University of South Carolina Libraries
TILLMAN'S BIC SPEE 1 IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVEN TION ON THE SUFFRAGE PLAN. He Shows Up the irjteousi'e- of Negro Rule in Al its I)eformity-Tie )ays of Republican Rascality Recalled. The following is the speech delivered in the Constitutional Convention in reply to Irb-:.and. the negro deleeates by Senator Tillman while the suffrage question was under discussion: i regretthat my phy.ical condition i'sind has'been suoh since Tuesday morning, coupled with enforced at tendance upon.this Convention, as to render me unable to arrange the data and prepare such a speech as I think the occasion warrants. I also feel my inability in a physical -way to accom plish what I shall undertake, but I will simply do the best I can. It has been well said that this is a momentous issue, that this ocesion of the State in dealing with the question of suffrage will mark an epoch in our history, I may further say that the questionof suffrage and its wise regula tion is the sole cause-of our bei ug here. The prosperity, happiness and pro gress ot this people depend upon its wise solution. The very life of ihe State isinvolved in the wisdom or the unwisdom of our action. Why do I say this? When the Soutsiern Cross went down in battle, and the hopes of the Southern Confederacy were laid-in the grave cf the "Lost Cause." when we had struggled for four years with bravery and patriotism and self-sacri cfloe upparalleled in history for the right of self-governient, for our rights under the Constitution as we conceived and understood them, what came to pass?- President Johnson appointed provisional government and ordered a Constitutional Convention to be con vened to prepare the way for the State of South Carolina to re-enter the Un ion. The Convention assembled and adopted .a Constitution. under, which the Legislature enacted the Black Code, of wfhfc we have heard so much. Whatever may said as to that "Black Code,)'itgnve the black Republicans, Thad Stephens anidhis gang, excuse f or their reconstriction deviltry, which was the only pretence that they wanted and caused these hell hounds, actuated by hat for the Southern people. to de termice upon degrading us to the low est level possile, and they had right at haud-an i unsment which the most fertiletnag'oination, if it haa been given a thoina years to concoct a cheme otviliany, could not have surpassed. It as -thepreence among us of our idaves set free by the results of the war. Actuated solely with the view to per petutate the rule of the Republican party, and with the hellish purpose of venting their rage and hatred upon a conquered people, they passed the Re construction Acts, and came very near impeaching Johnson because he had ad tdd and moved forward contrary to teir hellish will. And they added to 'e force of the army already here to deposethe civil govenrnment, which we had established, to overthrow the -fabric which we were trying re-erect, and to put in its place the -rule of the negrg over the Anglo-Saxon. Canby, the major general in charge of this de partment,ismed his orders calling for the election of delegates to the Consti tutional Convention, -which did more to ptSouthernl-white -men down and tdestroy your material interest than any other ~agency. The Constitution which they-gaye'usdas. submitted to a vote of te people. All our then leaders, without exceptione took the position that the act on the pai-t of Congress and the United Statessarmny -as -outside of the-~ Constitution and dins a11. rhey advised our South ~~te men to remain at home and jy~Stntion to it, that it would of ts ' ~leaty, and the con siunewas.n 2itnan participat ed inthe election, ieaspushed .th Stat by bayoet ad AEw - aedunder the rule of owir ex-slaves. Lege.islature.was elected. inder ~ta Constitution, au~au ex-army of e-orI--Th Ltaa W TdO e Ho -wabh~d - Sere for-exprespurioe fgettme. rich saheexpesofourinLpovers5hea a&fallen. peple. - --.-. - - . - The first Legilature under the Radi aland .tea reime~metin No vembg .,i I-was coposed iin both branches exclusively, except from two or three white counties,.of carpet -baggersand negroes:- I-have attempt ed to get the figures as to-the number of negroes in the four Legislatures which met during t'hose eight-years of misrule. I have not been able to do so, but my recollection of the state ments made in the public press at the time~ was;:aspnall~imajority ,of wht men in the first-one ~and in the second atirn large majority of negroes. I have the figures as to the fourth, 1875-76, 'when~ there were 15 colored Senators and 61 colored Representa tives. Now so as to give, scme clear idea of the results of the rule of those .eope during those eigh~t , years of ugoenment and robbery, I must %eg your parddon while&I -read -some figures gathered by the investigating committee, who, in, ;i878, took up this question and gathered such testimony awould place ou record for the benefit of future historians the facts as to the hellish work accomplished through Canby and his carpet-baggers, who had been foisted upon these people by th-e hayonet. Th-e amount of the pub lic debt in 168, when the Radicals went into power, was $7,162,231. This was the honest debt of the State, and I do not hesitate to say here that prior 10186and up to that. time the.re was no State in this Union whose credit was superior to that which this State enjoyed in the money markets of Lon don and New York. Now, sir, prior to 1868 under the system of government which had ob taed and been in effect here from 1790, during the latter years, in the forties and fifties,the average expendi ture of the State Government for all purposes per annum was $400,000. t us make some -allowance,. ifyo please, for the inflation of ~currenev just after the war, and the increasedi value of articles which had to be pur - chased, and, if you wish, let us add 50 per cent to that as ali average and rea sonable estimate as to what~it ought to have taken to carry on the Govern ment honestly. That would make luring the eight years, if you estimate $600,000 as necessary to carry on the State Government, $4,800,00Da . What did this carpet-bag Legislature collect in cash? I will only givethe aggre gate items here. I hope the reporters will get them and print them for the people of this State, as well as for the people of other States. The- total amounts for the eight years collected in cash by these men was $10,165,114. I you subtract $600,000 annually it will make 44800,000.