Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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PUBLISHED THREE DODGED TARIFF That is What Mr. Bryan Says of President Taft IN SPECIAL ARTICLE In the Atlanta Journal the Great Commoner Discusses the Differ-1 ence Between the Words Revised and Reduced and Puts Tariff Out rage. Up to the Republican Party, j In a letter to the Atlanta Journal discussing the tariff, Mr. Bryan says the Republican platform was ambig uous, and the Democratic party plat form specific. The Republicans in their tariff plank used the word "re vised." The Democrats in their par ty platform demanded a reduction of the rates. The word revision is subject to a double interpretation, While only one construction can be placed upon the word "reduction." The Democratic senators and rep resentatives who had voted for the imposition of duties had made a mistake, and whether elected upon or before the adoption of the plat form of the party, ought to feel bound by its declarations. I most heartily approve the reso lution offered by Senator Gore, of Oklahoma, proposing an investiga tion as to the responsibility for the high cost of living. Senator Gore is entirely right. The high tariff Republicans have tried to shift the responsibility from the manufacturers to the mer chants. This is important, and it is only right that the public should know the truth. J It has been found by experience that unless a party formulates a platform, its representatives in office j cannot agree upon a definite policy, owing to the influence brought to bear by favor-seeking corporations. J Even when there are platforms they are Imlsoonstrued unless they are positive and specific. Sometimes positive and specific platforms are violated, but a positive and specific platform is not apt to be violated, and when they are violated the guilt can be fixed and the guilty punish ed.. The trouble with the Republican - platform of last fail was that it was not specific and definite. The tariff plank used the word "revised" in stead of the word "reduced," aud now Senator Aldrich and his crowd construe it to mean an increase while ?ome of the western Republicans insist it contemplated a decrease in the rates. Mr. Taft dodged the' question. So far as I could learn from his speech es the nearest he ever came to a construction of the platform was to declare, when in the west, that it meant an "honest revision," at one time declaring that while some schedules ought to be raised and some lowered, the revision would probably be downward. The Fepublican national conven tion was at fault in accepting so indefinite, so evasive and so decep tive a word as "revision" as a suf ficient promise. The voters ought to have known that "the friends of the tariff" will never give us any ma terial reduction. As to the Democrats who voted for the imposition of duties, they have as a rule defended their con duct on the ground that the duties voted for were revenue duties, and they have not been high duties. Measured on an ad valorem basis, the duty on lumber and on iron ore are but a small portion of the price. I think that the Democrats who vot ed for the duty made a mistake. The Democratic platform demand ed free lumber, and I believe a plat form is binding upon all who run upon it, and it ought to have weight with the members of the party who were elected before the platform was adopted. Those who voted for a duty on lumber did so, I presume, because of lumber interests in their districts and States, but in doing so I think they gave the preference to a few owners of timber lands over those who buy lumber. There is no State in the Union where the consumers of lumber do not outnumber the per sons who profit by the tariff on lum ber, and the man who votes for a tariff on lumber votes to tax a ma jority of the people of his district and State for the benefit of a minor ity of his constituents. But the men who get the bentfit of the tax are more active in presenting their demands than the 'consumers are in presenting their protests, and as long as this is true, the tax raters will have the advantage over the tax payer?. It' the taxpayers /would take a little more interest in the tariff question and chastise the representa tives who, ignoring the interests of the (consumers, follow ithe advice of the protected interests, relief would come sooner. As to the duty on iron ore. the chief objection to it is not that it is a high rate of duty, but that it helps people who do not need help, and gives an excuse for higher du^ ties on manufactured iron. The man who owns a bed of iron has such an enormous advantage over the man who owns farming land that it is hardly fair to make the farmer pay TIMES A WEEK. STATE POLITICS PROBABLE CANDIDATES NAMED FOR SOME OFFICES. The Dispensary Being on the Wane, Few Local Option Candidates Are to Be