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I more con#picu>u?, from (tio consideration, that [ .vour govern mtfnt has Inflexibly maintained the unju and hostile attitude which it then assu med, and hot* even added new injuries aud In sults to those of which I have already complain* ed. 1 refer* in this lutter remark, to the breaches of the neutrality of Spain, which her govern ment permitted, if it did not authorise* l>y Bri tish troops, and British agents* in Florida, and throuuh that provingo* with the Creeks and other Indian tribes, In the late war with (Jreat Britain, to tho great injury of tho United States. It is under these circumstances that vou have madetlte demands above recited, to which I will now proceed to give a more ((articular reply. Yon require tnat Spain shall be put into pos session of West-Florida, as an net of justieet before n discussion of tho right of the parties to it is entered on. It in known to your government, that the United States claim bv cession, at a fair equi valent, the province oi Louisiana, as it was held by France prior to tho treaty of 170:1, extending from the River I'erdido, on the eastern side of the Mississippi, to tho Bravo, or (irnude,on the western. To the wholes-territory within those limit*-, the United States consider their right established by well knowu facts, and the fair interiiretatioii of treaties. In a like spirit mav the United States demand the surrender of all tlie territory above described; now- in the occu pancy of Spain, as a condition to the commence ment of uny negotiation for the adjustment of diAerences. W'licii we consider how long vour government has maintained what is deemed un just possession ; more especially, when we re collect thut the injuries hefor* received are still unredressed, and that others have been since rendered, there can be, it is presumed, but one opinion, as to the treat moderation of this gov ernment. in acquiescing ill it. But why restore this province of Spain, if it is the intention of your government, to make the title to it, in con nection with other differences, a subject of ami cable negotiation and arrangement ? May not ' such negotiation ho entered into, as u-ell while it is in the occupancy of the United States, as if it were in that of Spain ? Vou demand next, that Mr. Toledoand others, whoi \ cm mention, charged with promoting re volt in the Spanish provinces, and exciting citi zens of the United States to join in it, shall be arrested and tried ? their troops disarmed and dispersed. Vmt intimate that troops am levying in Ken tucky. Tennessee, Louisiana anil Georgia, for the invasion of the Spanish provinces, of whom I one thousand are from Kentucky, and three htimlicd from Tennessee, to he commanded by American citizens : Imt you do not state at what j points these men are collected, or by whom com manded j and ft.1 to the forces said to be rained in Louisiana and Georgia, vmir communication m still more indefinite. '1'he information recent ly obtained by this department, from persons of high consideration, is of a very different charac ter. It is stated that no men are collected, nor is there any evidence of on Attempt or design to collect any" in Kentucky* Tennessee or Georgia for the purpose stated j'and that the forco said to be assembled under Mr. Toledo is very In considerable and composed principally of Span lards and Frenchmen. If any portion of it con sists of citizens of the U. States their conduct is unauthorized, and Illegal. This force Is not within the settled parts of I?ouislan?, but ill the wilderness, between the settlements of the U. States fit Spain, beyond the actual operation of our laws. I have to request, that you will have the goodness to state at what points in Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, and Louisiana, any force is collected, the number in each instance, and bv whom commanded. If such force is collect ed, or collccting, within the United Statew, fori the purpose suggested, or other illegal purpose, | it will be dispersed, and the parties prosecuted, according to law. Thii govelftment is under no obligation, nor has it tho power, by nny law or treaty * render an InhabiUIn of Spain or th< provinces, on tho demand of the gove Spain ; nor is any such inhabitant punt the laws of tho United State* for acts <h F,:, beyond their jurisdiction, the case of pirfctei w lone excepted. This is a fundamental law of our system. It is not however confined to its. It is 'believed to be the law of it|l civilized nations, where not particularly varied by trea ties. In reply to your third demand, the oxclusion of the flag of the revolting provinces,! have to ob serve, that in consequence of the unsettled Mate oi many countries, and repeated changes of the ruling authority in each, there being, at the same time, several rout peti tors, and each party bear ing its appropriate flap, the President