- If you please. -pit it five. million, and you will see they collected an excess of $5,000,000 over and above the necessary exuenses of the Government. D~id they stop there? Let me read you a brief letter which our State Treasurer, who is more-familiar with -this matter than I am, wrote me in answer to the inquiry I made yesterday: The Hon. B. R. Tillman: Under th Convention Act of 1866 the Re - publcans issued ri'ee nillion., ine hundred ard siXty fire thousInd of converi'on bonds in excess of old bonds suirrendered and there were no vo!!chers whatever for this excess." These fraudulent bonds. Senator Tilhnan said, by way of digression. are listed on the New York Stock Ex change to the shame, injury and dis grace of this State. They are quoted now in every price list used as non fundable South Carolina bonds at 1 cent on the dollar and won't stay there. Theasurer: ates and myself went to New York three years aro and endea vored to refund your debt. We were met by Henry Clews, who had been Kimpton's partner in his scheme of robbing, and they dogged us all over New York city with the cry: "Here. pay t1isdebt which bears the seal of South Carolina or vou cannot get any recognition in this monv market. They fraudulently issued one million dollars in 1S6, ostensibly to par the interest on the public debt. The Act authorized the issue of one million. but they issued two illions, one mil lion being fraudulent. Another fraudulent issue was one million for the relief of the Treasury in 1869. Then, in addition, the assets of the Bank of the. State and railroad shares held by the State, which amounted in 1868 to seven million and sixty-nine thousand disappeared. After the first negro Legislature in 1868 the Legisla ture had to issue $1,259,000 of bonds to redeem the bonds of the Bank of the State, in addition to which amount these bills were received for taxes. The negro Legislature robbed the State in every-conceivable way by in creased taxation upon us, upon onerous assessment, by the use of bonds and certiticates. by the printing fraud, by payment of accounts for Legislative service, for bills. groceries, wines and dry goods, -513,000, by repiyment of warrants and coupons, etc. Now this is a long story and 1 shall not attempt tofollow it in all of its details. I shall only attempt to jump from one'mam moth and gigantic steal to another. I will not attempt to take them up chro nologically. I have not had the time toarrange the data. I will read here fdr the benefit of this Convention an extract fcom the report of the investi gating cominittee, of which my dis inguished colleague, Governor Shep pard. was a member, so you may see and learn some of the infamies prac ticed by these legislators and those in control of our atfairs. He read from this report. So much from the committee on in vestigation. Now', sir, I will take up the question of supplies. I begin again to read. The followingP is from the evidence of Mr. Woodruff,' clerk of the Senate: "Under the head of 'supplies' was embraced anything that a Senator chose to order. These orders were generally given through the clerk, and the accounts were rendered against the clerk of the Senate. At first the orders were moderate and included only stationery and postage stamps, but they generally increased until they assumed gigantic proportions. In the commencement of this business of furnishing members they gave orders on the clerk to deduct the amount from their pay, but very soon the or ders very largely exceeded their pay, and the accounts were then included in the report of the committee on con tingent accounts, and pay certificates thus issued for almost every descrip tion of merchandise. In addition to this pay certificates were drawn- and turned~ over to the chairman of the :ommittee on co~ntinigent accounts for -ollection and~ distribution. As these ftters beaame botnmon the Senators laied that all of their expenses should be paid by the State. or, in the language of Senator C. P. Leslie, 'the Statehad no -right to be a State unless she could pay and take care of her statesmen." He asked if Mr. Leslie was a negro, and a umamber remarked, no, he was a white man. Senator Tillman, "He 's-as the big er rascal, of course." eegate Wig.AII that you have en tl1ijnan "I will find you a eity Wigsafter awhile." . Mr..Wigg: "Now, I wish to repeat, t wasthe- extravagance of our states nexn cf both colors." Tiilinan:' Here is atale of contrasts. ~tateients of prices paid for articles ay 'our' Legislators im 1869-70 and [87I-71: 189 70-85 clock, 40 cent spittoons, benches, str*.v bed&, $1, -chairs, $4 mine tables, 25 cent hat pegs, $8 desks, 510 office desks,. 50 cent coat hooks, :heap matting, clay pipes, cheap whis key, $4 looking, glasses. $2 window urtains, $5 cornices. 1871-72-$600 clocks, $8 cuspadores, $200 crimson'plush'sofas, sponge mat resses and Oriental pillows, $60) plush 3rothic chairs, $80 library tables, $30 aat- racks,- $50 desks, $80 to $170 oflice esks; $100 wardrobes, body Brussels arpeting, firiest Havana cigars, chamn >agne, $600 mirrors, $600 brocatel cur ains, lamxbrequins, $80 walnut and wilt cornices. Everything of any kind the mer ~hants any where ever bought or sold ;hey gathered in their fold. Well, I eckon that is enough of that. I. must novedn. I am in so much filthup to ny~ neck that I do not want to tire rour patience. The next step I take ip is the public printing . I vill give rou some statistics collected from the >fficial documents showing the-amount f money expended for printing dur ng those eight years of negro domina ,ion. Senator Tillmnan then read from he reports: Fr >m exhibits on printing showing he cost of printing in South Carolina luring Republican Administration ron session of 18tE 69 to 1875-76, in ,lusive, together with cost of printing ron 1790 to 1868, and cost of printing ession 1876-77: ession 1868-69 ....... ...$ 21,124 ession 1869-70 .. .... ...... 45,000 Session 1870-71.... ........ 152,465 Session 1871-72 ............ 173000 ession-172-73......... .. 450,000 ession 1873-74 ...... ........35,000 Session 1874-75 ............ 50,000 Session 1875-70 ... ......... 50,000 total cost from 1868 to 187ti..$1,325,589 Cotal cost from 1790 to 1868.. 609,000 Showing an excess of a cost of print .ng during the eight years of Republi an administration over the seventy sight previous years of $717,589. Average cost of printing under Re pnblican administration per year, 16~,823. Average cost of printin'g ander old regime per year. 57,807. cost of printing under Hampton ad ministration one year, $6,178. Amount appropriated during one year of Republican administrotion for printing, (1873,) $450,000. Democratic Administration. Cost >f printing in Louisiana.............-$ 40,528 71 North Carolina......... 18,281 :;2 SIississippi............ 18,439 85 E'lorida... ............ 19,669 :35 Alabama............... 17,00) (0 ennessee.............. 11,402 60 eorgia...............12,904 00 rexas................ 31,163 47 51issouri............... 27,000 00 Iaryland............ .. 25,000 00 Virginia................ 19,12 00 Arkansas............... B.040 00 E-entucky............. 13,)99 71 Total...............