n?'liatlt |tr*?l, And non* liad nv?r |?rrst 'wfot*, It vow'dlo nmlrc m* fnrrtly tilr?t. And mine?kjiitt outy, |?r*?t it morr. TWre 1* n fo?r>tti~--t?W my o*n~ IJ*th-|?HlmvVotHldiOelrtiif A month wliirU ?n?il?'?oh m*nlom?, Ari fjf?r tt l?o??? tear* Willi mlm? ar?< ilft'. Thw mm* two hrirt* wliow movement* thrill In unison m rlo??iy mvcM! That, put?c |o pqlfnrr?poM?h<' ?t'H. 1 k?t IhMHt m<l:t h?av??-or r?<?*<? |o In-nt. Thr'P air two nvl* who*?r(jii%l flow 1<i c(,ntlQ *trHm? to calmly run, TW whufl tUey |iart?~liny /?/*??/???!? n", ; Tin y etiyint part -Ihctr null are nut A u \crvn(l gentlemen glv?v? tin- followii j; ffnori adcftr to nil voting fciefi:? ' " Jf, he. the youM?; gemlemrn weir m'?rc fix'|ti?itw to tningle with vuttwtn vonng U:\?*.sot the town, instead of hovering , itrotiit''. i{rtf( >/?o/m find gaming tab let, it ?MtrtniM, it. time, hi'.vf- a bcttvAciiil tcfidMcy In ?v^.oi.' ?, fhrn (r .m many of their.ffcimu jwactii.is, Mad Utcrvhy vender tlwm moro frA|*r.tohlcmeTnl>er?M'f*o?kty." ? < Nothing cxhil>St? tu our niWl. ngrrntei 'fefcrer of i ufg ?r??> , and naureriiidiciitfcin *?t breeding* than the h*hit of profunv g*thereri *l?out * cW? in the atrert, a Hint ?ft* toh* tdfdkd h#. } ~ We deal re our reader* to peruse the fol ing speech of our fcUow-ckisen Mr. ei particularly his observations on tariff; and the present nefarious at tempts of the coalition administration to buy up one part of thfr people by money plunder ed from another. As to Geo. Jackson,, we think his election a minor .object, but what ever mistakes he may commit on the subject of the tariff* we am proud to support a man whose .honour and honesty is ?o thou roughly unlmpeachcd. He will give a tone of hones ty to his whole administration; while intrigue end corruption will continue to characterise the coalition if that party shoulJ succeed. As to the tariff, we earnestly entroat our fellow-citizens to make no ctmfircttiizt <(f firinci/ile Let us go the wholt) and permit no breach of the constitution meanly bccan&o It may be a small -one. Fraud first creep* In At a pin-hole; it 'makes itself nn opening by degress that no effect of honesty can dose. What is asked os a favour to-day, will be urged as a precedent to-morrow, and as a right the day alter. It bwbeen.so with the tariff: let us insist on going back to first principle*. If we nllow the manufacturers 1 and their friends the administration to ca- i jolc us out of it dollar, they will claim the right as they now do, of defrauding us of millions upon millions. Kn. S/icech of Afr. M'Uuffie at Hamburg, JHiy 4? 1827. While I tender you, gentlemen, my un feigned thanks for this reiterated expression ' of your approbation and confidencc, it woukl! be a source of sincere gratification, if I c? old ' indulge die hope, that my future exertions will either real Mte in any degree your cxpec j tat ion#, or prove adequate to the require-, mentaof that great emergency, in which, ' 1 sincerely believe, the highest concerns of our country, are about to be ihvolved. J ' have already, on a very recent occasion, cn- ' plained to you in a very brief and impcrfret manner, some of the prominent circumstan ces, preceeding the election of Mr. Adams, , avJikit-gave^ -to-iha-union bctwtcn him mid Mr. Ctuy, the character of an unprincipled! coalition?4% coalition involving the sacrifice ' of the most sacred, important and unques-' tionablc right of i? republican people at the shrine of a selfish and unregulated ambi- j tlon. In the hind and flattering sentiment j with which you Wave just honored me, you veiv j ittly say that their measures have verified the uiwavorable prediction of those, who saw from the beginning, that men com ing into authority upon such principles would pervert thine sacred powers, which the con stitution created for the good of the people, to the sinister purpose of advancing their own popularity, utterly rcgardle-;* of the de gree in which thev might violate thr rights and sacrifice the interests of the people. Yes, fellow-citizens, I regret to say that the prediction alluded to has within the short j period of two