The Manning times. (Manning, Clarendon County, S.C.) 1884-current, March 14, 1888, Image 1

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. '4 VOL, IIL MANNING, CLARENDON COUNTY, S. C., WEDNESDAY, MAR CR 14, 88 O 9 WAR TALK IN CONGRESS. .TRYING TO REVIVE ISSUES THAT OUGHT TO BE BURIED. A Forensic Conflict Between Senators Ingalls and Blackburn--The Kentuckian Gets the Better of the Tilt. On Tuesday the 6th inst. the United States Senate had under consideration the dependent pension bill. After brief speches by Senators Berry, Manderson, Sherman, Teller and Beck, Senator Ingalls, the presiding officer, having called Senator Platt to the Chair, pro ceeded to address the Senate, the galle riejckeing crowded to their full capacity. He said that considerations of decorum and propriety (perhaps excessive and overstrained) had deterred him from participation thus far in the debates of the Senate. He had, therefore, been surprised, one day last week, on return ing to the chamber, after a brief ab sence, to learn that the Senator from Missouri (Vest) had referred to him in terms not complimentary in a debate in which he had taken no part, intimating that the people of the District of Colum bia were incapable of disinterested pa triotism and that the veterans of the Re public were a mob of sordid plunderers. As to himself, he would say that the nomination and election of Grover Cleveland had made the nomination of any American citizen to the Presidency respectable. There was no man so igno rant or mean that he might not aspire to nomination to the Presidency by the ,Democratic party. [Laughter and ap plause.] He regretted that the Senator from Missouri was not in his seat to-day. He should not imitate that Senator's bad example, and would confine himself, so far as he was concerned, to that Sena tor's autobiography. That Senator was born in a State that had not seceded, the State of Kantucky, and had represented in the Confederate Congress the State of Missouri-a State which had not seceded. It would be gratifying to the historian to find out how he had been admitted to represent a State which had never se ceded. But that was matter for ancient history. The Senator from Kentucky, (Blackburn) had also referred Eneeringly to the super-loyalty of the soldiers of the Union. He did not challenge the honor or courage of these Senators in their devotion to the South and to the Southern Confederacy. They could not be suspected of insincerity. They had gone into the Confederacy because they wanted to go; because they believed that I slavery was better than freedom, and secession better than u'ion. It was curious that Confederates from Union States were a little more pronounced, a little more aggressive and a little more violent in their denunciations of the North than Confederates from States that seceded. He did not know where the Senator from Missouri had got the figures from when he stated that but 8,000 of Lee's army-had surrendered at Appomattox. If that Senator had pluck ed a few of the plumes from the dazzling tail of his imagination and had stuck them into the wings of his judgment, he would have flown a more accurate zlight. Instead of 8,000 men with muskets who were in the final crash and collison of the war there had been 73,911 men. The Senator's mathematics were certainly giddy. But one parallel was to be found to the extraordinary inaccuracy of that statement, and that was the same Sena tor's statement that of 2,300,000 soldiers of the Union army more than one-half had applied for pensions. Such speeches as those of the Senators from Missouri and Kentucky were intended to catch the Confederate vote, and they would catch it. They were "centre shots," striking the bull's-eye every time and "ringing the bell." [Applause, vigor ously suppressed by the Chair.] He wanted the Senators on the Democratic side of the chamber to understand that their disguise for opposing pension bills was so exceedingly thin that nobody was deceived by it. It was not a question of cost. The South did not love the Union army, neither did the Democratic party. Senator Morgan remiided Senator Ingalls that-the Democratic party had nominated and sustained a Federal officer, General Haneock, for the Presi dency. Yes, said Senator Tngalls, it did sup port General Hancock, and it also sup ported Horace Greeley, attempting to fool the North. It also nominated and supported that other ally of the Con federacy, George B. McClellan. Such pretensions are altogether too diaphan ous. They reqwre to have the drapery removed for inspection. Inl1886 there was in Atlanta a grand historical occasion, when a statue to the memory of an honored Senator was to be unveiled, a man whom he (Ingalls) honored and respected, and on that oc casion the ex-President of the Confed eracy was invited to be present. Men locked to that array as they go to a banquet, as waves come when navies are stranded, and the city was decorated with Confederate emblems to make a Confed erate holiday. He quoted from a speech of Mr. Grady at the unveiling of the Hill statue at Atlanta, in which MIr. Davis was spoken of as one whose "grav hairs were crowned with deathless love," and as one who, "though an outcast from the privileges of this great Gov ernment, is the uncrowned king of our people." He did not proposa3 