-8278241 00 in SouTh ' arolitaover the cost for the same time. iln the thirteenr other South ern.! ttates,$7179 Jos-phums Woodru! on m)llic orint "Th-ore were no soecific appropria tiois then, and pricting claims were paid out of any moneys in the treas ury n1ot otherwise appropriated. Even ttn it was almost imtposible to ob tai pavmient of our claims direct from the treasury. On presentation of a claim Mr. Parker would refer us to Mr. Neagle, who was the only party he knew had money. In this way we discouut ed our claims, frequently sel l ing them at twenty-five and thirty cents on the dollar in order to carry ont our work, which was very heavy. As an anlernative we had to take Net ole into partnership. I submit here copy of pArtnership agreemeut, dated July 1st, 1872, between Woodruff, Jonk s and Neagle, witnessed by Le Grande Benedict. When Cardoza took possession of the offlice of Treas urer I endeavored to perfect the same arran genment as to percentage that I had with Parker. He said that he had decided not to pay out any money for an object unless there was an appropria tion. That necessitated the introduc tion of a bill for the payment of our claims before the Legislature. An itemized bill was accordingly made, presented, passed upon by the commit tee in both houses and an appropria tion of $250,000 made for the payment of the claims of the Republcan Print ing Company. Governor Moses was naid 20,000 to sign the bill." From Josephus~ Woodruil on Pub lie Printing: For the payment of this amount certificates of indebtedness, which I have alluded, to were ordered to be issued to the company. In order to effect this' as against the bitter op position of bie other ring. I again in terested the Senators and paid them the following sums: ;In the list giv en the sams vary from $300 to $5,000, and the total amount paid was $57,000. Among the names given is that of Robert Smalls, appearing opposite the sum of $5000.) The amount of appropriations for public printing executed by the Re publican Printing Company since its organization aggregate $656,000. The aggregate in eight years was $326,59. I told you a moment ago that the amount expended in 1872 and 1873 for public printing was $450,000. The committee also prepared another statement gathered from official sources in these respective States. I Here is what Josephus Woodruff, the clerk of the Senate, testified: Woodruff on Public Printing: "When it was necessary to get appro priations through I became aware of the absolute necessity of paying for the passage, and we added the estimate for these expenses to the amount of our accounts in order to save ourselves from loss. (See reports and resolu tions. 1873 74, pages 954-955.) One half or more of the total amount of appropriations for.- the Republican Printing Company -was paid to State otlicials and members of the General Assemblv." A. 0. Jones on- ublic printing: "The above amounts and a great deal more, as shown by the Republi can Printing Company. were paid. On pages 4 and 5 of the ledger of the company I find the following entries representing amounts paid to members of the House in consideration of their support or non opposition to the Act passed appropriating $231,000 to the Republican Printing Company.' In this connection it pains me to have to read, Mr. President, a docu ment to be found in the Senate Jour nal - Senate Committee Rooms. Columbia, S. C., Oct. 30, 1S73. The committee on printing of the Senate, to whom was referred a bill to make appropriations for the pay ment of the expenses of printing, have had the same under careful con sideration, and beg leave to report: That the work ordered by concur rent resolution of the General Assem bly at its last session is of highest im portance to the State, not only because of the information that it affords the immigrant, but at furnishing a vala able record in history. The commit tee examined specimens of a portion of the woi-k now in progress, and af ter a patient hearing of the clerk of the two houses as to the time, labor and expense involved, believe the ap propriation asked for this purpose to b just and reasonable. In regard to the appropriation for the bayment of the printing of the Su preine Court decisions the committee, on reference to Chapter 104, page 495, (Revised Statutes,) find that while the Comptroller General is authorized to draw his warrants for the publication of these decisions, no appropriations have been made for the payment of the warrents, thereby rendering further legislative action necessary to author ize the Treasurar to pay for the work. With reference to the ]ast item of appropriation asked for by the bill the committee find that in the reassessment of property for the fiscal year 1873-74 the Compiroller General ordered the reprinting of the blank tax assessment, tax returns and other necessary papers for carrying out the Act passed at the last session of the General Assembly, providing for a reassessment of the taxable property of the State. and the committee are perfectly satisfied of the justness of this claim. The committee in justice to the State printers also beg leave to state that they have carried on their work, as shown your committee at heavy sac rifices on account of the State Treasur ers inability to meet the former appro priations made by the General Assem bly. Their contract has been faithful ly observed and their work well and promptly executed. The committee, therefore, recommend that the bill do pass. Signed: Robert Smalls, cliairman; Thad C. Andrews. H. J. Max'well, C. D. Hayne, B. F. Whittemore. The-same Woodruff testified, and he brought his bank checks and the com mittee in searching went to the bank and found certificates of deposit to prove he had issued checks to bearer for the following amounts paid to sta tesen, beginning with Moses, the Governor, who was a native South Carolinian, $20.000, then to Neagle, who was their partner, $4,000: Melton and Chamberlain $10, 000; Cardoza, $12,400, .and coming on down through a lot of Senators, at $5,000 each, we find the name of Robert Smalls, and so on aggregating $112,550, that they paid to th at wing of the branch of the General Assembly. Jones testified he paid the House $55,000. so it seems that the House sold itself disreputably cheap as compared with those that re sided at the other end of the Capitol. But listen again. They found that $250,000, after paying out $180,000, would not work. It would not go around. So they made up a bill of deficienies amounting to $231,000. and Woodruif says that for payment of this amount certificates of indebt edness, were ordered to be issued. "I again interested the Senators and r ad them the following sums." Senator Tillman then read the list of Senators aiid those paid, with the amounts given for their votes. I could produce'the proof for it is here, the testimony of the cashier of the banks as to the deposit of a check on a certain day by Robert Smalls. 