The Bamberg herald. (Bamberg, S.C.) 1891-1972, January 31, 1918, Page 2, Image 2
OUTLINES GERMAN POLICY
CHANCELLOR ANSWERS PEACE
TERMS BY WILSON.
Von Hertling Says He is Still Optimistic
Regarding Negotiations
With Slavs.
Amsterdam, Jan. 25.?In his address
before the Reichstag main committee
yesterday Chancellor von
'Hertling referred to the negotiations
with the Russians at Brest-Litovsk
saying he held fast to the hope that
- * j
a good conclusion would oe arnveu
at. He continued:
"Our negotiations with the
Ukrainian representatives are in a
more favorable position. Here, too,
difficulties have yet to be overcome
but the prospects are favorable. We
hope shortly to reach conclusions
with Ukraine which will be in the
interest of both parties and also
economically advantageous.
"One result, gentlemen, might be
recorded as you all know. The Russians
last jnonth proposed to issue
an invitation to all the belligerents
to participate in the negotiations.
Russia submitted proposals of a very
general character. At that time we
accepted the proposal to invite the
belligerents to take part in the negotiations,
on the condition, however,
that the invitation should have a definite
period for its acceptance. At
10 o'clock on the evening of January
4 the period expired. No answer
had comft and as a result we were
no longer under the obligations and
had a free hand for separate peace
negotiations with Russia. Neither
were we longer bound, of course, by (
the general peace proposals submitted
to us by the Russian delegation.
Wilson and Lloyd George.
"Instead of the reply which was
expected but which was not forthcoming,"
Chancellor von Hertling
continued, "two declarations were
made by enemy statesmen?Premier
Lloyd George's speech and President
Wilson's speech. I willingly admit
that Mr. Lloyd George altered his
tone. He no longer indulges ;in
abuse and appears desirous of again
demonstrating his ability as a negotiator,
which I had formerly
doubted. I cannot go so far as many
opinions which have been expressed
in neutral countries which would
read in Mr. Lloyd George's speech a
serious desire for peace, and even a
friendly disposition. It is true he
declares he does not desire to de
stroy Germany, and never aesirea 10
destroy her. He even has words of
respect for our political, economic
and cultural position. But other utterances
also are not lacking, and
the ideal continually comes to the
surface that he has to pronounce
judgment on Germany, charging her
with being guilty of all possible
crimes. That is an attitude with
which we can have nothing to do,
and in which we can discover no
trace of serious purpose to attain
peace. We are to be the guilty ones
over whom the Entente is now sitting
in judgment. That compels me
to give a short review of the situai
tion and the events preceding the
war, at the risk of repeating what
long ago was said.
End of Dismemberment.
"The establishment of the German
empire in the year 1771 made
an end of dismemberment. By the
,
union of its tribes the German empire
in Europe acquired a position
corresponding to its economic and
cultural achievements and the claims
founded thereon. Bismarck crowned
his work by the alliance with
Austria-Hungary. It was purely a
defensive alliance, so conceived and
willed by the exalted allies from the
first. Not even the slightest thought
of its misuse for aggressive aims ev
. -.,3 + v,a n/vmw/v a? /3aaa/4ac
CT UL'tuncu ill iuc wuicc ui ucvauco.
Tbe defensive alliance between Germany
and the Danube monarchy,
closely connected by old- traditions
and allied to us by common interest,
was to serve especially for maintenance
of peace.
"But Bismarck bad even then, as
he was often reproached for having
an obsession in regard to coalition*,
and events of subsequent time have
shown it was no vision of error.
Ike danger of hostile coalitions which
} iruiTced the central powers often
made its appearance. By King Edtun
(??iV + r\/%l irtir +V? /\ rl r?nr? /-. -f
ai w o xoviaixuu cue ui cam \jl
codiloon became a reality. The German
empire, progressing and growing
in strength, stood in the way of
British imperialism. In Freneu lur.t
of revenge and Russian aspirations
of expansion this British imperialism
found only too ready aid. Thus
future plans, dangerous for us, were
formed.
War on Two Fronts.