to rehearse the reply of Mr. Davis except to quote one sentence, in which he referred to Senator Hill as having "mashed the in jurious Yankee, (meaning, ne supposed, their friend now in Florence.) He spoke of the same orator, (Grady,) having gone to New York, and New England soon afterwards, and made speeches there, pouring out his "treacle, cold cream and honey and maple syrup all over the North." When, he asked, was that orator sincere? When did he speak the sentiments, feelings and conscience of the Southern people? Was it when he delivered that oration in Atlanta on May 1, 1886, or was it when he spilled oil and wine over all the A.merican people of the North? Coming back to the opposition of Southern Senators to pension bills, he said he did not blame them for it. H~e often wondered how he would have acted if the re~ins had been reversed, and if the e~lGovernment had been overthrown. ~edid, not believe he would have cet omiforted in voting wesan in onderate soldiers, He believed he should have been a conspir ator against the Confederacy to the eni of his days. But he should have re garded as the climax of effrontery, al the very apex and summit of hardihoot and audacity, (he would not say of pusil lanimity and dishonor,) if after he hai accepted pardon and had had his dis abilities removed, and had taken the oath of allegiance to the successfu Southern Confederacy, he had de nounced (day after day) the efforts which those Confederates made to reward their own soldiers, and if he haggled abou the price which the conquering country should have seen fit to bestow on the men by whose arms it had conquered. He did not think that the North was at all deluded by the pretensions of the Senators on the other side. It was a little singular that in all the years which had elapsed since the war there never had come from one of the States thai had been in rebellion (so far as he knew) a Union soldier as a representative in either branch of Congress elected by Democratic votes. The Democrati< party in those States never had blun dered in sending to Congress or electin as Governor a man who had not servec in the Confederate army in some ca pacity. That had been the supreme test. When he looked over the rolls of the Senate and of the House and re tiected how few of those who had served in the Union army were found in the councils of the nation he was not sur prised at witnessing such demonstratiom as were witnessed when pension bills were up for action. Criticising the statement of Senator Vest, that of $883,000,000 paid out in pensions $290,000,000 has been con tributed by the South, he declared that such a-statement was a "glittering gen erality." He doubted whether the South had actually contributed $290,000 in stead of $290,000,000. But even if the South had paid $290,000,000, it was very lucky that it did not have to pay all the pensions. Instead of grumbling and complaining that it had paid $290,000, 000 it ought to be thankful that it did not have to foot the entire bill, as France had to do after the Franco Prussian war. Senator Ingalls declared that the movement for pensions was not going to stop until the arrears of pensions were paid; until the limitations were removed and until every pensioner was paid from the day of his disabilities, or, in case of a survivor, from the day of the soldier's death, and until every surviving soldier of the Union army was placed on the pension rolls for service only. That was, he said, when it was going to stop; and if the other side did not like it, they might make the most of it. [Very gen eral applause on the floor and in the galleries.] SENATOR BLACKBURN's REPLY. Senator Blackburn rose to 'reply and said (after the confusion succeeding Ingalls's speech had subsided) that he was at a loss to account for the course of the Senator from Kansas in dragging him into the tirade in which he had just indulged. He was sure that he (Black barn) had never boasted his identifica tion with the military service and had never referred to the fact of his having been a Confederate soldier. Unlike the Senator from Kansas, he (Blackburn) thought his military service too modest and too humble to prove a subject of interest to the galleries. He did not need to be told by that Senator that Kentucky had always been loyal. That Senator knew that he (Blackburn) repre sented a constinency which had sent three men into the Union army for one man that Kasas sent, and it was not without pride that he recallel the fact that of thirty odd States then in' the Union, Kentucky was the only State which had, without a draft, suppled more than her quota of men to both sides durig the struggle. Why the Senator from Kansas should have travelled .out of his way to make an on slaught upon him he did not know. He did not know that he (Blackburn) was a necessary connecting link with the Sen ator's acceptance of the Presidential nomination.