Found. Mr. W. P. Calhoun, writing to the Augusta Chronicle from Colum bia, says while he was in that city a day or so recently, he heard the click of the political wireless tele graphy and the messages indicated coming events in the State campaign of next year. The forces are being arranged and allotment made for office, or persons are putting them selves in line. From the messages received, It seems to be a certainty that Mr. C. C. Featherstone, a good man and a consistent prohibitionist, will be the candidate of the Anti-Saloon League for governor next year. He is the logical candidate for that position, and it will be a very hard mattter for any of the others to side-track him. But, there are Messrs. J. G. Richards and Mendel L. Smith, both of Camden, S. C, who have been siding on the Anti-Saloon League water wagon, and who expect remu neration of some kind for their valu able services in the cause, no doubt. It was gathered from the afore said wireless messages that Mr. Men del L. Smith will be a candidate for Attorney General, opposing Mr. J. Fr?ser Lyon, the present encumbent, provided he offers for re-election, and it is presumed that he will. Mr. Smith is a very brainy man and a good lawyer. He has been speaking for prohibition for the Anti-Saloon League during this summer, it was thought as a training for the gov ernorship race next year. Mr. Lyon, the present attorney general, has quite a strong following and the race between the two men will be quite interesting. The messages failed to state what the. Anti-Saloon League would do with Mr. John G. Richards, who has been quite prominent in the pro hibition field for some years past. Possibly he is slated for' congress, as it would, It seems, be useless for him to oppose Mr. Featherstone for the support of the league for gov ernor. Both Mr. Smith and Mr. Richards were formally dispensary advocates, but they have seen the error of their ways. It looks as if the dIspr-'-.sary was on the decline in popularity while the Anti-Saloon League seems to be popular. That has caused, it seems, many to change front. So far there seems to be only one name mentioned in connection with the race for governor as a lo cal option or Democratic platform, the Anti-Saloon League really amounting in this State to a sepa rate and distinct party which places prohibition over and above all prin ciples of Democracy. The man men tioned as the real Democratic can didate is Mr. Richard11. Manning, of Sumter, S. C. But, it is argued that he has recently accepted a life trus teeship of Clemson College under the will of Mr. Clemson and that he can not become a candidate for gover nor. Regardless of that claim, if he enters the race, many think that he will be easily elected governor on a local option platform. He Is a good man, true and upright. PHLSICIANS FIGHT PELLAGRA. Campaign Against Supposed Germ of the Disease. Alarmed by the number of cases of pellagra that have occurred at Durham, N. C, the physicians of that city began Wednesday experiments to locate the origin of the disease. Six deaths from pellagra have oc curred in that section. A dispatch from Durham says: "An examination of the blood of a powerful negro who has the dis ease in most aggravated form re vealed a distinct organism and speci- j mens were sent to Richmond and to j Johns Hopkins for more careful analysis. "If a germ is found, as physicians are inclined to believe, some ani-, mal will be inoculated and a cam paign against pellagra on the germ theory will be waged. The theory I that the disease has its origin in corn has been abandoned by the physicians at Durham, but a fierce war against the Importation of Wes tern corn is being conducted. "Dr. McCampbell of the State hos pital has written a paper treating with 12 cases of pellagrous insanity | and death. Three-fourths of the cas-1 es were among women, which is un- I usual, it Is said, as the disease oc- ! curs more frequently among men. I j None of the cases which have devel oped in that section has been trace-' able to cornbread. One victim was o boarding housekeeper, but none of I the boarders contracted the disease." I j tribute to the ore owner. Every duty placed upon raw ma j terial is a burden upon the manufac turer unless ho is permitted to trans- 1 fer it to the consumer. A tariff on iron ore. therefore, is likely to ? be tranferred to consumer. A duty put upon raw material increases as : ? it proceeds, interest being added I each step?it grows like a snow ball! in the spring and is more objection- I ! able than the ad valorem rate levied upon the finished product. Wm. Jennings Bryan. ' OBANGBBUB?, S. i THE DARK DAYS Tillman Teils the Stcry of the Strugles of 1875 IN SOUTH CAROULA An Address Delivered by Senator Tillman at the Red Shirt Reunion at Anderson, S. C, on August 25, in the Presence of Several Thou sand Enthusiastic