The Bamberg herald. (Bamberg, S.C.) 1891-1972, December 07, 1905, Image 3
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Congress is Informed
Needed By 1
STRONG ON RATE REGULATION |
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The Country is Enjoying a Season of j
1 ' Unprecedented Prosperity?Sub- j
Thof Will Tincrnffe the Atten
dkuww ww ^
< % tica of the People's Rspresezita^
tives?A Thoughtful and Exhaustive
Document.
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; Following is in substance the annual
message of President Roosevelt,
as read in both houses of Congress:
, : Introduction.
- t
To ^ the Senate a#id House of Repre
sentatives:
The people of this country continue
to enjoy great prosperity. Undoubtedly
there will be ebb and flow in
> srich prosperity, and this ebb and flow
will be felt more or less by all mem- j
bers of the community, both by the j
^ . deserving and * the undeserving.
. Against the wrath of the Lord the wisdom
of man can not avail; in timesof
flood or drought human ingenuity
can but partially repair the disaster
A general failure of crops would mirt'
us. Again, if the follv of man mars !
. ?
the general well-being, then those who j
are innocent of the folly will have to j
* pay part of the penalty incurred by i
those who are guilty of the folly. A
panic brought on by the speculative
V folly of part of the business com:
munity would hurt the whole business
v community. But such stoppage of
welfare, though it might be severe,
- would not be lasting. In the long
? run the one vital factor in the permanent
prosperity of the country is
the high individual character of the
average American worker, the aver-'
age American citizen, no matter
whether his work be mental or maniual,
whether he be farmer or wage Tf
worker, business man or professional
: man.
?In our industrial and social system
the interests of all men are so closely
intertwined that in the immense majf;y
jority of cases a straight-dealing man
I'. who by his efficiency, by his ingenufe
ity and industry, benefits himself must
? also benefit others. Normally the man
r 01 great productive capacity wuu ucr.,
comes rich by guiding the labor of
many other men does so by enabling
r them to produce more than they could
produce without his guidance; and
v both he and they share in the benefit,
which comes also to the public at!
!V large. The superficial fact that the
sharing may be unequal must never
: blind us to the underlying fact that
there is this sharing:, and that the benI
efit comes in some degress to each man t
I concerned. Normally the wage-work-'
I er, the man of small means, and the
II average consumer, as well as the av
erage producer; are all alike helped
' by making conditions such that the !
B4- v- man of exceptional business ability j
receives an' exceptional reward for his |
fCy- ability. Something can be done by leg- j
islation to help the general prospert\V.
ity; but no such help of a perman- j
* ently beneficial character can be given j
to the less able and less fortunate, j
save as the results of a policy which !
shall inure to the advantage of all industrious
and efficient people who act
debently; and this is only another j
way of saying that any benefit which
eomes to the less able and less fortunate
must of necessity come even
more to the more able and more fortunate.
If, therefore, the less fortunate
man is moved by envy of his
V more fortunate brother to strike at the
conditions under which they have |
both, though unequally, prospered, the ;
result will assuredly be* that while 1
damage may come to the one struck at j
it will visit with an even heavier load ;
the One who strikes the blow. Taken !
Y . as a whole we must all go up or go *
down together.
r '
Corporations.
Yet, while not merely admitting, but!
e ' insisting upon this, it is also true {hat i
where there is no governmental re- \
straint or supervision some of the ex- |
ceptional men use their energies not I
in ways that are for the common '
good, but in ways which tell against i
this common good. The fortunes
amassed through corporate organiza
tion are now so large, and vest such i
power in those that wield them, as |
to make it a matter of necessity to j
give to the sovereign?that is, to the j
y Oovernment, which represents the
people as a whole?some effective
power of supervision over their corl&f
porate use. In order to insure a healthy
social and industrial life, every 1
big corporation should be held responIsible
by, and be accountable to, some '
sovereign strong enough to control its
conduct. I am in no sense hostile to
corporations. This is an age of combination,
and any effort to prevent ail
combination will be not only useless,
but in the end vicious, because of the
f .