~ The Senator from Kansas doubtless did know that illness in the family of the Senator from Missouri had taken him a long distance from the city, and that he was to be absent for some timeon that account. He did not intend to be involved in any controversy with the Senator from Kansas, but he pzo tested against thelack of fairness evinced by that Senator when he undertook to deal in such fashion with men who had simply stated'facts and submitted data for the consideration of the Senate on the pending bill. What connection, he asked, had the speech made at Atlanta, or the speech made at Broqklyn or New York, by a gentleman who had never been a member of either house of Con gress, with the pending bill ? When-the Senator from Kansas under took to speak of the Chief Executive of the country in the terms he had seen fit to employ and which, he took it, were deliberately prepared and conned, he (Ingalls) certainly could not take issue with him (Blackburn) if he concluded that it was not entitled to response or reply in the presence of so august and distinguished a body as the Senate of the United States. What cause of grievance the Senator had that warranted him in applying language to the Chief Maigis. trate which wouid not be permissible on the hustings (he would not say that it would be disgracefuil even to be em ployed by a fish-woman) he did not imow. But when that Senator under took to denounce the Chief Executive of the United States after such fashion as to deliberately declare that no man afilicted with 'ignoranca so profound, with obscurity so gross, should consider himself as unflt to become the Presi dnt's successor, it did seem to him, slacbarn, that the dignity of the Sen ate Chamber refused permission to re spond, Hie was not here to defend the President from such unwarranted at. tacks. He knew but one sin which the President had committed in the eyes oj te Senator from Kansas. That migh1 be an unpardonable sin. It was thai having defeated the Senator's party a1 the polls he had given to the Americai Peo)le for three years past so edficient o heonest, so clean-handed an adminis tation as to doom the last of Republicai aspirations to disaster. [Applause o1 the Democratic side and in the galleries. But the Senator irom Kansas had ever gone farther and done worse in his in temperate zeal. He had not spared th< sanctity of the grave in his frantic effort toir p prenjidies between sectioni already reunited. He had dragged up for abuse and vilification before the American Senate such men as had bur nished with their unblemished swords the brightest pages of American history. McClellan and Hancock were to be de nounoed in the Senate Chamber as allies of the Confederates. Would it not have been in better taste (at least more credi table to the courage and candor of the Senator) if he had made such a charge before both of these men were buried ? Ingalls (from his seat:) "I did, often." [Murmurs of applause and laughter.] Blackburn: "Then, so much the worse for the Senator from Kansas. What warrant or ground had he for that, ex cept that they were both different from himself-at least in political faith, if (may we not hope also). in many other regards? Hancock an ally of the Con federates ! Was he so regarded and believed when, weltering in his blood on Cemetery Heights, he refused to be re moved from the field, and persisted in giving orders which checked the last advance of Longstreet's irresistible bat talions? Was it this man, who was hon ored by the American people, whether Republicans or Democrats, up to the very date when he had accepted the nomination of the Democratic party, who was to be spoken of as an ally of the Confederates? The Senator from Kansas complains of the Senator from Missouri, and says that he rests his com plaint upon that Senator's autobiogra phy. I believe it is generally assumed that the gentleman writes that bit of interesting history for himself. In look ing over the short but conspicuously brilliant autobigraphy of the Senator from Kansas, I find that he was not in the army in 18G1. He certainly was not in the army in 1862, because he said he was in the State Senate of Kansas in that year. But he was in the army from 1863 to 1865, and in what capacity? One who had sat and listened to the Senator might suppose that he was controlling a great army operating in the West, if not in the East also. I saw the bronzed and weather-beaten commander of the Amer ican army [alluding to Gen. Sheridan, who had occupied a seat on the floor during Ingalls's speech,] sit here in this Chamber and blush in modesty at the humble part which he found he had played in the "war of the Rebellion" in comparison with that of the Senator from Kansas. What was that Senator's occupation in a military capacity? He was a judge advocate of the Kansas Vol unteers. [Laughter.] "While Gen. Black, commissioner of pensions, was bleeding on the Kansas frontier; while McClellan was command ing the army at Petersburg; while Han cock was weltering in his blood on Cem etery Heights at Gettysburg, the Sena tor from Kansas, always behind the rear of the army, was prosecuting Kansas jayhawkers for rifling hen roosts. [Loud laughter and applause.] Now what are you to think of the arguments of a Sen ator who will leave his seat as presiding officer and come to the floor in illustra tion of a partisan zeal, which, I am glad to say, I have never seen equalled, at tacking all decent people from the Presi dent of the United States down, civilians as well as military men, and letting no object escape the venom of his tongue? One would say that he was a cynic, despising mankind-perhaps because he had a suspicion that mankind is not enamored of him. "But neither