thought it proper, some time past, to give orders to the ? ollector*, not to make the Oat; of any vessel a ' riterion or condition of its admission into the ports of the United States. Having taken no partin the differences & convulsions which have disturbed those countries, it is consistent with i he just principles, o < it is with the interests of the 'United States to receive the- vessels of all ?'ountries into their ports, to whatever party be longing, and under whatever flag sailing, pirates excepted, requiring of them only payment of ( he duties ami nhetlience to laws while under their jurisdiction, without adverting to the question, whether they had committed nny vio* I miou of the ftlle^iftnco or laws obligatory on the them in tho countries t<f which they belonged* either in assuming such (lag, or in any other res pect. ' J In the differences which have subsisted be tween Spain and her colonies, thovnittil States have ob served nil proper respect to their friend Iv relations w ith Spam. They took no measure ? .Knd'sinnify themselves for losses and injuries, none to guard ftpain^t the occupancy of the Span ish territory by the British force* ill the latowsr. or to o'Tnpv the territory to which tho United States consider their title good, except lit the in stance Wider circumstances which made their in terposition ns much an act of Accommodation to ?'?o Spanish authority there, as of security to ti'sinsMves. They have alto prohibited (heir r.tif.eni from taking any ptirt in tho war, and the inhabitant* of the colonic!* anil other for* oigners coiinccted with thcm? from recruiting men in tho U. Stated lor that purpose. The proclamations which have becu issued by the governors of some of tho states and territories* ut tho instance of the President, and tlie procla mation lately issued by the 1'rcsideut himself are not uuknown to your government. This con duct under such circumstances* and at such a time, is of a character too markcd'toiMHnistakcii by tho impartial world. What will be tho final result of the civil war, which prevails between Spain and tho Spanish provinces in America, is beyond the reach of numan foresight. It has already existed many years, and with various success, sometimes one party prevailing, and then tho other. In some of the provinces, the success of the revolution ists appears to have given to their cause nure stability than in others! All that your govern ment had a right to claim of the United (States, Wits, that they should not interlero in the con* test, or nromotCt by any active service, the suc cess of tlie revolution, admitting that they con tinued to overlook tho injuries received from Spain, and remained at peace. This right was common to tlie colonic*. With equal justice might they claim, that we should not interfere to their disadvantage ; that our ports should re. main open, to both parties, aB they were before the commencement of tlie struggle I that our |Aas regulating commerce with foreign nations shou Id not be changed to their injury. On these prin ciples the United States have* acted. So much 1 have thought proper to state, res pecting the rclationn existing between tho Uni ted Stute? and Spain. The restoration of the diplomatic tntcrcour?o between our governments, form* an epoch which cannot fail to be important to both nations. If it does not produce a result favorable to their future friemlsliip and good un derstanding, to vour government will the failure be imputable. 'Hie United States have at all times been willing to settle their differences on just principles and conditions, and they still arc. Of this 1 informed you in my letter of the 5th of May, as I likewise did Mr. Cevailos, in a letter of the 17th of July. It will be very satin factory to the President to find that your govern ment entertains now the same disposition, and has given you full power to conclude a treaty for these purposes. I have the honor to be, &c. JAMKS MONROE. FOHKION. MA USUAL 8UULT. Extract /i-orii hit wmoriul in jmtiJSriitlon of It rcmaiiiH for me to givo an account of iny conduct i'rom the* 1 tth oi* Ma)', to tlio date of the ordinance which supposes me culpable. The facts in that period are neither numerous nor susceptible or controversy. I wan appointed major-general of the armiea t I obeyed. In that character I signed an order of the day, addressed to the soldiers, which was the work of the government which I obeyed, I fought the iVusstans and English at Fleurus and Waterloo. lfthcHc are crimes, l am guilty.? * But 1 venture to persuade myself, that there was nothing criminal in my conduct) and to be convinced of this, it seems to me thai It would he sufficient to examine that conduct ivithout prejudice, and without detaching one's self from the circumstances in which France was then placed* His Majesty had for a long time been remov ed from his kingdom* That retreat, whicfigil* way t. appeared to me contrary to tho tru* inte rest of the King, had damped the cqtirago of the royalists.