1 Pill!
Concerning Legislation
the Country
contempt for law which the failure to
enforce law inevitably produces. We
should, moreover, recognize in cordial
and ample fashion the immense good
effected by corporate agencies in a
country such as ours, and the wealth
of intellect, energy, ana naeniy devoted
to their service, and therefore normal
Iv to the service of the public, by
their officers and directors. The corporation
has come to stay, just as the
trade union has come to stay. Each
can do and has done great good.' Eac]i
should be favored so long as it does
good. But each should be sharply
checked where it acts against law and
justice. So long as the finances of the
Nation are kept upon an honest basis
no other question of internal economy
with which the Congress has the power
to deal begins to approach in importance
the matter of endeavoring
to secure proper industrial conditions
under which the individuals?and especially
the great corporations?doing
an interstate business are to act. The
makers of our National Constitution
provided especially that the?regulation
of interstate commerce should come
within the sphere of the General Government.
The arguments in favor of
their taking this stand were even
* i A il j}
tnen overwneiming. nui iney are iai
stronger to-day, in view of the enormous
development of great business
agencies, usually corporate in form.
Experience has shown conclusively
that it is useless to try to get any
adequate regulation and supervision
of these great corporations by State
action. Such regulation and supervision
can only be effectively exercised
by a sovereign whose jurisdiction is
coextensive with the field of work of
the corporations?that is, by the National
Government.
I am well aware of the difficulties
of the legislation that I am suggesting,
and of the need of temperate and
cautious action in securing it. I should
emphatically protest against improperly
radical or hasty action. ' The first
thing to do is to deal with the great
corporations engaged in the business
of interstate transportation. As I
said in my Message of December 6
last, the immediate and most pressing
need, so far as legislation is concerned,
is the enactment into law of some
scheme to secure to the ajrents of the
Government such supervision and regulation
of the rates charged by the
railroads of the country engaged in
interstate traffic as shall summarily
and effectively prevent the imposition
of unjust or unreasonable rates. It
must include putting a complete stop
to rebates in every shape and form.
This power to regulate rates, like all
similar powers over the business
world, should be exercised with modification,
caution and self-restraint;
but it should exist, so that it can be
effectively execised when the need
trises.
The first consideration to be kept in
mind is that the power should be affirmative
and should be given to some
administrative body created by the
Congress.
Illegal transactions often occur under
the forms of law. It has often occurred
that a shipper has been told
by a traffic officer to buy a large
quantity of some commodity and then
after it has been bought an open reduction
is made in rate take effect
immediately, the arangement resulting
to the damage of all their competitors;
for it must not be forgotten
that the big shippers are at least as
much to blame as any railroad in the
matter of rebates. The law should
make it clear so that nobody can fail
to understand that any kind of commission
paid on freight shipments.
wneroer in inis iorm or in the form of
fictitious damages, or of a concession
a fress pass, reduced passenger rate,
or payment of brokerage, is illegal.
All private-car lines, industrial
roads, refrigerator charges, and the
like should be expressly put under
the supervision of the Interstate Commerce
Commission or some similar
body so far as rotes, and agreements
practically affecting rates, are concerned.
The private-car owners and
the owners of industrial railroads are
entitled to a fair and reasonable compensation
011 their investment, but
neither private cars nor industrial
railroads nor spur tracks should be
utilized as devices for securing preferential
rates. A rebate in icing charges,
or in mileage, or in a division of the
rate for refrigerating charges is just
as pernicious as a rebate in any other
way. No lower rate should apply on
goods imported than actually obtains
on domestic goods from the American
seaboard to destination except in
cities where water competition is the
controlling influence. There should
be publicity of the accounts of com-1
mon earners; no common carrier engaged
in interstate business should
keep any books or memoranda other
than those reported pursuant to law
or regulation, and these books or
memoranda should be open to the inspection
of the Government. Only
in this way can violations or evasions
of the law be surely detected. A system
of examination of railroad accounts
should be provided similar to ?
that now conducted into the national |
banks by the bank examiners; a few
first-class railroad accountants, if
they had proper direction and proper
authority to inspect books and papers,
could accomplish much in preventing
willful violations of the law.