venr*, ceased to be prophesy J ami become history. I propose, therefore to shpw that the conduct and measures of the the administration, since the election of Mr. Adams tend to confirm all the unfavorable in ferences, as to the character and principles of the coalition, which wc would naturally draw from the circumstances which preced ed the formation of that extraordinary po litical union. ~ ? I beg leave, however, before I proceed to j consider this branch of the Nubject, to make | a remark or two oa tome of the topic* of dc-} fence, upon which the administration and their friend*, rely for their vindication. It in said that Mr. Adam* was clectcd accord* ing to the form* of the constitution, nn?l that the members of Congrers who elected him had the constitutional fioiver to do so?unci it seems, therefore, to Iks retarded as almost ? treasonous to denounce hisclcctit n .isan out ) rage upon the sovereignty of the people. But, I can there be a more glaring absurdity, than that which is involved in the assumption? smuggled into these propositions?that thoac who adhere to the formt of the constitution, cannot violate Its */ilrit, and that hov>tr ami rlffht arc synonlnwais terms in the code of I political morality, by which the members of Congress are to regulate their public con duct? Let mc sflv to you, gentlemen, that there cannot be i more dangerous and inoidl-; ous doctrine promulgated, than that which tenches us to look only to the forms of the i constitution, and the power of Congress, in[ order to estitnntc the conduct of political; agents?for If ever it should be the melatc ; r holy lot of nny one now present, to sec the , liberty of hit country Immolated at the shrine of ambition?you may rest assured that the i sacrifice will ?>e mack?the alter prepared and the vfctim decorated according to the strictest form* of the constitution?" Situated ??? wc are, and constituted as our govern ment i?, our liberties cannot he destroyed by tin- hand of military violence. This cutns troobe can be brought upon us only by those, who undermine and sap the foundation of the people, by the imposing delusion of tta mere f?rm?. To say, therefore, that the election of Mr. Adams cannot be censured justly beeausc the intmbers of Congress had the c<tn*tlonn1 power to elect him??what It it but to say that no censtlhe r.ould have fallen upon the house of representatives, in IM)J, if they Vad elected Aaron Muff in the tflace of Thomas Jefferson? It is worth while to ?dvert to the circumstance* of that lrtu>o|> tant Incident in the political history of our i untry?for it furnlslieaan lllustratfan moat striking awl forcible?of the principles which le are called ui?on to oort wee rate, be the fetation Of Mr. Adams. It will *ct*d bv you all, that as the cot.sti *-"? previous Mr. Ie(f?<r*<n's ftvat election, the electors voted for the President on the tame ticket. witkent. discriminating vliUdhft they Intended for President and which for Vi(e President. All the republican elect ors Intended their votes for Mr. lefTerton as President tod for Mr. B?rr 4s Vice Pre sident. ft 10 happened* that from the in discriminating mode of yntijwi Ahcy came hf fore Cofigress, having, according to the forma of the constitution, an #qual number of votes for President. AndaV,ou8u Aaron Burr and hi* partisan* knew \hat not one *i?ffte etectorial vote was intended to be given to him as President, yet, Uk* the partisans of Mr. AdamMheyconttfcdf4|thnt because they had they had the constitutional ftoiurr, they, therefore had the right to make him President and w?te very neardohtumm atlng the outrageous usurpation., History would be neither just nor impartial, M the same page which consigns this met* attempt of Aaron Burr, to merited infamy* should pro nounce a different sentence upon Mr. Adsms and Mr. Clay, because their eflfert, net 1cm nt-furious in principle, was cvpvned* with success, A fow words upon another topic urged by Mr. Clay in his own defenctbildscelebrat ed Lcwlsburgh speech. V J He said he had been nSVrad the appoint mcnt of Secretary of Wfcr oy Mr. Monroe, and that he rcfatcd to acoept 