"The geographical situation of
Germany in behalf of itself had always
brought nearer to us the danger
of war on two fronts, and now
it became increasingly visible. Between
Russian and France an alliance
was concluded whose participants
were twice as numerous as the population
of the German empire and
Austria-Hungary. Republican France
lent the Russia of the czar billions
to construct strategical railways in
the kingdom of Poland in order to facilitate
an advance against us. The
French republic drew on its last man
for three years of service. Thus
France, with Russia, built up armaments
extending to the limit of the
capabilities of both, thereby pursuing
aims which our enemies new
term imperialistic.
"It would have been a neglect of
duty had Germany remained a calm
spectator of this game and had we
not also endeavored to create an armament
which would protect us
against future enemies, i may, perhaps,
recall that I, as a member of
the Reichstag, very frequently spoke
on these matters and, on the occasion
of new expenditure on armament,
pointed out that the German people,
in consenting to these, solely desired
to pursue a policy of peace and such '
armaments were only imposed on us
to ward off the danger threatening
from a possible enemy. It does not
appear that any regard was paid to
these words abroad.
Wrong Done in 1871.
"And Alsace Lorraine of which
Lloyd George speaks again? He
speaks of the wrong Germany did in
1871 to France. Alsace Lorraine?
you need not be told but abroad they
appear still to be ignorant of things
?Alsate Lorraine composes what is
known for the most part purely German
regions which by a century long
of violence and illegality were severed
from the German empire and until
finally in 1779 the French revolution
swallowed up the last remnants.
Alsace and Lorraine then be- (
came French provinces.
"When in the war of 1871 we demanded
back the districts which had
been criminally wrested from us that ?
was not a conquest of foreign territory
but rightly and properly speaking
what today is called disannexation
and this disannexation was then
expressly recognized by the French
national assembly, the constitutional
representative of the French people
at that time, March 29, 1871, by a
large majority of votes.
"And in England, too, gentlemen,
language quite other than is heard
today has been heard. I can appeal
to a classic witness. It is none other
than the famous British historian
and author, Thomas Carlye, who in
a letter to The Times in December,
1870, wrote: 'No people has had such '
a bad neighbor as Germany has po- ,
sessed during the last 400 years in
France.'
Frontier Wall.
''Germany would have been mad
had she not thought of erecting such
a frontier wall between herself and
such a neighbor when oportunity offered.
"Observe that I have not repeated
a very hard expression which Carlyle
used about France. I know of
no law of nature, no resolution of
eavenly parliaments, whereby France
alone of all earthly beings was not
obliged to restore stolen territories
if the owners from which they had
been snatched had an opportunity
of reconquering them. And respected
England press organs expressed
themselves in a like sense. I mention,
for example, The Daily News.
"I now come to President Wilson.
Here, too, I recognize that the tone
appears to have changed. The unan
imous reception of Mr. Wilson's attempt
in reply to the Pope's note,
to sow discord between the German
government and the German people
has had its effect. This unanimous
rejection might of itself lead Mr.
Wilson on the right path. A beginning
to that end has perhaps been
made, for there is now at any rate
no longer talk about oppression of
the German people by an autocratic
government and the former attacks
on the house of Hohenzollern have
not been repeated.
Wilson's Peace Programme
"I shall not enlarge upon the distorted
representation of German policy
which is contained in Mr. Wilson's
message but will deal in detail
with the points which Mr. Wilson
lays down there, not less than fourteen
points, in which he formulates
his peace programme; and I pray
your indulgence in dealing with these
as briefly as possible.
"The first point is the demand
that there shall be no more secret
international agreements. History
shows it is we above all others who
would be able to agree to the publicity
of dinlomatic documents. I re
call that our defensive alliance with
Austria-Hungary was known to the
world from 1888 while the offensive
agreement of the enemy States first
saw the light of publicity during the
war, through the revelations of the
secret Russian archives. The negotiations
at Brest-Litovsk are being
conducted with full publicity. This
proves that we are quite ready to
accept this proposal and declare
publicity of negotiations to be gene(Continued
on page 7, column 1.)
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