I urge upon the Congress the need
of providing for expeditious action
by the Interstate Commerce Commission
in all these matters, whether in
regulating rates for transportation or
for storing or handling property or
commodities in transit. The history
of the cases litigated under the present
commerce act shows that its efficacay
has been to a great degree des
troyed by the weapon of delay, almost
the most formidable weapon
in the hands of those whose purpose
it is to violate the law.
Safety Appilances.
In my annual Message to the Fiftyeighth
Congress, at its third session
I called attention to the necessity for
legislation requiring the use of block
signals upon railroads engaged in
interstate commerce. The number of
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serious collisions upon unDiocKea
roads that have occurred within the
past year adds force to the recommendation
then made. The Congress
should provide, by appropriate legislation,
for the introduction of block
signals upon all railroads engaged in
j interstate commerce at the earliest
practicable date, as a measure of increased
safety to the traveling pub[
lie.
Hoars of Labor of Railroad Employees.
The excessive hours of labor to
which railroad employees in train service
are in many eases subjected is
also a matter which may well engage
the serious attention of the Congress.
The strain, both mental and
physical, upon those who are engaged
in the movement and operation of
railroad trains under modern conditions
is perhaps greater than that
which exists in any other industry,
nnn if there are anv reasons for limit
ing by law the hours of labor in any
employment, they certainly apply with
peculiar force to the employment of
those upon whose vigilance and alertness
in the performance of their duties
the safety of all who travel by
rail depends.
Labor.
The National Government has as
a rule but little occasion to deal with
the formidable group of problems
connected more or less directly with
what is known as the labor question,
for in the great majority of cases
these problems must be dealt with by
the State and municipal authorities
and not bv the National Government.
The National Government has control
of the District of Columbia, however,
and it should see to it that the
City of Washington is made a model
city in all respects, both as regards
parHs, public grounds, proper regulation
of the system of housing so as
to do away with the evils of alley
tenements, a proper system of education,
a proper system of dealing with
truancy and juvenile offenders, a proper
handling of the charitable work
of the District. Moreover, there
should be proper factory laws to prevent
all abuses in the employment of
women and children in the District.
These will be useful chiefly as object
lessons, but even this limited
amount of usefulness would be of real
national value.
There has been demand for depriving
courts of the power to issue hi
junctions in labor disputes. Such
special limitation of the equity powers
of our courts would be most unwise.
It is true that some judges
have misused this power; but this
does not justify a denial of the power
any more than an improper exercise
of the power to call a strike by a
labor leader would justify the denial
of the right to strike.
The Department of Commerce and
Labor should also make a thorough investigation
of the condition of
women in industry. Over five
million American women are now
engaged in gainful occupations; yet
there is an almost complete dearth
of data upon which to base any trustworthy
conclusions as regards a subject
as important as it is vast and
complicated. There is need of full
knowledge on which to base action
looking toward State and municipal
legislation for the protection or working
women. The introduction of women
into industry is working change
and disturbance in the domestic and
social life of the Nation.
Insurance.
The great insurance companies afford
striking examples of corporations
whose business has extended so
far beyond the jurisdiction of the
[ State which created them as to preclude
strict enforcement of supervision
and regulation by the parent
States. In my last annual Message,
I recommended "that the Congress
carefully consider whether the power
of the Bureau of Corporations'can
not constitutionally be extended to
cover interstate transactions in insurance."
Recent events have emphasized
the importance of an early
and exhaustive consideration of tins I
question, to see whether it is not possible
to furnish better safeguards than
the several States have been able to
furnish against corruption of the
flagrant kind which has been exposed.
It has been only too clearly shown
that certain of the men at the head
of these large corporations take but
small note of the ethical distinction
between honesty and dishonesty; they
draw the line only this side of what
may be called law-honestv, the kind
of honesty necessary in order to avoid
falling into the clutches of the law.
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Of course the only complete remedy <
for this condition must be found in
an aroused public conscience, a higher J
sense of ethical conduct in the communitv
at large, and especially among 1
business men and in the great pro- ]
fession of the law, and in the growth 1
of a spirit which condemns all dishonesty,
whether in rich man or in
poor man, whether it takes the shape
of bribery or of blackmail. But much <
can be done by legislation Avhich is :
not only drastic but practical.