1; and from this fact, he contends it would bl unreanona* ble to stmposc that the appointment of Sec retary of State, was the consideration that induccd him to vote tor Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay could not have selected a more unfor tunate incident to evipce tfce purity of his motive, for the circumstances and causes ot bin refusal to accept of the ftpnointment offered l?y Mr. Monroe, as l^aliali explain them to you, furnish a moral detnonstation, that the offirc of Secretary of State not the considerati <n that induced him to vote for Mr. Adan ?Why did he refuse to accept a place in Mr. Monroe's cabinet? 1 Mute wlmt J know from the most unquestionable ?utl^rlty when 1 say, it waa because the ap pointment off- red him was not the office ()f Secretirv e? Mate, and because .that aj*-'>o:nt wm given to Mr. Adam** whom lit- de -?ui'-t-d in (he niM*t violate languuge, dc? ebir..?;j ?*???* :ie .v*;?iId not serve hi the suinc cabinet \?'i'?i " in r.p?state federalist," and ut-or. Is there nnu-logic therefore, t> t ic inference, thAt because he r< t.J:>ed to ii' < ct? one office lie did not de siri ?v<tli? ?' iJ > n^t the very rir'umstiin ccs "l his ' >md the reasons w Inch he gave for it. f,i< ? c 'iclusively that the office (of S< <"ret r- t-r tc v is tlw very 'ibjcct .if his n"i ;i * I hose wl?o w?"-? in nubile life at i e time,, know this to be the fac*. livery effort wan made to prevail u;;f?n Mr, Monroe t" give Mr. Clay the nfticc of Sec retary of State, which Mr. Clay then re Krded as the stepping stone to the Prcsl ncyjard because Mr. Monroe placed Mr. Adams in that position, Mr.Clny immediate ly thrvw himself into the ranks of the oppo sition-?and for eight yearsprosecuted a war' of political hostility against both Mr. Mon roe and Mr. Adams. And yet Mr. Clay with an air of confidence always at his com-' mand, has the boldness to cull the attention i of his countrymtn to this iiicidcut in hi* pon tic life, to prove that he had no desire to be made Secictary t f State, and placed in the line o| what ne now regards?in opposition to his principles during an eight year* can vass for the Presidency?as the lineof44 *afo precedent*." j will here make nnnssing remark or two upon another topic or reference frequently urged by the friend* of Mr. Clay hi attempt* in# to justify hi* vote for Mr. Adam*. They aliedge that Mr. Clav had, an a member of Congress, censured and denounced General Jackson's milit ary operations in the Seminole Campaign, as unconstitutional, and contrary to the law of nation*, und under these cir cumstance* he could not consistently vote (or Gen. Jackson as President. Now if Mr. Clay could not, u|hmi principle, vote for Gen. Jackson, because of his unconstitutional pro ceedings in the Seminole Campaign, now could he reconcile it to his " conscieuce" to vote for Mr. Adams? It Gen. Jackson had violated the constitution and the luw of na* lion* it i* certainly some excuse for him that he wu was compelled to decide upon nice and doubtful and difficult question* arising under the constitution and the law of nations ?in the field, on the spur r.l the occasion, and without either time to deliberate or hooks to aid hW delilMtration*. Hut Mf. Adams after mature deliberation in his closet, with full knotodlHge of all t lie circumstances, vin dicated and junilitd tln>.<.mdiwt.4)f Gen. Jackson in relMtion to every one of those acta that Mr. ( lay chargrd upon him a* violations of the constittitiou stud the laws of nations. If, therefore, the powers assumed and the principles Involved in the pirlormame of those act*, were such a* to render Gen. Jack sen an unsafe depositary of the chief exe cutive power the very same rejection will more strongly apply to Mr. Aduru* in the degree that a man is less responsible fofr 01 unions hastily formed from the pressure of tne emergency In which he is placed, than ft?r those which are formed with every opportunity for full deliberation. Any one who will lake the trouble to read Mr. Clay'* speech on the Seminole Campaign,-will find, I thmk that it* denunciations were directed more