1 have his par don by the Governor in 1S79, but it is unnecessary. He disputes and denies it. It is natural that he should. These people have forced ne. by endeavoring to clai I that it was white men and not nlegroes w:o did these wrongs. to un earth these records from our archives and bring them here and let the world k now that these men who stand here and clamor for the justice of their race perpetrated these daninable robberies and in famies when they were in pow er. The next thing after passing from this matter of printing is a table pre pared by this committee from the re cord covering the Legislative expenses for the four Legislatures. I will not attempt to tire the patience of this body by going over the figures. I will pick out items here and there. Now not satisfied that the ta.es were five million more than were necessary you will recall that the treasurer spoke of the disappearance of seven million assets belonging to the State. being the assets of the Bank of the S'ate and the stocks of the State, in different railroadsto which she had lent her credit. He read: From extracts from the report of the swindle of the Columbia and Green ville Railroad Company. Career of J. J. Patterson: -Since the day of the coming of this man to South Carolina there has been perpetrated upon the people of the Sta et a series of frauds great and small many of which have already made the subject of comment. and all of which mark out together an era challenging comparison for its infamy with any history within the period of modern times. In each case the familier foot prints of this man are to be seen and measured, and most to be found in the forefront of the mottled army of plunderers, as 'the years of good steal inb in Sonth Carolina' have come and gone, Your committee propose to refer to severl of the latter class. mostly to be singled out and held up to view for their exceptional enormity and the bold and brazen affrontery with which they were perpetrated." That was one of his bon mots which he got when he remarked that there five more years of good stealing in South Carolina. This is the only record he has left here in the memory of these people. In a general way if you ever hear his name mentioned some speaks and says. "Yes, he got that; there were live more years of good stealing in South Carolina." He then read the following extract: "Your committee having already exhibited John J. Patterson as the originator and participator is various schemes of public plunder and perso nal pribery, viz: First, ih his election as United States Senator; second, in the fraudulent pay certificates: third. the Columbia ane Greenville Railroad swindle, and fourth, the impeach ment Acts, now propose to uncover and reveal his crowning work in fraud and infamy under the above captious. These several measures, namely, the Blue Ridge bond scrip, the validating bill and the final settlement bill, fol lowing each other so closely in point of time, having been originated, eng ineered and matured by Patterson and the ring, and passed throngh the Leg islature by the same means, it is im possible to sedarate them in this report h-uce the subjects are combined. and may be aptly designated a fraud in three acts. "On the 3d day of February, 1872, A. L. Singleton introduced into the House of Representatives 'a bill to re lieve theState of South Carolina of all liability for its guarantee of the bonds of the Blue Ridge Railroad by provid ing for the securing and destruction of the same.' On the Sth day of the same month John B.- Dennis, by unanimous consent introduced a bill relating to the bonds of the State of South Carolina better known as the Validating Act. He also at the same time introduced 'a bill relating to the financial agent of the State of Sbuth Carolina in the city of New York,' commonly called the final settlement bill. It will now be seen how inno :ent the titles of these bills appear, and yet how full each is of dangerous mischief to the State as executed by the parties. The first on its face rep resented a plausible scheme to relieve the State from its guarantee of the large sum of $4.000,000 of the bonds of the Blue Ridge Railroad ompany by issue of scrip osten sibly to pay the honest. debt of said company, but in fact to be con verted into a private and personal cor uption fund. The second appeared to be merely an Act to validate the ir regular issue of certain bonds, but was intended to validate the illegal use and disposition of $6,000,000 of State bonds by H. H. Kinmpton, and then fasten such debt upon the State. The third simply empowered the financial board to make a settlement with H. HI. Kimpton, financial agent, but really affording the opportunity of covering p and cancelling the large amounts paid out by Kimpton from sales of bonds illegally made, tobe divided out n commissions among the rmg, and n carrying the purchase of the Green ville and Columbia Road for the same rg. "The most cursory examination of the journals of the General Assembly nd the testimony annexed to this re port must satisfy all that these three easures were adroitly and deliber ately concocted by the same persons for their joint personal benefit, and by ombination forced through the Gen eral Assembly by the most shameless nd barefaced bribery of Senators and embers, for the evidence of many of the members show, with particularity, that Patterson, Worthington, Neagle. Kimpton, Scott, Parker and Chamber ain aided the nefarious by counsel and advice, by the solicitation of votes and nd the actual purchase of numerous voters with large sums of money, these persons having full knowledge nd consciousness of the stealage and :orruption intendled to be perpetrated hrough and by such legislation." Who were the partners in this swin dle? They were within your memories gentlemen, and don't forget it that when one of them returned to this State as receiver of the South Carolina Railroad lie was received with open doors by society in Charleston. These are the men who stole all the State's interest in the Greenville and Colum bia Railroad. Then the Legislature, after they had gotten control of enough bhares by purchase to give them con trol of the railroad to steal the balance from widows and orphans and the other stockholders, and they got their powers to do these infamies through the members from Beaufort and others who misreluresented them and us. Major Barker, of Charleston: " Will the gentleman allow me to interrupt im for a moment ? Do I understand the geilenian to assert from his own mnowledge the statement that Cham berlain was received with open arms by the society of Charleston?" Mr. Tillman: "No, sir, I only judge by what I saw in the newspapers." Major Barker: "I beg leave to state on my authority that this is not true." Mr. Tillman: "Thiank God: Then the News and Courier lied on you, (laughter,) because 1 received the im pression from reading in that paper during the residence of that infamous scoundrel in your city that lhe was re eived on