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The Revenues.
J
There is more need of stability ;
than of the atempt to attain an ideal <
perfection in the methods of raising 1
revenue; and the shock and strain to ]
the business world certain to attend ]
any serious change in these methods 2
render such change inadvisable unless 2
for grave reason. It is not possible 1
to lay down any general rule by <
which to determine the moment when i
the reasons for will outweigh those ]
against such a change. Much must 2
depend, not merely on the needs, but 1
on the desires, of the people as a 2
whole; for needs and desires are not :
necessarily identical. Of course no !
change can be made on lines benefi- 1
cial to, or desired by, one section i
or one State only. There must be ]
something like a general agreement 1
among the citizens of the several ]
States, as represented in the Con- '
gress, that the change is needed and i
desired in the interest of the people as 2
a whole; and there should then be <
a sincere, intelligent, and disinter- <
ested effort to make it in such shape i
as will combine, so far as possible, i
the maximum of good to the people ]
at large with the minimum of neees- j
sary diregard for the special interests ;
of localities or classes. But in time of i
peace the revenue must on the average,
taking a series of years to- ;
gether, equal the expenditures or else ]
the revenues must be increased. Last <
year there was a deficit. Unless our
expenditures can be kept within the i
revenues then our revenue laws must
be readjusted.
Economy in Exepnditures.
I earnestly recommend to the Congress
the need of economy and to
this end of a rigid scrutiny of appropriations.
As examples merely, I call i
your attention to one of two specific
matters. All unnecessary offices
should be abolished. The Commissioner
of the General Land Office
recommends the abolishment of the of- :
fice of receiver of public moneys for
United States land offices.
Yet, in speaking of ecenomy, I must
in no wise be understood as advocating
the false economy which is in
the end the worst extravagance. To
(*it down on the Navy, for instance,
would be a crime against the Nation.
To fail to push forward all work on
the Panama Canal would be as great
a folly.
At various times I have instituted
investigations into the organization
and conduct of the business of the
Executive Departments. While none
of these inquiries have yet progressed
far enough to warrant final conclusions,
they have already confirmed
and emphasized the general imression
that the organization of the Departments
is often faulty in principle
and wasteful in results, while
many of their business methods are
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a.i uquiutueu aiiu uiemcieiu. mere
is every reason why our executive
governmental machinery should be at
least as well planned, economical, and
efficient as the best machinery of the
great business organizations, which
at present is not the case.
Monroe Doctrine.
One of the most effective instruments
for peace is the Monroe Doctrine
as it has been and is being gradually
developed by this Nation and
acaepted by other nations. No other
policy could have been as efficient
in promoting peace in the Western
Hemisphere and in giving to each nation
thereon the chance to develop
along its own lines. If we had refused
to apply the Doctrine to changing
conditions it would now be completely
outworn, would not meet any of the
needs of the present day, and indeed
would probably by this time have
sunk into complete oblivion. It is
useful at home, and is meeting with
recognition abroad because we haveadapted
our application of it to meet
the growing and changing needs of
our Hemisphere. When we announce
a policy, such as the Monroe Doctrine,
we thereby commit ourselves
to the consequences of the policy, and
these consequences from time to time
alter. It is out of the question to
claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility
for its exercise. Not on- (
ly we, but all American Republics ;
who are benefitted by the existence j
of the Doctrine, must recognize the ;
obligations each nation is under as
regards foreign peoples no less than ;
its duty to insist upon its own rights.
That our rights and interests are
deeply concerned in the maintenance ,
of the Doctrine is as clear as hardly 1
to need argument. This is especially ;
true in view of the construction of .
the Panama Canal. As a mere mater
of self-defense we must exercise a
close watch over the approaches to
this canal; and this means that we
must be thoroughly alive to our inter- ['
ests in the Caribbean Sea.
afijswor arsea iMd ?es Ezrh hrdluu 1
Santo Domingo. - 1
Santo Domingo, in her turn, has
now made an appeal to us to help
her, and not only every principle of
wisdom but every generous instinct 8
within us bids us respond to the ap- <
peal. It is not of the slightest con- (
sequence whether we grant the aid ;
needed by Santo Domingo as an in- 1
eident to the wise development of the
Monroe Doctrine, or because we repaid
the case of Santo Domingo as
standing wholly by itself, and to bo
treated as such, and not on general
principles or with any reference to
the Monroe Doctrine.