ugainst Mr. Adams for his Vii.indica tion of General Jackson, and the adminis tration generally for sustaining him, than against Gun. Jackson himself. I wilt now offer a few remarks upejn some of the* measures whirh nisy be charuc teristieailydenomlnated administration men sures fhe the purpose of shewing tUfct they are directed ny our ntlfers to the advance inent of their own pojmlarUy^-with a reck less disregard el the public. Rood. And heve, 1 will fakf occasion to explain the course,] which 1 have pursued with regard to th>* measure* of the administration, and to e4? pose tomf tf the gross misrepresentations nirulc by t lie partisan writer* of the admlrtis tratiou, in relation to the principles and mo? tivrrs of the opposition. ' One of those misrepresentations, founded upon what mo falsely alledged to be my avowed sentiments, I fee! bound. ln u pecu liar n> antier, to bold up to t)ie itiaipmnt con tempt of. all honorable men. In a political pamphlet, entitled the "Torch Light," whleh hears upon it* face strong internal cvkiencej of having been written, at least un der the eye and auspices of Mr. Clay?the charge t* distinctly made, thut the opposi tion have gone the shameless length of avow Ingthedetermlnatlmi to oppose the measures oitheadminist ration whctherthcyberightor wrong, in order to eoilwrmts and prostrate thft administration. And this grave charge U distinctly and expressly founded upon the speech X had the honor to deliver In reply, 00 the proposition to Amend the constitution of the United States, submitted by me. Now ni this pamphlet has l>een adopted as a sort of political text book by the administration, ana ns thousands of copies of it have l?ei n distributed, by the members of Congress friendly to the administration, through vari ous parts of the union?I beg leave to pre sent to you?as a curious illustration of the veracity by which the cause of the adminis tration is maintained?>the very words which 1 uttered in the speech alluded to in reference to the principles which should govern an opposition, and to those which would govern me particularly in the existing crisis. I said "ifit were praeticahlc?as 1 know it is not ?to render an administration unpopular by throwing cmh.irassments in the way of mea sures essential to the prosperity of the coun try.?I should regard myself as a factionist, if I were to pursue such a course rvr/i to mi dcr thhitdminintration rm/w/ittlur. It isthe duty of ever}* patriotic citisen to sustain the wholesome operations of the government, whatever he may think of the administra tion?und 1 would say to all those who think as I do of that cold and meretricious "union of councils" by which the sovereignty of the people has been violated and a king of shreds and patches,"put up to roij;n ov? i tin-in " Itiil tii.w iImki pur'ii<-?( tl,i- :irl, Tumi nut lliy wii.ii, n?r Irl lliy >uul eontivu Af;hin?t 11?x j rO'iiiity] noglil " **?v snstain the ;-ist and wholesome measure* of III is ad ministration?and f'jr tbrsnLeofUhi** tritrhig >ntt f.inrififr* 1 r.-i*h 1 cmld anntnin <tn in ah' - nt ! -Kail us decidedly oppose their rc-i i rtion." No two things in nature cart he imagined mote directly opposite, than the sentiment* thus uvuwed l>y me, and tho?c imputed to inc, in the si mi-olficiul pamphlet alluded to, hy some prominent partisan of the administration, who rnu*t have known that he was uttering an unqilalfted falsehood. 1 give you tl?is specimen of ministerial honor and voracity, tli?t you may know how to estimate the charge against the opposition?thnt r. now adopted a* a sort of watch word hy the liireling editors enlisted in the service of the ulmiiiistiation. In fact, I bojdly nsscrt that, t' <ye never whi an opposition iii this, or any other ronntry, no little directed against the ine.isurt s'?f the administration,as that which stands opposed to Mr. Atlnms. As fur my* self I have from the first moment of Mr. Adams' election expressed and felt the most sincere desire, that the measures of the.od ministration might he such as I could sup port throughout. I rested my opposition to the rc-etection of