People. The following is the first install ment of Senator Tollman's great speech at the Red Shirt Reunion at Anderson on August 25 in the pres ence of a large and enthusiastic audience, among which were many of the men who had participated in the stirring scenes the Senator de picts. The speech is necessarily very long and we have determined to pub lish it in sections, so as our readers can have the pleasure of perusing [ it. In our next issue we will pub lis the second section, and so to the end. Senator Tillman said: : I Ladies and Fellow Citizens: It is needless for me to say that ' it affords me great pleasure to meet ' the good people of Anderson county face to face once unore. Twelve months ago if anyone had asked me I if I ever expected again to make speeches in South Carolina I would have answered, "No." My condition was such at that time that I had little hope of ever being able to undergo the mental labor and strain of- public speaking or of even at tempting it in the senate. But the good God seems to have some more work for me to do, and my health has so far improved that I have been able to sit in the senate nine hours a day for two months and watch Aldrich run things, and becoming tired of seeing him turn the crank to run the machine while I was only a cog in the wheel I secured a pair for my vote and have been out in Ohio for a month preaching to those people the gospel of white suprem acy according to Tillman. I received invitations to addresB meetings in six or eight other coun ties besides this and I arranged a schedule which gave me four speech es last week and two this. My old enemies have been raising Cain be cause I am able to come to you and you want to hear me. Certain edi tors resent these invitations being sent and are also disgruntled because I have accepted them. One would suppose that after .'nineteen years of honorable and acceptable serv ice to South Carolina these men would have the decency to let me alone and stop, but this gang of whippersnappers continues to bark at my heels. Looking Backward. I want to say, my friends, that since I received the invitation to at tend this meeting my memory has been very busy and by brain has been acting like a fire that has burned down. When you stir the embers they suddenly flare up into a blaze, j If I were to tell you all the things that have come to mind about the period, which we are here assem bieded to celebrate I have no doubt I I could interest you until sun down, j But I am somewhat fatigued and you are hungry, so I will only dis- j cuss the aspect of things at this time J in connection with some of the most important events with which I was associated in 187C. Then, too, I have to go over to the "dark corner" of Greenville this afternoon. I am to speak tomorrow at Lickville. Of course I know that the "dark corn | er" of Greenville county is up near j the mountains where they have the j reputation of raising the devil and distilling corn liquor, while I shall speak in the lower part of the county which is benighted according to my I enemies because they do not raise j anything there but Tillmanites. It is a very prosperous and progressive community, all the same. I consider this one of the most im portant meetings which has ever as sembled in South Carolina, for the reason that we are today confronted by a condition which may become very dangerous. We are approach ing a period of history when anoth er crisis will come in our affairs. It seems that Divine Providence always takes care of South Caroli na when conditions require it. For instance in the dark days of 17S0 just before the surrender of Charles ton with the only patriot army then in the State, and before the British I had completed their lines around j the city, Francis Marion, then a ma jor in Moultrie's regiment, was in vited to an entertainment at the quarters of a brother ollicer. On reaching the scene he found that | drinking and gambling were the i i main objects of those in attendance. When he seized his hat and sought I to retire some gentlemen got be-j tween him and the stairway and in sisted that he should not leave them. | 1 Being highly religious in his habits of lite and thought, after insisting that he must go and the exit being j blocked he walked to the window 1 which was on the second floor and sprang out on the ground. The dis- J j tance was so great it caused a very; I serious sprain to one of his ankles; | :tnd when General Lee, knowing the I scarcity of provisions, ordered that all non-combatants and men unfitted 3., THURSDAY, 8EPTE? for active duty should leave the city, Marion crossed the Cooper river along with others and made his way to his home in the direction of the Santee river. After the fall of the city, which wa9 surrendered on ac count of the lack of provisions, there was no organized body of patriots left in the State