* The capitulation of the Dttke of Aiigoulcme deprived them of their last hope. The acts of resistance were every where suc ceeded by acts of submission, A great number of Frenchmen, doubtless, regrfcl ted their legiti mate King* and beheld the new sovereign with terror, but all yielded t& the imperious law of necessity All France submitted, and the government of thft ltairfcir was established in fact If there be an incontestililc point, this Is ifrithftutcontradjctionono. Things were in this slate when the invasion of the foreign powers became imminent. Nu merous Prussians, English and Austrian batta lions had already raised on our frontiers the cry of hatred and vengeance. The foreign cabincts at first declared that they only took up arms to re-establish the dypasty of the Bourbons on the throne, but they soon retracted that solemn en gagementy by a new, declaration j and besides, lias the sctjuol proved that these promise* ought to have inspired a blind confidence ? At the ap proachof Oils torrent, composed of numerous nations, which had long been conquered and trampled upon by Our armies, and amidst which there did not appear a single Frenchman, the only prospect which seemcil to present itself to the citizens of all opinions, waa the ruin of France, should she be reduced to sec her plains inundated, and her strong places seized by a million of foreigners, impelled by so many mo tives to her destruction. Surrounded by my fa mily, and my friends, I lamented the situation of my country, when I learned iny nomination to the place of major-generaf, and received or ders to join tho army immediately. I obeyed*? [ not as a creature of Bonaparte would have done. Jin defence of a power whence he had received ir expected fortune. It is well known to the Sole army that I had always reason to com in of that man) and though 1 served him ih fidelity, no one more sincerely detested his tyranny. I obeyed-? not as an enemy of the Iting would have done. I had received from htm only marks of esteem and confidence t and I km incapable of being unKratcful. But as a ci tizen, as a soldier, I obeyed him who was then at the head of the government. My heart may have deceived me | but It told me that a French marshal cbuld not allow his sword to remain in the scabbard when the whole army was taking ? Count !)? Bulges, with whom.* few days hefote the departure of the Count,! cdnverrtd Mvent lime* on the ?ui)J?t of the rourne whithtlie kitijc ought to puisne in ?heelreum?Unce* in which lie wm pi*rcd, ran mseri, whether. In expressing my opinion, I did not say the ?me thing to him that mirshnl Diron wrote to Ilcnn (V. in a situation nearly similar up arraa fur the defer.ee of tl*c country, itista r y does not censuro admiral lllako, who while commanding tho English fleet, under another usurper, wIiohc power he also detested. did not the teas valiantly combat in support of the glo* r y and freedom of his country. Ho consecrat ed theso words, in which he addressed his sai lors-?' M It is our duty to fight for our country, into whatever hands tho government nmy fall." lint why seek abroad for examples ? During tho first years of tho revolution, whon France, tho victim of the mutt ferocious usurpers, Ian* guished under a government abhorred by the good citizens and acknowledged by all foreign powers, did public opinion fix a stain upon the names of tho.^n brave men who liasteiieu* at the "all of the chiefs of the Stato to sacrifico their lives in repelling the enemies of their country ? Was it not in speaking of these times, so pain ful in recollection, that history has already said, French honor took rrfugc in the camit . If sub mission to the government established in France after the COth of March be regarded as a crime, let it bo recollccted that the whole nation must be guilty, for small Indeed is the number of those who left tho country to place themselves out of I the power of the usurper. This theory would involve in if another consequence of a very cv traordinnry nature. According to it, the estab lishment by force of un illeuitimato authority must causo the total destruction of a people-? The usurper would not fail to punish those who should refuse to submit to him, wnile the legiti mate prince in his turn, would strike those who had submitted to tho usurpation. The English legislature, foreseeing this violent situation, pro vided for the public safety by a statute |ias*cd in the reign of Henry VII. which declares that no one shall be held guilty for, obeying n sove reign actually reigning. Thia law, according to publicists, is founded on these considerations : I'hat a IVince who is reduced by force to leave his state* cannot exact obedience whiltthe is un able to afford protection j that'll belongs not to individuals, possessing no authority, to discuss tho title of