Mr. Adams upon the ground that he was improperly elected! and in order to make the example more signal I wished the people to discard him from office upon the ttvnutid of his moral usnrpatior alone, without complicating the i*ssuc with any objection to his future meal wires. My cowl uct has hi en strictlv con formable to these views?nnd with tne ex ception of that riduculousnnd solemn farce? the mission of Panama?of which even iW?w there is no monument hut the record of its. expenses?and of two other measures which I shall presently consider?1 have as invari ably supported the measures of the adminis tration, as any of its friends. The army, the nsvy nnd the defensive institutions of the country have been ever more generally sus tained by the friends of (?cn. Jackson than by the western friends of the administra tion. Aware that the administration would endeavor to direct the attention of the peo ple from the circumstances nnd principles of their election.' to the consideration of mea | nures merely?1 have endeavoured to avoid coming in collission with them upon any of the great questions of. national polic v. But so artfully have they--pursued the policy of changing the issue from fniqri/i/r* to mecturra, that they , have incessantly laboured to make the impressetsion that they are the exclusive friends of domestic manu factures ami internal improvements. Upon these two measures, I Invite your serious attention to the course pursued bv the present administration;and 1 think it will be apparent to ycii, that they have seised upon these two' measures, .upon the most abandoned principles of a prnnlftatb fiction, ht order to sustain their own consistency and the true interests ol tiic country. The bill whiHi pasted the hemsjs of i-epiesvntativQa at lli?* last session of Congress?usually de nominated the ?' woollens bill" may be em phatic ally <*.?: Mi.ii. .!? d n measuie of th? administration. And that the trnn charac Ur ami principles ol Mr. Adsm*. as connect ed with this measure** may more distinctly appear, t shall c ,plain to yon. hi* general course* and that of his political friends, on the subject of i he tav.fF policy. It is egell known that ujftntHe period of the coalition between .Mr. Adams and M?\ Clay, almost At fhe mrfuwit cf the late j?r> siden fil election, by the b'nise of representatives, was personally and politically the friend of Mr. Attorns. And though I preferred (kn. Jack ??* ?? him?nod holding the principle* nimrvcn a 1 lUd not prcierrcti nil him to be the almost unanimous ch district and state?yet 1 invarlahl; ed Mr. Adam* against chsrges w lieve to be unfouded and took some puins to ascertain his opinions with a view to his vin dication. Having had occasion to see tils* * in hts office on bu?ine?i. l availed myself ot . the opportunity to nsk bhn. what had been Ills course and what wnsbla opinion upon the' tariff Question. , lie ??aid, that thovgfa he was in favor oft the principle of protecting domestic manu facture,, he was opposed to any thing more than a very moderate system of;protecting duties, which would not Interfere with " other great interests of commerce and < culture. And when In the dlscusskM vote which nftcrwnids occurred on the ta , of 1824, I found almost nil the political friends of Mr. Adaifts from New-England and particularly those from Massachusetts* > . voting against the tariff as being excessive* I entertained no doubt, and 1 now enter tain no doubt that tliey acted in coinci dence with his views and opinions upon thnt questiot. The recent course pursued by the ad*" in istrotion In relation to that most odious, oppressive and unequal measure, the " woollens bill," hat induced me to rceur to the former opinions of Mr. Adams and hie Ncw-Rugland friends, and to contrast them with the extravagant doctrines which ther . are now disposed to represent as of *UchJ?U(h importance, as to make.them a political test, in the compction for tlic presidency. ? And I am constrained to ash, why did Mr. Adams assume such a tone of moceratlon in 1824, and why has he assumed such a tone or |> extravagance in 1827. en the