terms of social equality everywhere he went." Major Barker: "I hope the gentle man will accept my statement." Mr. Tillman: "I thank God that you have been wronged, and the good people of Charleston have been wronged in the mindls of the balane Deleaic Miller. of Beauifort. raising his right hand: '1 hold up ny right hand and swear that I saw the flower o)f Charleston society and the lawyers hobnobbing with Chamberlain in l0s car. If you want to swear ne d') so," still holding high his right band. Major Barker (addressing himself to Senator Tillman:) "I would not have risen to notice your remark but for the fact that my silence would have been accepted as an admission by me of its truth, and I have no right by such si lence to aid in casting any such reflec tion upon the society of Charleston." Senator Tillman: "If I have done the people of Charleston a wrong I am sorry for it, but I am not responsi ble for the impression created, and I leave it to this convention if it has not been the general belief throughout this State by those who read those pa pers that such was the fact." The next steal to which I will direct your attention briefly is what is called the "impeachment swvindie" and again John J. Patterson shines out with an immortal preiminence as the prince of scoundrels. He then read from the report of the committee the bistory of the attempted impeachment of Gen. Scott. And then they go on and show proof that the warrants were paid. We notice here the name of W. J. Whipper, another delegate on this floor, whose patbetic appeal and elo quent portrayal of the consequence of our act has been sent broadcast. Whip per's name appears in a good light. He was among those who were en deavoring to impeach Scott. ie ws on the floor and the hour fcr adjourn ment was fixed by resolution. Moses took him off the floor after he had re ceived $10,000 for doing it and for the negroes who had been bribed in the meantime. Patterson got enough of them, he bought them so cheap. He paid the big ones more than he did the small ones. I am sorry now that I have to pa.y my resocets to the gentleman from Beaufort in another aspect. I believe. judging from his speech which he made extemporaneously, he is the ablest man of color I have ever m t, but the proof lies here overwhelming ly and undeniably that he too on di vers occasions, was a bribe taker, and that in addition to that, while secre tary of the sinking fund commission. he perpetrated a scheme to get some of the State money. He sold property for ,7,000, then lie brought a bill for ser vice as attorney for $8,000 and pockat ed all he had sold the property for and brought the State out in debt to him. I am sorry to have to bring this fact out on a member of this body, but that member stood here as a represeat ative of the negro race and threatened us with direful consequences if we pressed forward in our purpose to se cure to our posterity immunity from such danger. I am forced in self-e. fence to lring out the facts, and while he was a representative of the peo ple he participated in this wrong and rab bery and stealage. and he must appear in the eyes of the world as sim:1v wanting a possible return of John I. Patterson's "five years more of good stealing. " Tnere is the Blue Ridge steaI. The State had a mortgage on the Blue Ridge Road, having advanced large sums of money in the effort to reach the North west by a railroad through the Blue Ridge Mountains, and held practically the titles to the road, i. e , th'e State and Charleston jointly. We have four millions,4,20,000, I think. But anyhow there is today a law suit pending in the United States Court to force this F tate to pay the Blue Ridge scrip, issued o.y that Legislature in de fiance of the law and now held as an obigation by a gentleman in New York who claims that it was by potbe cated with him as security for im vey, and it seems to me that we are never to be rid of the consequences of this misrule. The penitentiary down here cost $900,000. I pass on merely mentioning that a large sum, about $500,000, was spent for the militia,and you all remember that during these dark days of '72, '73 and '74 that there was hardly a Saturday night of the year that a drum beat of some negro militia regiment was not in the ear of each one of you, while threats were made by these negro soldiery that they intended to rise up and exterminate these white men from the face of the earth and take this country, I have shown you by the records and the re poot of this committee tnat the scoun drels and thieves fastened their fingers upon the throat of this State and suck ed its life blood. What did they do for Patterson? He bought enough of them to send him to the United States Senate as a repre sentative in that august assemblage of this grand old State, to occupy the chair that has been graced by Calhoun and Hayne. Here is what the com mittee says about it: "In conclusion the undersigned re spectfully report that the election of the Hon. J. J. Patterson to the Senate of the United States on December 10. 172, was procured by corruption and bribery. "They would further remiark that the Legislatu.ra of 1872-43 was largely composed of new members, and that they were most solemnly pledged to a correction of past abuses and to the inauguration of real reforms. Some of the members, who may have been unfit for the discharge of the import ant duties of legislation by reason of ignorance, yet came to Columbia with a desire, in a humble way, to do what was right. John J. Patterson enjoys the unenviable position of having been the first to place before them the poisoned chalice of temptation and, to orrupt them with its enticing draughts. ~Need we wonder that they were intoxicated and fell? They fol lowed a wild saturnalia of public plunder, the record of wvhich furnishes othing which is at all pleasant to in vestigate or to perpetuate in history." This report is signed by John R. ochran, chairman, a Republican: Eenry A. Meetze, of the Senate, and others. Now I have alluded to the fact of this villany, anarchy, misrule and robbery and I cannot in any words I nossess paint it. No man on this floor aver dared to leave his fireside without dread that when he returned he would ind some harm to his family and h'e dared not go forth without being armed. It is this neg-o government which fum nished the ballot, that we are dealing with. The negro put his little piece of paper in the box and gave the on missions to these white scoundrels, who were their leaders and who de uched them, and this must be our justification and our vindication and our excuse to the world that we are met in convention openly, boldly, without any pretense to secrecy to an aounce that it is our purpose, as far as we may without coming in conflict with the United States Constitution, to put such safeguards around the ballot in future. to so restrict the suffrage and circumscribe it, that