and Camden and Ninety-Six were soon occupied by the enemy. Marion called a meeting of the principal men cf the eastern sec tion, among them Colonel Peter Mor ry and Major Lacy, and after long discussion of the apparent hopeless ness of the cause, he with a small number of patriots joined each other in pledging their lives to a continua tion of the struggle as long as there was a British soldier left in the State. If he had not sprained his ankle he would have surrendered with Moultrie and the others, and who can tell what would have been the result upon the fortunes of the war? Moultrie's parole kept him inactive the remainder of the war. Marion's band of guerillas kept alive the torch of liberty and together with other similar troops under Sumter and Pickens led to Kings Mountain and Cowpens and made Y>orktown possible. Commercial Democracy. Now we all know that President Taft ia coming to South Carolina and other Southern States to see what he can do towards breaking up the solid South. I know the president's purpose is not bad and I give him credit for wanting to do what he thinks is right, but he in a measure seems to have placed himself under the influence of some of the shrewd est and most unscrupulous politic ians in this country, whose purpose it is to mobolize the negroes and bring them back into our politics. It is a most fortunate circumstance that the younger generation of Caro linians who knew nothing except from hearsay about the horrors and dangers through which we passed during reconstruction, should have their attention called to it at this particular time. Under the lead of those editors who were many of them in knee breeches wh ;n we were in the throes of the Reconstruction era, the rising generation has been taught that we have no race prob lem and that there is ho possible danger from the negroes now; and many young men and some old ones need to be told of the ' tyrannies, oppressions, and robberies to which the white people of the State had to submit because of the bad govern ment put in power by northern bay onets, using Ignorant 'aegro votes. It is therefore, a good thing to have some of the actors in those scenes appear here and remind you, as has been done by Judge Aldrich and Gov ernor Sheppard, of the sufferings and dangers through which we pass ed in that dark and gloomy period of the State's history. I make the assertion from my own personal knowledge that If it had not been for the death of William McKinley, eight years ago, the efforts of John L. McLaurin to organize a "commercial Democratic party" would have succeeded to a dangerous degree. You would have seen a large number of the white people of South Carolina fall in behind him and go off after that Trojan Horse. I know many good men who had their grips packed to take up the line of march and the scheme only fell through because of the death of President McKinley followed by the invitation of Theodore Roosevelt to Booker Washington to dine with him. Many of those men who are in control of our capitalistic enter prises, cotton mills, banks, etc., were prepared to fall in behind McLaurin, not as republicans, but as "Commer cial Democrats." But what differ ence does it make about a name if the movement divides the whites? Our only salvation in South Caro lina has been the Democratic pri mary which permits absolute liberty of action and the rule of the ma jority in our politics, and any move ment, which will tempt one faction of white men to use the negroes against, another faction will "bring about the result so much desired by Mr. Taft. He wants "independ ence of action" by two political par ties in the South and a commercial Democratic party or a Taft Demo cratic party will answer his purpose equally well. I want to say to you that Presi dent Taft has not been as generous as even McKinley was in dealing with the South in the matter of census supervisorships. He made a speech in Atlanta last year in which he said he would not impose fed eral office holders on our people who were obnoxious to them. Accord ing to the newspapers these impor tant places in the census are to be divided in the South between the Democrats pud Republicans, and the statement has been made that the South Carolina Democrats will have only three places while Republicans, will fill the other four. McKinley gave all of these positions in the Southern States to Democrats ex clusively. Mr. Taft is on the look out for weak-kneed Democrats who want a job so bad thai they are willing to announce themselves as Republicans. Some people in South Carolina whose names yon would he surprised to know, have written in the last five months asking me io endorse them to President Taft. About the first thing after his in auguration. I wrote President T:ift to get his intention as to how he intended to fill places in the South. He replied that he wanted to appoint Republicans for all positions where 1BEB 9. 