tubject of the tariff? l*hc>cason Is obvious: his course ? hnsbeen governed, in both instance*, by po? iitical calculation, having exclusive reference to hi* own advancement. In 1824, Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams were antipodes in politics, and Mr. Adams had not the remotest expec* m tat ion ol obtaining the support of the western f< ' country'. Pennsylvania and New-JetSff were Axed in tlirir attachment to Gen. Jack* son; and the prospects ot Mf. Adams in New-York, were regarded aWery unproin i?iug, the friends both of MrMCrawford and Mr. Clay, in thut state, being deeidedlv op? he%emg re- 1 ate." lh this posed to him upon principle, lie Wing re ic^fedt * * " stateof things Mr. Adams* principle hope - out of Ncw-fcngland, rested on the southern state*:, nnd lie certainly managed, to make tlio imprc**io!i very generally in those states, that he wax the most moderate advo-' . cafe ol the protecting system of all the ran d i<lnu?4or the pre sidency, excepting pcrhape Mr. wfonl. What was the conduct <ic?. Jackson during the same period. At f " tin * huvc known that his prospect of success nded principally upon the anti-tariff k, lie frankly and fully communicated very eany moment, and ut a time when bs must have' depended ktates, lie to n gentleman ln'Not*h Carolina his views in.favor of the protecting system, aind they were published to the world. Afterwards* in the Senate of the United States, he voted in fav'jr of the tariff of 1824, while almost alt the /iotuleal fntm/u of Mr. jfdam*, tot, both Jiouoet of Covffreu, voted agaimt It. Let ns now advert to the concoct of Mr. C A'?. nnd the prominent men of hlsparty, In ?>.' relation to the woollen* bill of 1627} and it will be seen that they have, by common sent, performed one of the most extraordi nary political summersets that is to be foond in History of political tergiversation?not ex* ccptiug that of Mr. Clay and hit weatem friends when they voted for Mr. Adaxis at president. ' The tariff of 1824, laid a duty qf Mir' 33 1-3 per rent, on woollen fabrics irwpnrtea from abroad, and yet Mr. Adam's New* Kngland friends voted In a body against it, and Mr. Webster, his moat prominent sup porter in Congress, waa the leading oppo-' " nent of that tariff. The woollens byf of < 1837, proposed to lay on an average duty of upwards of one hundred per cent, on all woollen fabrics imported from abroad-* and a duty of 15 per cent, upon those coa|?^ descriptions of goods which clothe the com mon yeomanry and poorer clas&s of the community?and yet Mr. Webster and the friends of* Mr. Adams, acting as a party? ?* voted In favor ot this enormous imposition, amounting, by the admission of its advocates, to a prohibition of almost all the coarser woollens! Thu*i we see Mr. Adams hi 1834, opposed to any other than a very m0? derate system of duties, which would not in terfere with the interests of agriculture and comtnercc. In 1827, we find him waging a war of extermination against cqpmercc* and laying an intolerable Impost upon the Agricultural interest. And Mr. Web ster, and tlto New-linyjland friends of Mr. Adams who voted against the duty of 33 1-3 ]>cr cent, on woollens In 1824, voted in sohd column, in favor of an average duty of more than on s hundred percent m 1827. How are these Inconsistenciea to be explained? Whence the sudden Illumination that has converted these champions of free trade and unrestricted commerce, into the advocates of a prohibitory system, which even Bonaparte wnh all his despotic power could not enforcer All this change ha* been produced by the <??. ditlon. Mr. Adams, like Mr. Clay, seems prepared to take up fend put down his potttt* cnl principle, according to the (hanging phra/e* of his political combinations, always having in view the advancement of his owts, poHthai forlimc*. I spc.tk advisedly when I sav the'wool! bill' hasfu'en taken up l?y Mr, Adsmsj Mt. (iffy, a* a pola'cuv lever by th> v hefle lopii/" lb" firr;?t?fatSMl' vania from her position in the prcjl conteM. Mr. Clay hi the course < lionet-ring Wur through Virginia i boasted, that the vote of mfaSMi