The Camden chronicle. (Camden, S.C.) 1888-1981, November 01, 1912, Image 2
FIIINE ANSWERS
i MR. WANAMAKER
Noted Boston Merchant Appeals
to Business Men With
Logic for Wilson.
STABILITY WHAT WE NEED
? *
Full Measure of Prosperity Cannot Be
Hcallzed Until Country le 8eti?fie4
With Genuine Tariff Reform,
flMvvun) A, Kll? ne Im pr<-sl<i?*nt of f'.d
ward A KlUni' A Hon. I<o?Ujii. Mam . om
of tin* lara*** retail dry good* of
the ? outilry. I In ih a funit?r pi?*ldiot of
th< Boston chamber of < <>min?r. ? , mom
four of tlit< National. CoitD<-ll of f*oiniTn?ic??.
Nutlonal t *1 v It f?d?rtllon, National N'-wa
paper tfUK'n-, Cluyftiand fliimbfl of < om
jnerre imd a member of u ?cor# of clubi< .
arid other organisation* I* thp author of
many nrtldea on biiwln<-*ii, clVi<\ labor i?n<J
Miii(rU) relations.]
To the Merchants and Business Map
of tht United Htatos:
John Wanamaker's appeal to you In
the New York Herald of Oct 4. calling
for a continent wide rally to the sup- ?
port of Mr. Taft on the part of the
merchants and business men of the
country, Iium no doubt received your
serious attention. It has teemed to ;
m* that those of ub In busluess who j
believe Mr. Wsnamaker's position Is
mistaken should make known our po
sitions and the reasons for our firm I
belief that the business of the country
will be best served by the election of
Governor Wilson to the presidency.
There Is every reason to believe that
we are on ? the eve of abundant pros
perity, and In my opinion one thing
likely to prevent the settiBg In of
such n period would be the re-electlou ]
of President Taft and the one thing
that would make prosperity most cer
tain would be the election of Governor
WILaon. This opinion Is bused upon
my belief that for the business world
nothing else Is so important as sta- |
bill ty.
Stability Is Impossible with Mr. Taft
as president; there has been no feeling ,
of stability during his administration. [
It Is not that tho president Is a dis- ;
turber of conditions or that ho is not j
sufficiently cureful of the business In- j
torests of tho country. The absence
bf any feeling of stability during ttye
Taft administration has been and is
due to a widespread belief that thero
are certain reforms whloh the great
body of people want and that the gen
eral feeling of unrest will not materi
ally lessen until these reforms are ac- j
complished.
President Taft's re-election would
not oreate any feeling of assurance ;
that there would be a aatlsfacory so- j
lution of the tariff question. By a sat- !
Isfactory solution 1 mean a removal of i
unjust and unnecessary taxation,
i Kntlrely apart from his veto of tar- !
iff legislation the mere fact that the
president signed -the Payne-Aldrlch |
tariff bill and later declared that it '
was the best tariff bill ever written,
has made it impossible for the public
to have any considerable confidence
that thoy may expect real relief from
him. *
ft ?? .
Roosevelt's Record.
I .
I Upon this matter Mr. Roosevelt's
record is not much better than that
of Mr. Taft, nor is his present posi
tion on the tariff much" more promis
ing than that of the president. The
agitation for reform began while Pres
ident McKlnley was still In office and
had then reached such proportions
that the country ih genoral approved
of the advanced position McKlnley
took in his Buffalo speech. It in
creased steadily during the seven and
a half years in which Roosevelt was
president, but he made no attempt to
give t lie people any relief from tariff
exactions, lie does not now offer any
deflnito tariff program. These things
lead me to believe that his election
now, like the re-election of Taft, would
mean four years more of tariff aglta-.
tion.
} With Wilson elected one may rea- |
aonably expect a Batlsfactory solution
of the tariff question. His expres-'j
_slons_QU tliia matter show a full con- ;
ceptlon of the country wldo demand
for tarlfT reform, a thorough knowl- j
edge of the ways in which tariff laws j
arc made and a determination to se
cure aH promptly as possible the much j
needed legislation. At the same time
Governor Wilson has shown that he
recognlzea as a faot the intimate re- |
lation which tariff has been made to
have to the structure of business in
this country and that he would keep
this fact in mind In handling tariff
legislation.