President nor soldier, living or dead, Confederate or Federal, except he accords with him in political convictions, is safe from his unjust and unfounded attacks. I do not want to be put in the position of an opponent or enemy of pensioning honest Federal soldiers. I have never opposed pension ing men who have served in the Union army, and who were incapacitated from supporting themselves either by disease or wounds; and I do not know a Con federate who has done so. "The Senator tells us, in that haste with which he rushes to conclusions, that no Democratic constituency in the South had ever elected Union soldiers to either house of Congress. I do not know that it is material to answer that assertion, but there is not an atom of foundation in fact for the statement. The State of Texas sent to Congress term after term a distinguished soldier in the person of Governor Hancock. The State of Arkansas sent in recent years from a Democratic constituency a Union soldier to represent her in the other House of Congress. I would like to know if the late Governor Walker was not a Union soldier and an honored Repre sentative in the other branch of Con gress from an overwhelmingly Demo cratic district in the Old Dominion? Did not the Senator from Kansas re member that within the last six years, (and for six years,) the State of Ken tucky kept continuously in the other House of Congress a distinguished Fea eral general during the war, (allading to Wolford,) who was shot out of his saddle more than half a dozen times, and who always came there as the candidate of the Democratic party, elected in a Dem ocratic district? I do not care to follow the Senator (time forbids it) through all the inaccuracies of his utterances. Party man as I am, partisan asl1 confess myself to be, I do sincerely trust that I may never .tnd my term of public service prolonged to that day, nor my life ex tended to that hour, when, without war rant, without facts to support it, with out truth at my back, I will turn delib erately to traduce and abuse the dead, who while living were honored by all honorable men." [Loud applause, which the presiding officer again checked.J DEAR M1a. Earron:-Won't you please tel your male readers that $3 will buy a tine, strong and serviceable pair of pants, made to order by the N. Y. Stan dard Pants Co., of 66 University Place, New York city? By sending 6 cents in postage stamps to the above firm, they will send to any address :25 samples of cloth to choose from, a fine linen tape measure, a full set of scientific measure ment blanks and other valuable informa tion. All goods are delivered by them through the U. S. M1ails. A novel and practicai idea. Advise your readers to try the firm. They are thoroughly re liable. Yours truly, The court of appeals of New York has ust decided, in the case of Thomas Gun ning who left $5,000 to be spent for masses for the souls of some of his friends and for himself, that such a be quant annot hold good ini law. LIBBY AS A MUSEUM. Ex-PRISONERS OF WAL OBJECT TO TUE C;lANGE. Southern Sentiment .gainsz Removal Objectiou from Captain Stewart--The Old Pile to be.. Used as a' Muset Um1. (From the C'hiengO News-2 When the ever-vigilant An erican spec ulator first turned to commel cial account the thrilling epochs of the w..r by ropro ducing them in panoramas loud protests were not wanting. "Reviving dead issues," "Prolonging sectional hatreds," "The degradation of hallowed memo ries," were some of the pet phrases of those who found fault with the scheme. It is needless to suggest which view of the case triumphed. The sentimental ists were routed, and another generation of Americans has lived the war scenes over again on canvas, while those who invested in the canvas have been nearly buried in an avalenche of dollars. 1 The objections against perpetuating the memories of the war have again come to the front, only in a more intensified form, since it was proposed to transfer Libby prison to Chicago as a business enterprise. The arrangements for this transfer have been pratically completed. A recent dispatch from Richmond says that an architect, after careful examina tion, says the building can be taken down and removed to Chicago at a much i smaller cost than the first estimate. Mr. W. H. Gray, of Chicago, was with the i architect when the latter examined the building last week, and when the Rich mond people found out that M1r. Gray had the money in his pocket to make the first payment on the property their pro- 1 tests began to accumulate in earnest. 