sovereigns ; and that the most mani fest usurpation not less imposes the necessity of obedience than the most legitimate authority. Hut why should I say more to prove that in such a case, the citizen who submits to tho exist ing authority, is justified by the circutnstanes ? was not this rule, so necessary for the repose of States, fully acknowledged and consccrutcd by hi" Majesty at tho moment of his entering Inn kingdom ? Do we not read in his proclamation of tho 28th of Juiio, that he regarded no French man inexcusable except tho instigators and au thors of the horrible conspiracy, which had forced him to leave Fiance j but thatne wished to throw a veil over all that passed from the day of his leaving Lisle until that of Ma entering Cambrai, A stranger, as all my conduct proves, to the P.** tL? ftUth?r* of which the King has thought himself bound to pvnJih* and not having served under the illegitpiijfe government, except du ring the interval Wiped between the two epoch! I be t nocente and the Kiu^'* Wov3 f * What then, is the <Vn elfi<t * against me all the wrath of his tils letter of the iBtli excuses the involuntary er rors in which I* participated during that inter val with so great a number of Frenchmen ? Can it bo my conduct since that proclamation w hich j^? rendered we un worthy of the benofit it guar antees? no that is ipippssihlo ; for that conduct as tlio army and tho capital can attest, was such as, of itaolf perhaps, ought to sufllco to locover for me all the favor of my sovereign, Can the ministers have neglected to inform his majesty, that before the 38th of June, and from the moment that the abdication of Ifona Prte permitted mc ojHjnly to express my wishes, neglected no effort, avoided no danger in en deavorfng to recal the Jroops, the citi/.ens, and thq different authorities of tlio 8tute to our legi timate Princes ? While men's minds, and nil the fictions were agitated with the question on what head the Crown of Fran.ce, regarded aa vacant, should be placed* was I found to hesitate a moment ,n rec^liiiur and proclaiming the right of the Hourbens ?? I>i?l I not, in this cham ber of peers* before the provisions! commission of government, in the presence of all the gene* rali of the ajrmy assembled in a council ?? war to deliberate on the defence of Paris ? Is if ne cessary that I should state, that my xeal and frankness In maintaining that the honor of France depended on a prompt submission to the king, rendered me suspected by the government, and ?????! mJ recal from tne army, thfe command of which was entrusted to Count Grouchy ? Doubtless, I never thought of demanding from the court the rcwifrd of this conduct* I believ ed I was fulfilling my duty. It was my country I considered myself defending, IJiit though "l was far from lowing for anv recompencc, ought I to have expected that an the reward of niy fccal and devoted uess to tho cause of the king, his ministers would class me with those who nave been signalized as the most criminal or the most dangerous of his subjects ? Is it because I, tal most alone, had tho courage, in those moments of difficulty, to recal toherdutv Fiance, then re-becomo free to follow it, that my name has been placed at the head of the list of tin* pro scrilied ? ' The morn f rcflcct on this Mriwge rciiutt, flic more I compare it with my conditet and the win. dotii of the king, the more mujd f he confirmed in the conviction, that the mind of his rttajenty lias been deceived, that my conduct has not been known to him * and ignorance or calumny can atone have iiifttitutcd the prtocciw against mo.? I may tiien hope, that h!a in^i**ly, on bein^r, letter informed, will hiin^tf druigu to correct tho fatal eri or of which! am the victim. For thin, hi? know-ledge, hi* juntice, and hia bounty are my KUnr..nteoK. Hut were I no fortunate aa to And that hi* Mnjenty, considering himnelf bound by a first deteirnination, should not think fit to employ hia own authority in repairing the injury he ha* done me, and should entruat.to other*, than himself, the examination and appreciation of my conduct, there U at icaat one act of juatico which doubtless I shall not solicit in vain. It i? , S[? be sent, without further delay, before tin; udges destined to pronounce on my fate. 