I Governor Wilson's election would
I mean and would be tAken by th?
country at large to mean that we
Iwould have very early in his admin
istration a revision of the tariff which
'would give the country the relief It is
'demanding and which at the same
jtlme would be made carefully and
jwith a view to preventing business
1 disturbance.
| Until this is don**, or at least until
ithe country feels sure that it Is to be <
done, there cannot be that stability
which is so necessary to the fullest
development of an era of prosperity. !
Truth About Prosperity.
Certainly the facts do not warrant |
Mr. Wanamaker's conclusion that a
Republican administration insures :
prosperity and that the periods of !
trade depression which the country
has seen from time to time have been
due to Democratic tariff revision.
jMr. Wanamaker's appeal 1b based
i largely on the theory that Demo
cratic tariff revision was respon
sible for the hard times of
ISO? In the face ef the facta no au
Woodrow Wilson's Message
to the American People
S?aGlrt. N. J., Oct. 19. 1912.
To the Voters of Arerioaf
X um glad to have an opportunity to state very
? Imply and directly why X an seeking to be elect*
> ed President of the United States. X feel very
deeply that this is qpt an ambition a nan should
entertain for his own sake. He oust seek to
serve a cause, and must know very eXeariy what
oauae It is he is seeking to serve. .
Thf oauuv X as enlisted in lies very plalo
to ny ovn views The Oovernmenj of the United ?
States, as now bound by the poiioies which have
become, characteristic of Rq?ubllcnn administra
tion in recent years, is not free to serve the
whole people impartially, and It ought to be set
free. It has been tied up, w.hother deliberately
or morely by unintentional development, with
particular interests, which have used their pow
er, both to control the governmont and to con
trol the industrial development of the country.
Xt mutt to freed trorn buch entanglements and al*
liances. Until it is freed, it cannot &orve the
people hu a whole. Until It is freed, it cannot
undertake any programme of social and economic
betterment , but u?u:?t be ohocked and thwarted at
every turn by Its patrons and masters.
In practically every speech that I make, I
put at the front of what I hove to say the ques
tion of the tariff and the quest loh of the trusts,
but not beoaune of any thought of party strategy,
because X believe the solution of these ques
tions to lie at the very heart of the bigger
question, whether the government shall be free
or not. The government is not free because it
has granted special favors to particular classes
by means of the tarlfr. The men to whom these
special favors have been granted have formed
great combinations by whloh to oontrol enter- *?
prise and determine the prloes of commodities.
They oould not have done this had It not been for
the tariff. Mo party, therefore, which does not
propose to take away these speolal favors and
prevent monopoly absolutely in the markets of the
country sees even so muoh as the most elemonta'ry
part of the method by whloh the government is
to be set free.
The oontrol to whloh tariff legislation has,
led, both in the field of polltios and in the
field of business, is what has produced the most
odious feature of our present political situa
tion, namely, the absolute domination of power
ful bosses. Bosses cannot exist without1 busi-r
neus alliances. With them polltios Is hardly
distinguishable from business. Bosses maintain
their oontrol because they. are allied with men
who wish tholr assistance in order to get con
tracts, in order to obtain speoiql legislative
advantages, in order to prevent .reforms which
will interfere With monopoly or with their en
joyment of special exemptions. Merely as polit
ical leaders, not backed by money, not supported .
by securely intrenohed special interests, bosses
would be entirely manageable and comparatively
powerle$$. a By freeing the government, there
fore, we at the same time break the power of the
boas. He trades, he does not govern. He ar
ranges," he does not lead. He sets the stage for
what the people are to do ; he does not act as
? their agent or servant, but as their director.
For him the real business of. polltios is done
under cover.