1 The Richmond State was one of the first to voice Southern opinion. Among other things, the State said editorially in a late issue: orLNION OF A SOrTHERN ArAER. t "To set up Libby prison in a North ern city and to have thousands of people inspect it under the guidance of merce naries whose daily task will be exaggera tion, is to contrive a new means for in tensifying whatever remains of hostility to the South. The Southern people have heard many a recital of the suffer ings of Point Lookout and Johnston's Island, but they want none of the re inders of those prison pens set up in their midst. They have no desire to perpetuate animosity and unforgiveness toward the people of the North. "If it be not too late-and we trust that it is not-let steps be taken at once to prevent the removal from this city of i object that should have been razed to the ground long ago-a removal that can t result in no good, but, on the contrary, is fraught with evil to the coming gen ations of our common country. No t project that could be conceived by the orst enemy of the American people I could be more dangerous than the re building of this old and crumbling prison I as a temple of South hate." r In another issue the same paper said: "The objection t the removal of Libby prison may be said to come from I sentimental idea. To set the building ip in Chicago, to pit wax-figure senti els in gray uniform about its doors, to placard here and there a cell to tell a story of brutality, will be still further in i eeping with the schere, for there is no - entiment about this. It is confessed i that it is for cool cash. There were ' laring raiders on -the Northern side I whose fervid imagination schemed the apture of Libby prison, the release of ~ the prisoners, and the demolition of the I structure, But they could not take it t own. It still stands. Yet now we are I o have a demonstration of the power of I a few thousand dollars, greater than the valor that through sentimental prompt- I ings resisted this removal, and we, of ihmond, of the South, are asked to bow down, grin acquiescence, and dis carding sentiment, hail the enterprise3 that will make a part of the furniture ofa the Lost Cause a drawing card for a show, while rabbles, for only ten cents, I an see the the exhibition and go away I with a full appreciation of how lost in-a deed is that cause when its very public uildings are carted off a thousand miles a nd set up for sport or jeers." UNION MIEN AGAIYsT THE PROJECT. The protests are not all, however,s from sympathizers with the Lost Cause. Here and there a Union officer, whoset 2emories of Libby are principally those of personal suffering, has joined in the t protest. The ground taken is that Libbya prison is one of the saddest memories of the entire war. To turn into a museum for the delectation of the vulgar crowd a building sacred by reason of suffering nd martyrdom for the holiest of causes would be wrong, is the plea of the Northern officer who doesn't want to see Libby prison moved. Here is what Captain James Stewart, of Pittsburg, the last Union officer to evacuate Libby, says in a recent interview: "To take it now and turn it into a money-making show would be an insult to theSouth and a degradation to the North. 1 saved the old building once from being destroyed by fire, but if it was ouly for a museum that I saved it I am never going to claim any honor or redit again for the act. There was a lot of sull'ering in that old building. Thousands of soldiers in this broad country were made old men be fore their time, and almost as many more gave up life within those four walls. The memories of that time and of those horrors are dead, even though they never can pass from our minds, and to ake that prison up to Chicago and turn it into a war museum would surely create bad feeling and open up old wounds. The citizens of the South are against it, and surely the North should not encourage it." In a letter to the mayor of Rielhnond, Captain Stewart also says: "Few, I wiul venture to say none, of those who are ~oncerned in the scheme, had anything to do with old Libby during the time it was used as a prison. I am well ac quainted with a large number who were confined within its walls, and I do not know one who app~roves of its removal. It would be no longer 'Libby prison.' There would be no James river, no Belle isle, no other landmark. Neither the re.m ao 'Pmieion' nor 'Castle Thunder' would form the association that were wont to greet our eyes when inmates of far-famed 'Libby.' The prison without its associate surroundings would not be 'Libby' to the 'boys in blue' who were from time to time con aned within its walls. It might serve to lollect dimes and dollars as a ghastly >ircus exhibition to fill the pockets of sharp, unprincipled speculators-men that have conceived the selfish and de picable idea of violating the sanctity of ihe soldier's sufferings and to many the very spot of their death." A UNION VETBRAN'S oPINIoN. The oldest es-prisoner of war in Chicago is Mr. Lee Mayer, of L. Simon e Co., Monroe street. Mr. Mayer has been for the last four years vice-presi lent of the Veteran Union League. He s one of the very few Union officers now residing in Chicago who were imprison ?d in Libby, and his incarceration in that prison was one of the longest 2amely, eleven months. He spent twen ;y months, all told, in various prisons. Ele belonged to the Twelfth Pennsyl ania Cavalry, was wounded and cap ;ured at the battle of Winchester, and luring his stay at Libby escaped twice, )t was recaptured both times, once by loodhounds. He was one of the famous 109 who made the tunnel escape, but elonged to the unlucky fifty-five who ;ere recaptured. He finally escaped at olumbia, S. C., just prior to Sherman's iapture of the city. Said Mr. Mayer yesterday to a Daily Vews reporter: "I am opposed to any uchi scheme as bringing Libby prison ;o Chicago, and I should suppose any x-prisoner of war would be. This mat er was talked over among the veterans ast Sunday, and the sentiment seemed obe unanimous that it was an unwise tsp. No ex-prisoner of war would