1G09. it was possible to find them. When I wrote my constituents this they replied that they were Taft Repub licans. In what does a Tart Repub I Means. In what does a Taft Repub [ lican differ from an Aldrich Repub ! been advocating the organization of a Taft Democratic party. It may be that Deacon Hemphill is "playing j 'possum," but when I remember that j The News and Courier, under Daw son, was the leading exponent of the j proposed compromise with Chamber lain in 1876 which was defeated in the State Convention by the narrow margin of seventeen majority, and that that same paper did not sup port the State Democratic ticket in 1890 and has never given Mr. Bryan anything but Joab stabs, I cannot help but be on the lookout for treachery in that quarer. In 1876 nothing but the war cry of a straight out white man's fight rais ed by Butler, Gary and George Till man in the State Convention saved the day. Beware of Taft. I do not like to inject anything personal here and I would not at tack the motive of any man or news paper if there were not good grounds for it. When Mr. Taft comes to South Carolina to spread molasses and give hungry office-seekers an excuse for deserting the Democratic party, he will doubtless tell us why I it is good that the solid South should be broken up, and will depict the I glories of our entry into the national I field as a factor in influencing the ac tion of the United States govern ment. But if the solid South is a bad thing, why is not the solid North, where the power lies, a worse thing? We have only three Democratic sen ators from the North, and the Re publican machine hau bixty-one to our thirty-one senators, twenty-eight of them Southerners. This condition has brought about the exceedingly dangerous and degrading one-man power exemplified in the senate in the person of Aldrich, and in the house in the person of Cannon. These influences were so potent, last spring, that twenty-three Democrats, so-called, were found willing to co operate with the Cannon organiza tion in the house to defeat the ef forts of the independent Republicans to join with Champ Clark and his Democrats to overthrow the Reed rules. Mr. Taft is doubtless sincere in believeing that it is best for the South to have a respectable white Republican party, but the possibili ty of the revival of the negro as a falctor in our politics cannot but give uneasiness to any man in the lower counties who remembers the days of 1876. While we are listen ing to the president's sweet word? and congratulating ourselves on his friendliness and apparent purpose to be just, let us not forget to watch him and remember our trails and dangers thirty-three years ago. Suppose he should secure the sup port of twenty-five thousand or even ten thousand good respectable white men for a nucleus of his new or ganization. Do you not know that under the constitution of 1895 it is only necessary to be able to read and write or pay taxes on $300 worth of property to be able to vote, and it is altogether probable tuat at this time there are tail y or forty thousand negroes in this State who are eligible to register? It is well known to anyone who has taken the trouble to read that there are more negro children attending the public schools of South Carolina -han whites now and this has been so any time in these thirty-three years, for the simple reason that there are more of them. The last census gives our white population as 540,781, while the negroes have 781,788, a clear majority of blacks over whites of 241,077. The negro boys have been going to school ever since 1895, or just fifteen years. The negroes who registered then numbered 1,4 00. If they are not ready now, it will not be long before they will be re^dy to register. If you imagine that the negro question is settled as some of the young editors of papers in this State tell us, then you had bet ter ask your friend to go get out a writ of lunacy iU once. Nothing but besotted ignorance on the part of these would-be leaders can excuse their belittling the dangers of the race problem. With the exception of the counties in the Piedmont ex tending eastward to Chesterfield and including I lorry, Anderson and Un ion all the other counties, have negro majorities. The general proportion is two to one, but Heaufort's ten to one, and in the counties of Char leston, Georgetown and Berkeley it is from three to seven to one. The idea of a compulsory education law to hurry up the crisis which will come when the negroes who can vote outnumber the whites can but be considered criminal. These editors say "Tillman is wild" and that he has been doing i a great deal of injury to the State and tin- South and that he does not I represent the best thought and feel I ing of South Carolina. Cod have mercy: if 1 do not represent the