The same means that will set the government
free from the influenoes which now constantly
control It would eat industry free. The enter
prise and initiative of all Americans would be
substituted for the enterprise and initiative
of a snail group of then. Economic democracy
would take the place of monopoly and selfish
management. Amor loan industry would have s new
buoyancy of hope, a "new energy, a new variety.
With the restoration of freedom would come the
restoration of opportunity.
Moreover, an administration would at la?t be
aet up in Washington, and a legislative regime,
under whioh real prqgrommes of social better-*
went oould be undertaken asthvy oannot now.
The government might be serviceable for wony
things.. It might assist in fc hundred vnys te
safeguard tho ilvou and the health and promote
the oomfort and hoppinese uf the people; but
it oan do the! "tilings only if its aotiona bo
dlstlnterosto ! , only if they respond to put ilo
opinion, only if those who lead government see
the country as a whole, foel a deep thrill of
intimate sympathy with every class and every in
terest in it, Know kiow to hold an oven hand and
listen to men ot every sort and quality and
origin, in t ?/ ?) || it is to be done.
Interest must not fight against interest. There
must bo a common understanding and a free ac
tion all together.
The reason th it I feel Justified In appeal
ing to the voters of this oountry to support thf
Democratic party at this critical juncture in
its arfalra is that the leaders of neither of
tho other parties P99)t0te to attack tho problem
of a free government at its heart . Neither pro
poses to make a fundamental change in the polioy
of the government with regard to tariff duties*
It? io with both of them in respect of the tariff
merely a question of more, or loss, merely a ques
tion of lopping off a little here and amending
a little there; whilo with the Domoorats it is
a question of principle. Their obj.eot la to out
every special favor out, and out it out Just as
fajit en it con be *>ut out without upsetting the
business processes of the country. Neither does
either of tho other parties propose seriously to
disturb tho supremaoy of tho trusts. Their only
remedy ip to accept the trusts and regulate
them, notwithstanding the faot that, most of the
trusts or? so constructed as to insure high
prioes, because they are not based upon effici
ency but upon monopoly. Their sucoess lies in
control. Tho competition of more efficient com
petitor/?, not loade^ down by the debts created
when the combinations were made, would embarraai
and conquer them. The Trusts want the protection
of the government and are likely to get it if
either the Republican or the so-oalled ' 'Progres
sive1' party prevails.
Surely this is a cause. ' Surely the questions
of the ponding election, looked at from this
point of viow, rise into a cause. They are not
merely the debates of a oasual party eontost*.
They are tho issues of life and death to a na
tion which mur.t be free in order to be strong.
yvhat will patriot ^o men dot
thorlty, however eminent, can reason
ably ask that we accept the theory.
Now, according to factB, the panio
which was commonly known as that
of 1803 might very properly have been
known as that of 1890 or 1891, because
it waB under the McKlnley tariff bill,
whiph became a law on Oct. 6, 1890,
th$t the first signs of this disturbance
appeared.
On Nov. 17, 1890, Darker Bros.,
bankerg, of Philadelphia, suspended
with liabilities of $5,000,000, and the
olearing houses of both New York and
Boston voted their certificates to
banks in need of assistance. There
were other big suspensions and fail
ures in this year and the next
In 1892, while the country was still
under the Republican administration
and a Republican tarifT law, strike aft
er strike broke out as a result of the
wofklngmen's attempt to resist reduc
tions in wages, and these strikes cul
minated in the. great Homestead
strike and riot, in other words, the
panic of 1893 was well under way
when Cleveland camo Into oflice.
Tinder the same tariff law in 1893
there were more than 15,000 failures
in the United States, involving losses
amounting to $316,000,000.
On the other hand, after the Dem
ocratic revision had gone Into effect in
1894 the number of failures fell to
13,000, and the amount involved fell
to $173,000,000, or lesB than half. In
1895 the number of failures was near
ly 1,000 less, and the amount Involved
remained about half. There were more
I failures than this In 1911 under Taft
(13,441 ).
. Mr. Wanamaker Is silent regarding
I .the Republican panics of 1878 and
1:907.
In view of tho facts, then, is Mr.
Wanamaker Justified In his appeal?
Do not the facts prove quite the op
posite of his contention? ?