this infamy can never come about again. The negroes were the tools, the ac knowledged tools, participators, the willing tools. The poor ignorant cot ton field hands blindly followed lik.e sheep wherever the white and blc-k leaders told them to go, and voted unanimoush - every time for the Re pubican tic -et, and these results were achieved solely and wholly by reason of the ballot in the hands of such cai te, Is the danger gone? No. How di we recover our hhbert? By fraud and vi'dence. We tried to overcome the thirty thousand maj-rity by hon est metiods. which was a mathem-ati cally impossibility. Aftcr we had borne these indigniti-s for eight years, life heing niade wo'rthkss. and rder the lead-iship arid. inspiiation of Mart Garylbecause he planned and brought about the straightout movement of '76. in spite of those who were desirous of putting Chamberlain forward as a compromise candidate. Under his leadership and throurl- his magniti cent courage, (for Edgetield alone gave us the excuse to claim the Gov ernorship,) we had a lgal right by her majority, but then Grant's bayo nets were here to prop Chamberlain in his chair. We were i-. suspense fromn the meeting of the Gener:l As sembly uutil Hiayes's title had been settled by the electoral commission. In March the whole State was like a powder iaiazine. The people had sworn to have their liberties or (lie. How d:d we bring it about:f Every -.hite man sunk his personal feelings and his am bition. The white people of the State came together as one. By fraud aid violencea we threw off the yoke. In 187S we had to resort to more fraud and violence, and so in iSSO. Then the registration law and eigtt-box system was evolved from the superiur intelligence of the white man to control this muddy, surging strcai of i onorance and to tell it to back. and bince ti:en we have carried our electious without resort to any il legal methods, simply because the whit, s wer, united. Ift we were to re main urit-d it would s-.ill be desirable that we sliould guard against the pos sibility or this floud that is now dam ming up, or like the serpent that is asleep only to be warmed into life again, whenever some more rascals. native or foreign. cotue here and mob iliz-: them. Therefore, the only thing we c in do as patriots and as statesmen is to take from them every ballot that we can under the la'wsof the National Government. I read a moment ago from the re port of the committee that good gov ernment can only rest on intelligence and good morals. I will go further and say that good government and re publics rest on virtue patriotism and intelligence. The chief amongst the three is intelligence. It has been said and it must be apparent to any one who thinks, that even if we restrict the su ffrage as we propose, that with 40,000 Conservatives, and 40,000 Re formers and 15,000 white men disfran chised, that the negroes are still here in sutlicient numbers to control us. Are we so besotted, so forgetful and oblivious of the record which I have just read to you? Have our memories grown so callous that we, as a white race, kinsmen, brothers, common in heritors of the glorious past and the freedom transmitted to us by our fore fathers, have we got to the point where we cannot unite as brothers, hrowing out of sight the petty bick ering and animosities that we have been brought to in the last five years, and without regard to personal ambi tion or partisan advantage of anybody, can we not provide that we will not have to appeal to these people again in sutficient numbers to bring them forward as arbiters of our fate? Can we not rise up to the necessities of the occasion and put into this Constitution such a clause in referen.e to the suff rage as will guarantee, as far as the law can guarautee, to future genera tions that they shall have the bless ings of Anglo-Saxon civilization and ib'. y ai this State? How pitiable, how puerile, how ineffably, unuttera bly contemptible appear the personal ambtious and petty spites of men who obstrtuct this grand and glorious pur pose. I am sorry that I feel constrained briely to touch upon this matter now and I shall be as brief as possible. I feel almost willing to stop now and leave unuttered any words in answer to what was said this morning, and leave it to the patriotism and wisdom of this body to move forward and not hesitate. We were told something about perfect equality of the white man, that the poor tenant, who has nothing but his wife and children, who labors for his daily bread from year's end to year's end ,gathering no property, is equal to the highest man in the State. I grant it. It has been my cardinal principle as a public man that all white men, as far as the enjaoy ment of the privileges of government and the emoluments of oflice is con erned should be equal in this State, and tht- a mzajanity alone should gov ern.. But that doctrine cannot be brought in here as the reason why we must stop. pause and falter in our pur pose to st cure to our posterity .good goverment, unless you carry it fur ther, and if you are going to bring in universal brotherhood as an argument here-, then are not the blacks as much ntitled t.>that consideration as any body? On~ this quertion of suffrage it is said bat siume mien will be jeopardized in aese efforts. If tuere was any way under high Heaven by which we could do mzore than we lhave done, in God's :ame I would gl'ry in the man, bow own and worsheip him if he would show us. What do they offer us? A ontinuation of the e-xisting conditions nd the perp-tration of fraud or fraud .et meethiods, acnd the sword of Da ocs suspended over our heads by a single hair, and swinging and swing ing and swinging, and all that is nec essary to bring about chaos is for a suflicient number of white men, actu ated by hate and ambition and from patriotic motives to climb up and ct it loose, by moblizing and register n them, giving them a vote and a fair count under the manhood sutf rage. He went on to say after elaborating this point, the allusion has been made to the fact that several gentlemen nmet in this city to see if there could be any terms of amity, any treaty of peace between the warring factions in the State, and the words ingr-ate and tri-t tor have been used in connection with y name as a participant. What was the condition? The mii ority faction had oppos-d almost to a man'the calling of this convention. Demaogues of a <.ert~aiu stripe had used the newspapers o' this State try ing to terrify thle pooir whites with the possible and probable loss of their bal lot if the Constitutional Convention was called. Spartanburg, which hiad never su tfered from negri domination, nd which can never suter in its local affairs from negro domination, voted ovewheliingly against the convyen When the light seemed almost icst. nd those of us who had struggled for ten ears or more, in season and out of season, whenever an. opportunity >fered, to urge on the people the wis dom and necessity for calling a con ven:ion and takiug care of our poster ity by limiting the sufi~age, when we elt that the right was desperate, inl 04cbr. at meetinlr was called at Ridge way. The Governor and myself nd the' chairman of the D)emocratie xecutive comnmitter, wno had let his ongue mun s> loos:- y, wvere invited nd promised to go tiere and discuss it. When the cay camie the Governor was there and spoke true as steel. I was there and talked from the shoul *ler as I always talk. Where was the .h -ian of the Denmocratic party. Mi. lebv: " Will the gentleman al o me- ? I do not remember. It has been so long ago, but I did expect to speak . thre nacepted the invitation of Mr. .!aimston. It was m:v iturmo to ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~i go a.soqhn oee hmnle. . i' her si(kne-s op rsomet hin., ie !:at, tt prevenit'd me from g qu:i,;n. 1:id not I come IY and i: ht as hard as :1o.V m pts-:ih con)id to canI thinouVentio; 1Mr. Tiilnani: "You did, but you ai terwards charged that when the battle was on Evans ran out of the State. whereas Evans was at his postand yoi at home sick. sr you say." sarcastical ly.) Mr. Irby: "I did not sav I was sick. It comes with ill grace from him, after all that has happened in the past.. that he should charge me for one moment with shirking a responsibility or run ning from anything. I did say that when the fight was fiercest Governor Evans fled the State and could not be found by telegram or letter. and I as serted it for the reason that I asked by telegram, or probably in person. of the brother of the Governor why it was that he did not come and help me in his own election and in the desper ate struggle in calling the convention. He could not tell me where the in tended Governor was, and on the night of the election, at 2 o'clock, af ter the fight had been won, before the smoke of the battle had cleared away, our young Governor came into my room, and I reproached him and asked him why it was that he had left me in such an extremity and had not come to my assistance. lie said: 'Well, I have be'en off to see my girl, (laughter.) and I was afraid that you would commit me to some pledge that I could not car ry out.' Now, sir, I say that when I was here facing all the dangers of defeat and the odium of defeat, that he had little to do, and he might have spared the time to come here and help carry on his own election as well as carry the convention." Mr. Tillman: "With that I have nothing to do. I only mention this incidentally, as I myself, have been accused of certain things, and the gen tleman should remember that those who live in glass houses should not throw stones, and inasmuch as he has seen proper to twit me, to say that it comes with ill grace from me to even insinuate such things against him, I take this occasion to let you and the State of South Carolina know that the apparent quarrel between me and the gentleman is all of his own make, and that I am in no wise responsible." TILLMAN'S STORY OF THE CONFERENCE. When the Barnwell-Hemphill-Ev ans-Tillman conference was held I went into it reluctantly because it brought me in contact with a man, the Editor of the News and Courier, who has been most implacable and infa mous in his abuse of me in the news paper, and with Barnwell, the recalci trant leader. a hot Haskellite, who said on this floor, "Ben Tillman shall never be Governor of South Caro lina." But as I saw at that time the tension between the factions was such that every prospect was that we would have the Conservatives mobilizing the negroes in an effort to control this convention to keep us,as they claimed, from doing wrong to their property, their rights and tieir liberties, I sunk my personal feeling and went to that conference. We had it in the Gover nor's office. It began at S o'clock. We talked, we jawed and wrangled until 2, and I leave it to the memberz of that conferehce on this floor if. af ter having talked over the question as to how we could come together and come to an agreement, I did not say, "3entlemien. unless you rise above petty, personal, contemptible purposes you cannot do anything, and we had just as well retire." There are men on this floor who were present and they will bear me out. Jf not let them rise now and de nyv it. I dictated the terms on which, we agreed, and the basic principle was that no white man should be disfran chised except by crime, because that was the guiding star which actuated my entire purpose and action. I would suffer the loss of both my arms before I would do anything knowing ly to jeopardize those rights and not redeem my pledge to those men. Sup pose we had not had any conference. No one knows what might have hap pened. The Conservative faction war ring one side, saying that's right, come and let's do it, and the other side saying: "No, trust Ben Tillman, Irby and Evans? Not a bit of it. If they get so many majority in that convention they may as well have it all." That was the war cry of these peoplie as against the News and Cou rier. God works in a mysterious way. His wonders to perform, and they may have been made an instrument without their knowledge. The dan ger existed, that the - Conservatives would unite and go to the negro passed. I told those g'entlemen that night, and they would bear me out, that I did not believe they could get anybody to go that would amount to' any thing, that the white instinct was too patriotic, that they would talk and blow, but that they could not get enough white men to follow these Radicals in their efforts in that direc tion. I conceal nothing. I deceived nobody. I said the mistake you have made,~gentlemen. is in believing that I am all powerful and can lead these people anywhere and make them do anything 1 please. You have misconceived the purport and mainspring of the Reform Move ment. I smply lead the people the way they want to go and I am their leader. Because of that I promised them noth ing except my o vn personal support and I was ready to give it. Did the Conservatives accept it? No: The News and Courier alone, of all the daily pa pers of the State, said it was the wisest course and urged its compliance. The balance of the press and the majority of those not immediately concerned reudiated it. Well, both sides re pudiated it. The Conservatives, sul len and discontended, the Reformers, because they saw the other saide with the Goff man pulling at their registra tion law, and the conspirators threaten ing. "Ah, yes. they have got you now. Let the registration be over thrown. Turn all these negroes loose and we will put you under our heels." That is what brought the feeling of discontent among the Reformers, and the fact that it was undemocratic to give equal representation to the min ority. The people sent us here and they have elected numbers of you withwut regard to your factional ditter-. ences in