t>es: sentiment!! What He Says Up Vorth. All that I have ever said to north ern audiences in the senate or else where is that the creator made the Caucasion of better day than he made any colored people. I have told them "we shot them, (the ne groes) we stuffed ballot boxes, and did all that was necessary to main tain our hold on the government, ' and that with the negro in the ma jority in at least two Southern States mm TWI there was not power enough be tween Cape Cod and California to make ub again submit to negro rule. I spoke thus on the floor of the senate. Did I misrepresent South ern feeling or sentiment when I ut tered those words? I misrepresent ed the feeling of The News and Courier and State, no doubt, for both of those papers have a negro-loving record. I have told the northern people that they do not know anything about the negro, that they would not submit to negro rule if they liv ed among us, and that they only pro claimed their belief that the negro is the equal of the white man for politi cal purposes. I have said, "You do not believe he is your equal, you only think he is our equal. If you would not allow them to govern you, you will never have the pleasure of seeing them govern us any more." It is one of the things in my life of which I am proudest, that, when I went to Washington as your rep resentative and found that the Dem ocrats were (not saying anything about the Republicans and their pretended love for the negro, and those Republicans were running over us rough shod in dishing out federal appointments to negroes in the South, that single-handed and alone I began to discuss the question with out fear or favor. '1 nun after I had stayed there several years I made a speech on the race problem which occupied two days. I discussed it in all of Its phases from the stand point of ethnology, history, geogra phy, sociology and presented it? in dustrial and political pha=p. I rub bed it in and not a Republican sen ator ever dared or thought it worth while to attempt a word in reply. This was followed by two subse quent speeches. One of these was in reply to Spooner, of Wisconsin, who had taken me to task on account of my advocacy of lynch law. If my answer did not satisfy him, he at least did not attempt to reply. Any person who has not seen a copy of this speech can get it. by sending me his name and addres on a postal. The Crnm Affar. When Dr. Crum's name was sent to the senate for the position of collector of the port at Charleston seven years ago I held him up for three years and would not allow him to be confirmed until finally I agreed with Senator Spooner to get a re port from the judiciary committee on the matter of a "constructive re cess." When it came it was the unanimous opinion of the judiciary committee, Republicans and Demo crats alike, that there was no such thing contemplated by our constitu tion and that Roosevelt had usurped authority in appointing Crum as he did between 12 o'clock and 12 o'clock of the same day. That was a victory. Last December Crum's term ex pired. Roosevelt sent his name in again. That Republican senate had come to hate Roosevelt as much or more than I did. I went around and notified many of the Democrats that I proposed to fight Crum's nomina tion and it. was hung up in the com mittee until in February when Pres ident Taft telegraphed Senators Frye and Aldrich that he warned Crum out of the way. I received no tice from Mr. Frye that the nomina tion would be pressed. The rule in the senate is that when there is bus iness before the senate somebody must talk or we must vote. I could only get one Democrat, Mr. McLaur in, of Mississippi, to agree to help me filllbuster. They said 1 would almost surely fail and I was unwise to fight under such desperate condi tions. The matter of his confirm ation came up and under the rules it went over until the ne:u day. Next morning we went into executive ses sion upon convening. It was univer sally felt among my friends in the senate, both Republicans and Demo crats, that it was dangerous for me to undertake to make a speech, dreading lest the strain in the then condition of my health might pro duce either a stroke of apoplexy or paralysis. Hut I thought I could not die in a better cause; and 1 would infinitely prefer to fall dead upon the Moor of the senate discharging my duty than to linger and suffer as I have known people to do. So the debate was openeO by my reading the protests of all the commercial bodies of Charleston, and then pre senting the constitutional relation between senators and the president in making appointments. I was in terrupted by my friends among the Republican senator.; who sought to enter the debate to give me relief. Senator McLaurin and ono or two other Democrats came into the dis cussion. So that the P.rst day after a five hours session we had hardly opened up