care :o have the horrors of twenty-five years igo revived, as would be the case in this nstance. Although they might not have >een in Libby, still an ex-prisoner who ias suffered at Andersonville or Belle [sle would have his own imprisonment ividly brought to remembeance. peaking as one who endured imprison nent in Libby, I never care to go into he details of those horrible times. The ctual starvation, suffering and filth en lured are not pleasant to recall, but they :an hardly be exaggerated. What, then, s the use of bringing the old building iore to serve as a perpetual reminder of hese things?" The shade of pain in the speaker's yes softened, and he continued, with a mile: "As a commercial enterprise, I should pect it to be a failure. After being aken to pieces and re-erected in Chicago t will be practically a new building. Chere will have to be new mortar used, mnd I suppose it will receive a fresh coat >f paint. This will not be the Libby rison of history. If they turn it into a nuseum and charge an admission fee here will have to be something inside >eside the bare walls. Why not get ome ex-soldiers who have passed hrough Andersonville, or other prisons, ome without arms or legs, and show hem as curios? But, seriously, the effect "f making a show of Libby prison and pointing out to visitors the particular ooms, etc., where our officers endured heir greatest hardships, will be injuri us, and not calculated to make the two articipants in the great strife mutually orgive and forget." Political Driftwood. Gen. Stewart L. Woodford, a promi ent Republican of New York, is in dtlanta on professional business. In an aterview on Monday he said: "I am de oting my time to the practice of my rofession, and as a man cannot well erve two masters, I let politics severely lone. As a Republican, I have no eans of knowing anything about in ernal differences in the Democratic >arty, so I cannot tell you whether there any truth in the stories abont opposi ion to the President in New York. I :now that Governor Cleveland-I mean resident Cleveland-is very strong with he business men of New York, the men rith whom I am particularly thrown. dany Republicans, like myself, while Lifering from him upon political trounds, admire him for his honesty, his tegriy and the faithfulness with which e performs his duty as he conceives it; ,nd the opposition to him at the coming lection will not be of a personal nature .t all-it will be purely political." There are EOlid indicatious that the owa Republicans and Prohilitionists of he same State are on the verge of dis olving partnership. The Republicans rain with the Prohibitionists in the day mie and with the whiskey men after lark. The Prohibitionists are tired of his double dealing and propose to herd .lone in the future. Facts A bout Dogs. ExRepresentative Horr, of Michigan, ays "there are 11,000,000 dogs mn this :ountry." 'Tis but a few years since the ecretary of the State of Ohio reported hat 40,000 sheep were killed or destroy a by dogs in that State the yeai revious. The Secretary of the State of .eorgia also reported that 28,000 were tiled or destroyed in that State year revious. Vermont had in 1850 1,014, [22 heep; in 1886 but 378,174. This reat reduction has been going on under lierent tariffs, not only in Vermont but .n all the New England and many other States, and dogs are the cause of it. Now comes a Senator of New York State -Pratt or P'latt, I think, is his name md says that "two-thirds of the sheep ndustry of his county has been destroy ad by dogs." Sheep raising is one of the important nidustes of the country, and the farm rs have long sought protection from logs, but don't get it. Annihilate them md 11,000,000 more sheep than we now tave will be added to that industry, and reduce our meat bills 15 per cent., and woolen fabrics will be cheaper also. New York World. St.'Patrick's Day is to be made the oc tasion this year in London of a political .emonstration in favor of home rule of a more extensive and representative char icter than any which have hitherto been held on this anniversary. The Presbyterian 3Mutual Assurane Fund, of Louisville. has made an assign ment. Assets in the mortuary fund wert #25,000. The liabilities are between $50, u0 and $60,000. The Emperor William of Germany ied a80 no'cinck on Friday momum ABOUT HEADACHES. Common Causes of the Common Com plaint of Everyday Life. (From the Cassell's Family Magazine.) Probably one of the most common headaches, if not the most common, is that called nervous. The class of peo ple who are most subject to it are cer tainly not your out-door workers. If ever my old friend the gardener had had a headache it would not have been one 'of this description. Nor does Darby, the plowman, nor Jarver, the 'busman, nor Greatfoot the gauger, suffer from nervous headache, nor anyone else who leads an outdoor life or who takes plenty of exercise in the open air. But poor Mattie, who slaves away her days in a stuffy draper's shop, and Jeannie in her lonesome attic, bending over her white seam-stitch, stitch, stitch-till far into the night, and thousands of others of the indoor working class are martyrs to this form of headache. Are they alone in their misery? No; for my Lady Bonhomme, who comes to have her ball dress fitted on, has often a fellow feeling with