Army and Navy.
We cannot consider the question of
our foreign policy without at the
same time treating of the Armv and
the Navy. ' We" now have a very
small army-?indeed, one well-nigh
infinitesimal when compared with the
army of any other large nation. Of
course the Army we do have should
be as nearly perfect of its kind and
for its size as possible. I do not believe
thfr^any army in the world has
a better average of enlisted man or
a better type of jurypr officer; but
the Army should be trained to act
affectively in a mass. Provision
should be made by sufficient appropriations
for maneuvers of a practical
kind so that the troops may learn
bow to take care of themselves under
actual service conditions; every march
for instance, being made with the
soldier loaded exactly as he would
be in active campaign. The generals
and colonels would thereby have opportunity
of handling regiments,
brigades, and divisions, and the commisary
and medical departments
would be tested in the field. Provision
should be made for the exercise
at least of a brigade and by preefrenee
of a division in marehing and
embarking at some point and continuing
its march. The number of posts
in which the Army is kept in time of
peace should be matrially diminshed
and the posts that are left made correspondingly
larger. No local interests
should be allowed to stand in
the way of assembling the greater
part of the troops which would at
need form our field armies in stations
of such size as will permit the best
training to be given to the personnel
of all grade#, including the high officers
and staff officers. To accomplish
this end we must have not company
or regimental garrifeons*, btu
brigade and division garrisons.
Federal Elections.
The President touches upon the
question of Federal elections, quoting
the well known constitutional
provision that Congress shall be the
final judge of the qualification of its
own members. He also declares
strongly against all forms of corruption
and expresses regret at the growing
tendency to increase expenses in
connection with the conduct of political
campaigns. Briefly, he advocates
the greatest possible purity
of the ballot and the fulest freedom
of the exercise of the elective
franchise consistent with good government.
Immigration.
Thes ubject of immigration is treated
by Mr. Roosevelt in a particularly
able and thoughtful manner. The
tendency of foreigners to congregate
in sections of the country already
congested with people is deplored.
High-class foreigners are desirable
AM J AMA TT?A1 AATM A/^ A?|1TV AOA
aiiu aic vvcicumcuj uui uuijf iuuoc
with tendencies towards good citizenship
and of industrious and law-abiding
habits will add to the general
welfare of the nation. It is pointed
out that our farming sections need
labor, and that all who come with a
will to work will find a ready welcome.
Criminal Laws.
In my last Message I asked the
attention of the Congress to the urgent
need of action to make our
criminal law more effective; and I
most earnestly request that you pay
heed to the report of the AattorneyGeneral
on this subject. Centuries
ago it was especially needful to
throw every safeguard round the accused.
Such danger then was lest
he should be wronged by the state.
The danger is now exactly the reverse.
Breaches of Trust in Public Service.
There seems to be no statute of
the United States which provides
for the punishment of a" United
States attorney or other officer of
the Government who corruptly- agrees
to wrongfully do or wrongfully refrain
from doing any act when the
consideration for such corrupt agreement
is other than one possessing
money value. This ought to be remedied
by appropriate legislation.
Public Land Laws.
Once again I call your attention to
the condition of the public-land laws.
Recent developments have given new
urgency to the need for such changes
as will fit these laws to actual present
conditions. The honest disposal
and right use of the remaining pul>
iic lands is of fundamental importance.
The iniquitous methods by
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Wilicii tuc vi tuc jsuuui; i
lands is being brought about under I
the present laws are becoming more I
generally known, but the existing laws i
do not furnish effective remedies.!
The recommendations of the Public I
Lands Commission upon this subject I
are wise and should be given effect.
The Jamestown Tercentennial.
This enterprise is highly commend- i
>d by the President, who heartily sets
the seal of his approval upon everything
Congress may see fit to do to
assist in making it a success.