'iliis act of lustico I shaft rcceivc as n benefit, since it will furnish me with the surest means of pro v. iug my innoccncc. This benefit is secured to mo by the laws j and I cannot fecr tho being de prived of a right so sacred, since it is from bin majesty I claim it. Malevolence and ignorance may obtain by surprize from the sovereigns a serious charge against an irreproachable citi/.en ; but to refuse the accused Ida means of justifica tion > to condemn him without a hearing* would tie an act of tyranny. I may then be tranquil. To conclude, whatever may be the fate that awaits me. I shall not be less the faithful sub ject of the king, and admirer of his virtue*, or less ready again to expose my life, on the first signal, for my prince and niy country. The sentiment of my love for them and iny dutv, is too deeply routed in my heart for cither misfor tune or injustice to alter it. It is long since I took for my motto? Do your f/irfy, happen what uiau. I never lost night of it in the midst of polit ical storms, and my conscience telfs me I ought to continue faithful to it* SUMMARY. The London Courier of Dec. 5 says* Foucho will bo recalled from Dresden and put upon trial for treason. The same paper adds that the chamber of peers are disnoscd to attack all the thembers of the late administration. A cliango of Ministers Is atil! talked of (says a Paris pa per) if tho law of amnesty be rejected. The organization of the Itoyal guard proceeds with ama/itig rapidity 1 4,000 have been already cquip|H'd and ca/erned in Paris, and they ar? cxpected to muster 10,000 strong before the I st. January. General Vandamme is about to pub lish a defence of his conduct. Religious orders are about to be re-established in Piedmont sim ilar to those which existed prior to the occupa tion of that country by the French. There is a talk that a great notional bank '* <0 be estab lished in Paris, arid that paper nionev will ob tain currency ? and so it may, but will it obtain credit ? ? Loud, \mper. The following is the list of Peers who voted against the death 6f Marshal Nej ' The 1)uc de Moiitomoreucy, Fontannes. Malleville, (>ou vion, llertholet. (the celebrated chvmist,) Chaf fcloup, Due de Mroglio, I. alio, Toll'enilal, Cour ial, I'orcher de Itichebourge, Oollot, Le Noin U Uochc, Lanjoinais, Klein, Mcrcior, Neiwind, unci ('Indict. ? The following refused to vote, declaring they were not sufficiently instruct ed, in consequence of the Marshal's 'counsel bc-^ ing stopped in tho defence by the King's com missioner*! Nicolia, Jlrigade, d'Ailgre, St. Su y.anne, the Due de I hoiscul. 'Hie speech of the due de Itichelieu on declin ing tho vote for tho death of Ney, docs him hon ojyp-^i I was myself twico condemned to death during the revolutionary torrent ) my consci ence acnuitted me of guilt ; I felt that in a mo ment or such agitation little reuard is paid to justice J and what 1 then felt makes mo shudder at the idea of pronouncing the judgment of death on another, lime has none justice to mytno tives and time may equally acquit .MarshalNoy.' flftlilijiiiiisiisia^ depu. . titf, charged with claiming on their behalf, frem the diet, which is about opening at rankfert, an equality of rights Jfcvith the other citizens; hate accounts from China state that the dif ferences existing between that country and O rent Britain have been amicably adjusted. , The Wat jirloQ subscription!}, at the City of London Tavern, amounted* en the flOth of "No vember last, to *25,000 pounds sterling, nearly 1,0(KI,00(| of dollars. } 1 I<a(e arrivals represent Spain to l?e in an un settled state, though ho at tempts at revolution since the abortive one by Porlfer. coNouttsft, HOU?? Oi> IIKPRKSP.ST ATIVKH. , The whole o^iis'day's sTttlng waa occupied by Mr. Randolph, in continuation of his speech oil the state of the nation. If o did not conclude before the committee rose, and the house ad journed. 't Katiirtliiy, tnnuiury 27 Mr. Randolph resumed his upeech on the re venue sutyect, which he nnirilicd about 3 o'clock* when the committee rose* and the house ad journed. Mon/t/ni, January 39. Hie house resumed the consideration of the motion to repeal the direct tax. Messrs. M'Kee, i'arirt, and llopkinson, spoke in favor of this motion, and Mr. Clay at length, against it. . When they had concluded, on fhotion, the resolution on the direct tax was ordered to lie on the table. The house then proceeded to the consideration of the resolution proposing thn repeal of the act* laying duties on goods, wares* merchandize, gold, silver and plated ware, jew ellery and paste-work, manufactured within (ho I'nitt'd Ktates j which was agreed to, and a bill ordered to be reported. Mr. Randolph submitted a resolution, derlnr ing it expedient to reduce tho military establish ment of the United Mtates. Ti *?(/'!]/, January 30. The house resumed the consideration of the motion to repeat the Direct Tax.? -Messrs. Wright and King, (of Mats.) advocated tlw motion for ? repealof the Direct Tax, in speech es of connitlcrable length. ? When thoy conclu ded, tho hou*e adjourned. II tihfihiy, January .11 . The consideration of the motion to repeal the Direct Tax law* was resumed?Messrs. IIosh and Randolph advocating the motion, tk Messrs. Calhoun and Rev nolds opposing it. The com mittee rose, reported progress and asked leave to sit again. ? A message was received from the President, .transmitting a report frftm tlie Secretary of Htate, and sundry documents on' the transac tions a? Dartmoor prison in April lilt* which were ordered to bo printed. '