Jeannie and Mattie. Her, how ever, we cannot afford to pity quite so much, because she has the po wer to change her modus vivendi whenever she chooses. What are the symptoms of the com plaint that makes your head ache so? You will almost know it is coming on from a dull, perhaps sleepy feeling. You have no heart and little hope, and you are restless at night. Still more restless, though, when it comes on in full force, as then for nights perhaps, however much you may wish to, scarcely can you sleep at all. "How my poor head aches!" This you will say often enough; sadly to yourself and hopelessly to those near you, from whom you expect no sympa thy, and get none. And yet the pain is to bear, although it is generally confined to only one part of the head. The worst of this form of headache lies in the fact that it is periodic. Well, as it arises from unnatural habits of life or peculiarities of constitution, this periodicity is no more than we might expect. If I just note down some of the most ordinary causes of nervous headache people who suffer therefrom will know what to do and what to avoid. I will then speak of the treatment. Overwork indoors. Overstudy. Work or study indoors, carried on in an unnatural or cramped position of body. Literary men and women ought to do most of their work at a standing, lying down now and then on a sofa to ease brain and heart and permit ideas to flow. They should work out of doors in fine weather-with their feet resting on a board, not on the earth-and under canvas in wet weather. It is surprising the good this simple advice, if followed, can effect. Neglect of the ordinary rules that conduce to health. Want of fresh air in bed rooms. Want of abundant skin exciting ex ercise. Neglect of the bath. Over-indulgence in food, especially of a stimulating character. \weakness or debility of body, how ever produced. This can only be remedied by proper nutriment. Nervousness, however induced. The excitement inseparable from a fashionable life. THE WEIGHTS OF BRAINS. A Study that Is Important Because of Its Bearing on Our Mentalfty. (From the Denver Repu'ican.) The study. of brain weights is inter esting because of its bearing upon the question of intellectuality. The average human brain weighs forty-nine or fifty ounces in'the male and about forty-five ounces in the female. Great brain weight is not always associated with in tellectual vigor, as is shown by the fact that an idiot is known to have had a brain of over sixty ounces in weight. But notwithstanding the evidence of such cases as that of the idiot referred to, great mental power is generally asso ciated with a brain weight exceeding the average. Cuvier's brain weighed sixty four ounces; but Gambetta's brain weighed less than the average woman's brain, which is, of course, peculiar be cause of his great intellectuality. A strange problem is developed by a com parison of the average weight of the male and female brains with the mini mum weight of each within the range of intelligence. The average weight of the female brain is about five ounces less han the average weight of a man's brains. If the weight of the brain were an infallible gauge of intellect the aver age woman would, so to speak, have five ounces less intellect than the average man. But the weight of brain in a man below which idiocy exists is about five ounces higher than it is in woman. This is what presents the problem. If, say, thirty ounces of brain in a woman save her from idiocy and thirty-five ounces are requisite in a man, what becomes of man's average of five ounces of, brain weight in excess of the average in wo man? The conclusion seems to be that a smaller quantity of female brain is essential to intellectuality than of male brain. This is equivalent to saying that the female brain is of a superior quality. In contradiction of this the fact may be cited that in comparison with men but few women of great intellectual vigor have appeared in the world. If the com parison just made held true a woman with a brain of fifty ounces ought to be the equal of a man with a brain of fifty five ounces. A curious political complication is in Portland, Me., where the Democrats are ardently supporting Neal Dow, the famous prohibition apostle, for mayor. They say they want to have prohibition given a fan, trial before the country un der the personal management of its most zealous advocate. The New York Herald continues to expose the "trusts" and combinations. The latest is a triple headed combine of the makers of watch cases, makers of works and jewelry jobbers to keep up prices to a specified standard. Another "trust" is that of the three leading spool thread manufacturers of the country who are working together to maintain TALMAGE TALKS OF SONG. HE WANTS MOTHERW TO SING FOR THEIR CHILDREN'S GOOD. The Temptations of the Street Can be Overcome in the Nursery-What Song Is for the Sick and Destitute-A Pathetic Home Picture. In his sermon at the Tabernacle last Sunday Dr. Talmage said: "It is not so much what you formally teach your children as what you sing to them. A hymn has wings and can fly everywhither. One hundred and fifty years after you are dead, and 'Old Mortality' has worn out his chisel in re cutting your name on the tombstone, your great grandchildren will be singing the song which this