There is another matter, In my opin
ion very important, for us as business
! men to keep in mind, and that is the
bearing of the coming election upon
the development of a hotter basis of
credit. The Republican tariff and Re
publican policies have fostered great
concentrations of capital In monopo
lies and trusts.
Upon this great question also Gov
! ernor Wilson is entitled to our sup
port. Mr. Roosevelt favors the recog
nition of monopolies as inevitable, and
this is logical, as he favors a con
trolled continuation of the conditions
under which they have developed. Mr.
Taft is against monopoly, but he is for
a continuation of the laws which have
brought them into being. Governor
Wilson, alone of the candidates, has
taken a consistent position for the
preservation of the Individual In the
business world, ho alone of the candl
dates is pledged to legislation which
will prevent such flnanoial confeder
j aclea as now control the business and
' credit of the nation.
Therefore, being convinced that
prosperity now awaits only stable con
I dltlons and a proper basis of credit.
; I am rtrmly of the opinion that w#?, ??
: business men, should wopk and vote
; for Governor Wilson.
EDWARD A. FILENK
I
YOUR GROCER BILL
AND YOUR BALLOT
It Costs $5.50 For Week's Nec
essaries; $4 In 1904
Tho housekeeper and the wage earn
er can see at a glance from these fig
ures what the "high cost of living"
means under a monopoly tariff:
ACTUAL, RETAIL. OROCERY PRICKS,
BEING THE AVERAGE PAID IN
NKW YORK. JERSEY CITY AND
NEARBY CITIES IN 1904 ANI) NOW:
O ft
?3 c O
< n. o p ? ?
<t ? H O ? M
Gr^ rf
^ sj h
? i-sn, ft> *i
x
D ^ ra
?? ,17 3 : E
? :o%l :| :
1904. 1912 : 1912. j
Butter 27c. 37c 2 lbs. $0.54 $0.74
l^ard 12c: 15c 'Vi lb. ,0?> .08
Coffee 17c 30 r. , 1V? lbs. \25 .45
Tea GQc._ 50c 1 lb. .50 .60
Kutkh 29c 50c 3 doz. .S7 1.80
pu^nr . . . . . .0s>i,?c O6V2C 8 lbs. .28 .28
Cheese 14c 20c 1 lb. .14 .20
Prunes 08e 12c 1 lb.. ,0H .12
Flour 03 Vic 03\c 7 lbs. .24 < .26
Potatoes ...30e 3ftc 1 pk. .30 .35
Cod Ash 10<; 14c 1 lb. .10 .14
Milk 08c 11c 8 qts. .$4 .88
$4.00 $5.50
[1004 flKtires from United States bureau
of labor; 1912 quotations from averaging
current prices of a score of retail stores.]
Can strict economy reduce the quaiK
tity of these staple articles required.
. for a family of fire who wish to main- 1
tain the boasted "American standard
of living?" Let the high protectlon
? ists try to do with less if they will.
But let them reflect that it is coat
. Ing them $1.60 a week moro than it
did eight years ago for $4 worth of
! necessaries for the table ? ?,7% per
; cent Increase In the span of two pres
idential termB of Republican "prosper
; lty." 1
Have YOUR wages, Mr. Voter, kept
I pace with this advance?
Do YOU see any reason for paying
a tariff tax of 35 per cent on eggs or
| 23 per cent on beef or 63 per cent on
sugar?
Food ? food alone ? costs the aver
! age family now 4?V? Per cent of the
i total family expense.
The average cost of food por family
I in the United States has risen as fol
1 lows:
1900 ,..?..i, fai4
19?>4 347
1913 485
t IB - .?
j President Taft vetoed blllft reducing
the tariff on all such necessaries of
; life.
j A vote for Woodrow Wilson is a
! vote to insure an honest revision of
| the tariff and a reduction of your gro
| cer bills
The whole business of polities is to
bring classes together upon s common
platform of accommodation and com
mon interest. ? Woodrow Wilson.
YOUR SPOKESMAN, NOT
YOUR MASTER.