Our Island Possessions.
Good work has been done by our
government in all the territorial acquired
by our recent war with Spain.
3rder is rapidly being brough about
and the people are becoming contented
and prosperous.
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The Hague Conference.
This tribunal, established for the
purpose of arbitrating matters of in-;
ternatioRflf difference, has already, accomplished
much good. Matters of
armament and defense and also the
duties of neutral powers in time of
war have been brought up and discussed
before this high tribunal, and
a better understanding between the
grown out of the meetings,
nations of the earth has already
National Park Reservations.
The President recommends to the
Congress the enlargement of the
bounds of the Yellowstone National
Park, the protection of the Niagara
Falls and the establishment of such
other park reservations as congress
may see fit to set apart. The great
benefits of these national parks to
science as well as to the health and
happiness of the people is pointed
out.
Merchant Marine.
/ *
To the spread of our trade in peace
and the defense of our flag in war
a great and prosperous merchant marine
is indispensible. We shold have
ships of our own and seamen of our
own to convey our goods to neutral
markets, and in case of need to reenforce
our battle line. It can liot
bat be a source of regret and uneasiness
to us that the lines of communication
with out 9ister republics
of South America should he chiei-y ; w
under foreign control. Pensions.
The soldier who did his duty in
the time of war should receive the
benefits of .a grateful country, but f
here as elsewhere, a strict watch
should be kept to prevent fraud.
Mississippi Levees.
The National Government already
does something in connection with the
construction and maintenance of
the great system of levees along the
lower course of the Mississippi; in ^
my judgment it should do much
mone.
The Civil Service.
The civil service law has been on
the statute books for twenty-two -||
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majority of heads of departments ,
who have been in office during that ij
period have favored a gradual extension
of the merit system. The
more thoroughly its pnriciplcs have
been understood, the greater has J
been the favor with which the law has
been regarded by administrative of- -M
officers. Any attempt to carry on the
great executive departments of the ' .
Government without this law would X
inevitably result in chaos. The Civil
Service Commissioners are doing excellent
work; and their compensation
is inadequate considering the ';-r JS
! service they perform.
Admission to Statehood.
| I recommend that Indian Territ.ny I
I and Oklahoma be adimtted as one
State and that Mexico and Arizona
be admitted as one State. There is
no obligation upon us to treat terri- - ^
torial subdivisions, which are matters
of convenience only, as binding
ns on the question of admission
to statehood.
Panama Canal. - \
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The treatment between the United
States and the Republic of Panama, ?|j
'under which the construction of the
Panama Canal was made possible,
went into effect with its ratification
by the United States on April 23,
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[ iyi>4, on payment 01 ?w,vw,vw w
that company. On April 1, 1905, the
Commission was reorganized and
it now consists of Theodore P.
Shonts, chairman, Charles E. MaAdmiral
Mordecai T. Endicott, Brig.
Gen. Peter C. Hains, and Col. Oswald
H. Ernst.
The Department of State.
I recommend more adequate provision
than has been made heretofore
for the work of the Department
of State. Within a few years
there has been a very great increase
''' /'
in the amount and importance of the
work to be done by that Department, ( v
both in Washington and abroad. This
has been caused by the great increase
of our foreign trade, the increase
of wealth among our people,
which enables them to travel more
generally than. heretofore, the increase
of American capital which is
seeking investment in foreign countries,
and the growth of our power,
and- weight in the councils of the
civilized world.
Conclusion.
Suitable provision should be mada
for the expense of keeping our diplomatic
officers more fully informed
of what is being done from day to
day in progress of our diplomatic
affairs with other countries. Tin
lack of such information, caused by
insufficient appropriations available
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mesenger service, i'requently puts our
officers at a great disadvantage and
detracts from their usefulness. The
salary list should be readjusted. It
does not now correspond either to
the importance of the service to be
rendered and the degrees of abilitj
and experience required in the different
positions, or to the difference*
in the cost of living. In many case*
the salaries are quite inadequate.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
The White House,
December 5, 1905.
.'m
V'.
^ . -vi \is5S