afternoon you sing to your little ones gathered about your knee. "Oh, if mothers only knew the power of this sacred spell, how much oftener the little ones would be gathered, and all our homes would chime with the songs of Jesus!' "We want some counteracting influ ence upon our children. The very mo ment your child steps into the street he steps into the path of temptation. There are foul-mouthed children who would like to besoil your little ones. It will not do to keep your boys and girls in the house and make them house plants; they must have fresh air and recreation. God save your children from the scath ing, blasting, damning influence of the streets! I know of no counteracting in-" fluence but the power of Christian cul ture and example. Hold before your little ones the pure life of Jusus; let that name be the word that shall exer cise evil from their hearts. Give to your instruction all the fascination of music, morning, noon and night;--l&it be Jesus, the cradle song. _ "This is important if your children grow up; but perhaps they may not. . Their pathway may be short. Jesus may be wanting that chil. Then there will be a soundless step in the dwelling, and the youthful pulse will begin to flutter and the little hinds will be lifted for help. You cannot help. And a great agony will pinch at your heart, and the cradle will be empty, and the nursery will be empty, and the world will be empty, and your soul will be empty. No little feet standing on the stairs. No toy scattered on the carpet. No quick following from room to room. No strange and wandering questions. No upturned face, with laughing blue eyes, come for a kiss, but only a grave, and $ wreath of white blossoms on the top o; it, and bitter desolation, and a saighing at nightfall with no one to put to bed, and a wet pillow, and a grave, and a wreath of white blossoms on the top of it. The heavenly Shepherd' will take that lamb safely anyhow, whether you have been faithful or unfaithful; but would it not have been pleasanter if you could have heard from those lips the praises of Christ? I never read any thing more beautiful than this about a child's departure. The account said: 'She folded her hands,tissed her mother good-bye, sang her hymn, turned her face to the wall, said her little prayer, and then died.' "Songs in the night! Songs in the night! For the sick, who have no one to turn the hot pillow, no one to put the taper on the stand, no one to put ice on the temple, or pour out the soothing anodyne, or utter one cheerful word yet songs in the night! For the poor, who freeze in the winter's cold and swelter in the summer's heat, and munch . the hard crusts that bleed the sore gums, and shiver under blankets that cannaQt any longer be patched, and tremble be ause rent day is come and they may be set out on the sidewalk. "Christ is the everlasting song. The very best singers sometimes get; tired; the strongest throats sometimesgt weary, and'many who sang very sweetly do not sing now; but I hope by the grace of God we will, after awhile, go up and sing the praises of Christ where we will never be weary. You know there are some songs that are especially appropri ate for the home circle. They stir the soul, they start the tears, they tur. the heart in on itself and keep sounding after the tune has stopped, like some Cathedral bell which, long after the tap of the brazen tongue has ceased, keeps throbbing on the air. Well, it will be a home song in heaven, all the sweeter be cause those who sang with us in the domestic circle on earth shall join that great harmony." Large Gift for Negro Education. The trustees of the Methodist Church yesterday were in secret conference in regard to a recent windfall in the shape of $180,000. About a year ago Dr. E. H. Gammon, a superannuated Methodist clergyman who had made a large for tune in the manufacture and sale of agri cultural implements, and whose sympa thies became awakened in favor of the education of the colored people of the South, in connection with the Freed man's Aid Society, founded a theologi cal seminary for the education of colored preachers of the Methodist faith near Atlanta, Ga. It was named the Gam mon Theological Seminary, and the Rev. Dr. Thirkield, the son-in-law of the cele brated Bishop Gilbert D). Haven, was chosen dean of the faculty. Mr. G3am mon had already given $20,000 to the university, and, though he has no chil dren, he has grandchildren. Last Friday he wrote to Judge M. B. Hagans, of this city, the president of the board of trua, tees of the Methodist Episcopal Church, ad told him that he had made his will and intended to give $180,000 to the trustees for the maintenance of the semi nary. The trustees gave Judge Hagans full power to act, and when he told Mr. Gammon that he had not much confi dence in wills, that Courts frequently set them aside, and that the lawyers gen raly got the greater part of the funds, nd one bird in the hand was worth two in the bush, Mr. Gammon decided to pass over to the trustees the amount be fore his death, and made the assignment accordingly. The trustees of the church Lnd the Freedman's Aid Society agreed to accept the trust and yesterday after noon conferred in regard to the matter. Within the next ten days everything will be satisfactorily arranged.- mniati Enqrr_ February 15.