Hero are tho closing words of
Woodrow Wilson's address
whloh brought to their feet the
great audience in Carnegie hall,
New York, on the night of Oc1
tober 19:
It is not merely .a matter of
candidates^ 1 should be abashed
If I supposed that it was a mat
ter of the wisdom or tho discre
tion of individuals. I do not be
lieve In government that de
pend* upon the ability and dis
cretion of a few Individuals.
[Applause.l t
If I am lit to be a president It
1h only because VI understand
? you. [Applause.] And If I do
nit understand you I am not fit.
If I am ndt expressing in this
speech tonight the asplratlonsv
und the convictions of the men
who sit before me I beg'that
they will not vote for me. I DO
NOT WISH TO KK THEIR
m abtkh: r * \v ran To u f,
T 11 10 1 K SI'OKHSMAN.
I rejoice to say that as I wait- =
ed for your gracious applause to
eease I realised that In that sen
tence I summed my whole phi
losophy and my whole de?lre.
I thank you for your attention.
[ F*rnm th<? N-?* w York Tlmos, Oct. 23-1
| NOT ELIGIBLE.
Gov. Wilson has not joined the
Knights of Columbus. Gov. Wilson
: will not Join thH Knights of Columbus.
; Even if ha wished to join that organi
zation he could not. He is not eligible.
?We Bay this for the Information and
comfort of Thomas E. Watson, of At
lanta, G*. In its issue of Oct. 13 the
Times said that Gov. Wilson -Joined
the New York chapter of the Knights
| of Columbus at dinner in celebration
: of Columbus day on Saturday eve
? nlng. Joining the Knights at a dinner
' commemorating the discovery
Amerlca is not exactly the same
thing as entering the membership of
, the organization. If Mr. Watson of
; Atlanta, being invited to dine at a
friend's house, should linger with' t^e
I gentlemen at the dinner table f<5T
cigars and conversation, he might
. thereafter join the ladies, but that
would not make him one of them.
Yet Mr. Watson, totally misunder
standing and misinterpreting the re
port of the Columbus day dinner, per
mitted himself to be scared quite out
of his wits at the notion that Gov.
Wilson had become a Knight of Co
lumbus, with all that that, Implies,
; and he thereupon made the Important
I announcement that he could no longer
t support the governor's candidacy. We
. hope he will be reinsured, be calmed,
: soothed and quieted when he learns
that his worst fears cannot be real
ized. We suppose that it is only In
| wholly pagan countries that political
; campaigns nre free from these little
Incidents e
i
Nothing Is more unfortunate, noth
' ing is morn unwarranted than to think
of politics as a contest of clasees, as
l^ado up of interests in' competition
V]th one another and in hot opposition
to one another ? Woodrow Wilson. -
I
ANG'S
PHONE 2
Suggestions For This Week:
Saratoga Chips
Fresh Mackerel
Sweet Mixed Pickles 25c per qt.
Seeded Raisins
?; ? ? . v v -
Cleaned Currants
Citron
Shelled AJmonds
PHONE US YOUR WANTS
Hi
IGH GRADE
GROCERY
FOR
Lowney's Chocolate
Home Made Candies
Celery
All Kinds of Fruit
Call at
Camden Candy Kitchen
'Phone 78
Run a Mile
5 "~,= s.astsij^as'"5
?>ut th? lola'n jt lk0 int? co^8iderat'on not only the dUcomW
'hundreds of d f meana fronfi;the injury by exposure. ^
In blanker i 1 ? Inve8te<1 'n horses, a few dollars I?*I
of " ^ ' 7 b'K retUrn"' ? say nothing of the appdKS
U r :he", th? blanket is on and when It Is 3Fjl
the better nroter.il '"'i. 8??d blanketa not only on ac#.M?j
service t^r ~?n e^.afford but also becau?e you get i"0'
?? "ice lor your money.
,narke>?tr!!rVe ?arGful,y Selected the best blanket values on ti
buy them ^ eve^ "tandpofnt and It will pay i*i
>* r:-; ' - - ?
A D. KENNEDY