the past. They sent you here as patriots. I thank God for it, be cause it has been demonstrated on this ioor that we are all actuated by noble purposes, except where our personal ambitions are concerned. They say I have been shorn of my strength. I have been measured here by my logic and miy capacity to argue, and that I have been turned down time and time again. Thank God that I have. for it is proven to every man here that I am no more than any one else and ami merely tr'yinag to do my duty. I am not infallible and do not claim it. While I have never claimed that wis domi will die with me,. I do say that it is my honest purpose and patriotic desire to advance the interest of this Commonwealth without regard to any one who has opposed me in the p~ast. Te fact has beeni charged directly or indiectiy that the agreement entered into is still to be carried out and the evidence is brought forward in matter of appointments of committees of this boy (Her ther was a noise in the ROYALS." KI POWDER Absolutoly Pure. A cran-f of tircar omizag p)'dez Highest of all in leavening strength.-L% test United States Government Food Re port. Royal Baking Powder Company, 106 WallSt..N. Y . gallery, which was call a gho:t of Radicalism.) As a matter of fact, which seems to be forgotten,the members of the Char leston delegation are representatives of the irreconcilable faction there. Did they not turn Hemphill and Barn well down. and the Convention sent straightout, square from the shoulder like men? V here then is the connec tion of the bond of union? Mitchell, Barker, Farros and Bryan and the rest of them came here as the repre sentatives of the opinion of Charles ton and they represent it. Barnwell could no more contro-l his people for peace, unity and harmony than I (Tillman.) They have excited no bit terness. They have shown no feeling of resentment. If they have any, they hid it like patriots. The gentleman from that side who has oeen associated with me on the committee has shown a high, patriotic purpose and his complete willinoness to co-operate in saving these tings for the poor white man as far as he could. His consummate legal ability has been of incalculable benefit to the committee. He came into the commit tee possibly with prejuice against me. I acknowledge I went into it with prejudice against him, because he had been fighting the dispensary. (Laughter.) We have come to know each other better and I feel warranted in saying we will part with the highest mutual respect if not friendship, and so I trust it will be that way with all of us. We will return to our homes with a higher purpose and a -broader view, and if we must differ, we will di trer like decent white men, and go in the forum of reason and try and convince our constituents. Senator Tillman weat on discuss the educational understanding and property clauses. During the close of the speech Mr. Patton and Senator Tillman had a tilt. Senator Tillman told Mr. Patton that it came with ill grace from Mr. Patton to throw the cloak of righteousness around himself and denv it to others. Mr. McGowan made a plain state ment about his understanding of tne Conference agreement, and saw no reason for its repudiation by any one and emphasized the point triat he had never done so. As it is now after 3 o'clock and pa pers have to catch mails, more of the very fine and able speech of Senator Tillman cannot be given. Mr. Smalls, of Beaufort, rose to a question of personal privilege. He regretted that the occasion demanded that he should say anything. He said that he had been chairman of the Sen ate committee on printing and as such had performed his duty to the best of his ability, ho stir-aud fairly T~he report of th~committee to which Sens: tor Tillman referred had been unanim ous and the names of several white Democrats had been attached to it. Senator Tillman said that all of the names would be published. Mr. Smails: "He quoted the testi mony of Josephus Woodruff against me.- I submit that his testimony can not be taken. He was a self-confessed thief and had been promised his own liberty if he would convict Smalls Woodruff had intended to borrow $5, 000, but did not, and on this circum stance the charge of his having been paid the $5,000 was founded.- He said that the Senator fi-onm Edgefield had chosen to arouse the prejudices of the good men of the Convention against the negro race. He could assure the Senator that if his skirts were as clear as his were he was a perfectly honest man. Senator Tillman replied that he had not intended to wound the feelings of the negro delegate, but he had mere* ly meant to let the world know that two delegates to the Convention had been participators in all the devilment through which the State had passed. Here Mr. Miller, of Beaufort, arose and asked to be allowed to reply with as much latitude as the gentleman from Edgefield had. Then he pro eeded to defend his r-ace from the misdeeds of a few men and to show ow villanous certain white men had been. Miller agreed to suriender the loor for a motion to adjourn to be made on the condition that he be al lowed to finish his speech to-morrow. The Convention then adjourned.. News and Courier. Tie In Kentucky. LOU-ISVILLE, Nov. S. -The Evening Post says the general assembly of Eentucky will be a tie when it meets and the election of a successor to Sena tor Blackburn is a mutter of conjec ture, the Democrats having 68 votes and one Democr-ati': populist v-ote, making 60. The Republicans will ave 6S and one Republican alliance ote, making a total of 69. The Re ublicans claim that Lieutenant G-ov rnor Worthington will have the deci ive vote thus insur-ing themithe senator ship. this is an error, as the lieutenant overnor as presiding officr of the sen ate cannot vote in joint ballot. Hon. ohn WV. Yokes,chairman of the state entral committee, today announces hat he will not be a candidate. CmcAwo, Nov., 8.-A special to the Record from Indianapolis, Ind., says: -The indications are that within the ext month the populist party organi ation in this State will disband. The nsn who have been carrying on the igitation four have abou' -iecided that here is no future for the party in this State, anid that they might as well bandon it. A. E (Cumming, the sec retary of the commtittee, has tendered his resignation. The old members byll t s sad, follow the example set >rtesecretary. The men who have >en laadin~g tihe party here say they ave information that the executive :omittee or the national committee ave decided to resign." Tm:i Spartanburg Herald says Mr. oseph T . Johnson, of that city, au hor of a book on tue currency ques ion entitled "- , has received a let ter fromi Senator Tillman which says hat his book is probably the clearest nd ablest argument that has been .ritten on the financial qjuestion. Gov. Clarke, of Arkansas, like Gov. ulbeson, of Texas, has completely nocked out both Corbett and Fitzsim