the question. The next day Senator Frya promptly called it up again. I was feeling splendidly and I senke ab^v.i three hours. I related to a full senate the whole story of my illa tions with Roosevelt, the McLaurin incident, the withdrawal of the in vitation to dinner, and the presi dent's cowardly treachery lo Si n.i tor Bailey and myself !:i Mi ? matte" of the rate bill. The del.ate was continued be tween the Republicans and Demo crats, all senators realizing by this time that the great race problem was a great problem indeed and one worthy of most serious consider;. "tion by all. Many Democrats by I this time realizing the vital nature I of the question were anxious to par ' ticipate. So there was no lack of > CENTS PER COPY FOLLOWED COOK Seoond Tims an American Has Reached THE NORTH POLE Messages Received From ?Jcw Foundland Tell of Persistent Ex plorer's Final Success One Year After Brooklyn Rival's?ScientiTi? World Stunned at Reports. From St. Johns, New FouneMand, comes the message that Commodore ??Si.r&Q<? *'? Peary has just telegraphed the gov ernor of New Foundland by wire less from India Harbor, Labrador, announcing he has discovered the North Pole and congratulating New Foundland on its part in this dis covery, seeing that the captain and crew of Peary"8 steamer 'are New Foundlandcrs. New York, Sept. 6.?Pehry v has succeeded. "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, N. F., Sept. 6 ?To the Associated* Press, New York: "Stars and Stripes nailed to North Pole. (Signed) '? "Peary." "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, N. F., Sept. 6.?Rerbert L. Bridgman, Brooklyn, N. Y.: , "Pole reached. Roosevelt safe. (Signed) "Peary." "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, N. F., Sept. 6.?To the New York Times, New York: "I have the pole, April 6. Ex pert arrive Chateau bay Sept.1?. Secure control, wire for me there and arrange expedite transmission big story. '? * (Signed) "Peary." South Harpswell, Me., Sept. 6.? Commander Robert E. . Peary an nounced his success in discovering the North Pole to his wife, who is summering at Eagle Island/'as fol lows: .%, "Indian Harbor, Via C~pe Ray, "September 6? 1909. "Mrs. R. E. Peary, South Harpswell, Me. . . ', . "Have made good at last, I.-have the old pole. Am. w.ell... Xovc. Will wire again from Chateau.. (Signed) u.',"B'eet." In reply Mrs. Peary sent.,the fol lowing dispatch: .;?..>, , "South Harpswell, ..Mq,, 'September 6, 1909. "Commander R. E. Peary, Steamer Roosevelt, Chateau Bay. "All well. Best love. ..God blp<w you. Hurry home. . ,t (Signed) "Jo.' Peary has succeeded. i .. ;.r From out of the Arctic darknesfs* there were flashed a few days ago these messages which stunned- the scientific world and thrilled the heart of every layman. From the bleak coast of Labrador Peary age to the world the news that he had attained his goal in the-Far North, while at the same moment in far off Denmark Dr. Frederick A. Cook ol Brooklyn was being dined and- lion ized by royalty for the same achieve ment. ? speaking and after a six .bcirs ses sion we were no nearer a vote than when we began. A DOtablfi speech was made by Senator Money; which greatly impressed the Republicans. The third day I spoke -Only two and one-half hours. Taking .Taft's speech in Atlanta for a text, "and reading it paragraph by paragraph, I commented on it at length. ? My allies on both sid'-s of the chamber by this time, the Republicans asking questions and one or'another ?Demo crat answering, were ?*!)? wording harmoniously towards a' very -pro tracted debate. At the end of the third day's session it became evi dent to Senator Frye that" "settling t the Crum case'' whs not aiery easy job. ? * ? There is no record of any bf the speches made in this ? delate* be cause stt nograph^rs-'are ijot ?admit ted in executive session! " sd 'much valuable information on tfti'v all im portant question is lost.' On the 4th day Senator Frye gave up the fight, bung pressed by the Republican leaders to get Cot of'the way of big appropriation'W*)?. .Af ter some inquiry ;is to the1 n-lentUm of men to make sp< eches and learn ing that six or seven Derne.rats'were anxious to be heard he withdrew Crum's name and the -straggle over ! ttif last negro appointe? ul R6ose velt was over. ? ? ? i Mr. Taft has pomised up that we i will have no such appointments dur ! ing Iiis administration.- One>of*my strongest points and one. winch I emphasised with :h>- greatest vigor ? I was the inquiry as to wi.y South I Carolina should be subjected to the ' mortification of having the last dose of negro office-holding. Crum's defeat was accomplished by a persisent determination to de bate the whole race problem, tho exclusion of the Chinese, the threat ening attitude of the Cantornians ' against the Japanese and Hindoos, the canting hypocrisy of thte gev (Continued on page 3 )