Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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No. 93. t.nL[ WHIIG PLATFORM. ere seems to be an impression lly gaining ground among us, he Whig party is rapidly ap : mating towards the Democracy. hisis a great mistake ; it is the Al, oracy that has approximated to. ids the Whigs in some of the great indaiaental .principles which had S 8"n at issue between the two parties since the adoption of the Consti r tuton. The old Federalists,, who bhad ecome so obnoxious to a great najority of the people, by their op positlon to the late war with England, h they carried almost to the .-.a of treason, by giving, if not 't'idg>at least "comfort" to the ene hat they had no other resource ' ut at of adopting an expedient coziunion among men who have be coaneo notorious under their proper han that they find it necessary, or at' last expedient, to take refuge un der an alias. Theyi accordingly changed their .name, but not their nature of their Principles. They still remain the sane ; enemies to the rights of the States and advocates of what they are pleased to call a strong govern -: 'nont, which is only another name for :consolidation. It is true they have been frced to abandon-at least for the present--that darling pet, a na - al bank; but they have never dis 'fed' the principle. on which it based, and over apply it to a olicy founded on precisely the same atitudinarian construction of the SConstitutton, which in any form or tderany disguise, equally tends to infringe on the rights of the States, i ;T.i;:s tW .'.eL jigar ates--Ut" the1 gensi-al government. On all great 4uestions they are uniformly found arrayed in support of this latitudina rian construction, and on no occasion do they ever oppose the pretentions of the general gove nmcent. This patty, which has profaned an honora ble revolutionary name, except when itis in the handsof their adversaries, is only.a new batch of bread from the old flour barrel, raised by the old 'leaven of Federalism. Lot us take brief view of the declaration of principles just put forth by the Whig convention at Baltimore; in proof of our assertions: commences with th' old ing uong bf the government of the United Sta being one of limited powers, a geu ral proposition which no one ever .r ,nded t deny, and which is equally true of every government not administered by the sole wit of a despot. While it gives full latitude to the federal construction of the meaning of the words "daessary and proper for carrying out the powers granted by the Constitutibn," it at the -same time cor.cedes that the State governments "should be held secure in their reserved rights," with $1ihis salvo, that "the general govern. meatbe sustained in its constitution algpowers, and the Union be watched ever as the palladium of our liber Now what does all this amount to? Noone questions that Congress has .a right to pass all laws indispensably Eedessary and equally proper to car ryout the powers conferred on it by the Constitution; that it has a right to *.regulate foreign commerce and do mnegtic trade between the States; or bthat the reserved rights of the States should be 'respected and the general government sudtained in its constitu Mor a powers. In all these both pargios agree as general princ.iples. Butt he difficulty is they differ wide iynutheir extent, as well as applica tidi;@They dent agree at all in their id'eas f~hat is necessary and proper to the'execution of the powers dele ~g~edi.' ongress by the Constitu tir9 ro in the extent of the reserv .dihsof tbe States, and the func * 44ti%' 4 he general government may sauly.exercise. It is here the shup nehes; and any more general *reognrtion unaccompanied by a de fink of what they understand by ppeQand necessary; reserved r and the constitutional powers oflQgeneral government amounts to iotugbut a repetition of words in Wveconstruction and apphication -' bt ~~asdiffer as wide as the In i exemnplified in the succeed 1eutna of the onvetion, which assert the right of the general government to make "such improve ments as are necessary for the com non defence, or for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations, or among the States, such improvements being in every instance national and general in their charac ter." This covers the whole ground, and justifies the government in appro priating both the public money and public lands to any local purpose whatever, because according to this declaration, all are equally national and general in their character. This is certainly not the Democratic doc trine, or at least of that Democracy of which Mr. Jefferson is said to be the great apostle. The convention also asserts that the government of the United States has not only the right, but is in duty beund to discriminate between, and protect certain domestic manufac tures, ' whereby suitable encourage ment may be assured to American industry equally to all classes, and to all portions of the country.' All this is mere verbiage, calculated, and without doubt, intended to deceive the South, or at least to give the Whigs of that quarter a decent pre text for supporting the nominee of the convention. Every body knows the Whigs apply this phrase of "American industry" exclusively to manufacturing establishments. Eve rybody knows that when they prate of "American, or domestic industry, they do not mean the industry of the fireside and the hearth, nor the labors of agriculturalists; nor least of all, the products of the individual skill and industry of the honest mechanic, who labors for his own benefit, and not to enrich the millioniare. They mean the protection of that species of domestic industry which is prose from home, for the purpose of ena bling our minister to England to sup port the dignity of the United States, and exemplify the simplicity of re publicanism, by vieing with the luxu. riouis prodigality of the English no bility in his entertainments, and giv ing them a sample of the benefits de. rived from the protection of "domes tic industry." To talk of "affording equal protection to all classes and all portions of the country," by special legislation in behalf of one, is worse than nonsense. It is an insidious at tempt t6 itpose on the people of the South-or, what is most likely the real object, to give certain portions of them a pretext for being imposed on, a course to which they would not in all probability have ventured to resort, bad they not justly calculated on their unlimited credulity, or ua1 limited acquiescence. . Last comes the g'rand panacea, which is to heal all Southern wounds without leaving even the scars, and give perpetual repose to this "dis tracted country," by endorsing the finality of the compromise-"the new Constitution, as it is called by its ad mirers.- This endorsement consists in a pledge that the great national WVhig party will maintain the princi ples of the compromise, whbich be it remembered, diddled the South out of its share of the vast territory ac quired from-Mexico, and established a precedent for Congress to legislate on the6 institution of slaver'y. But even this pledge is accompanied by a proviso, that it is only binding "un til time and experience shall demon strate the necessity of further legis lation to guard against the evasion of the laws on one hand and the abuse of their power on the other." Now what is the English of all this ? Does any man in his senses, except a Southern WVhig, believe that the great national Whig party will attempt a revision of the fugitive slave law, for the purpose of "guard ing against" its evasion 7 The plarn obvious meaning of this provision is that it reserves the right to alter and amend that law, in order to "guard against the abuse of its powers." And what do they consider such an abuse ? Simply the power to carry the law into execution according to the provisions of the law, which a great portion of Northern Whigs have denounced as tyrannical, un constitutional, and infamous. They have thus reserved to themselves the right to alter, amend, or fritter away this lawv at any future period. Yet this is callamd endorsing the finiality of the compromise, and proved so en tirely saitisfactory. to the Southern Whig delegates to the convention, that they chaerfully acquiesced in the nomination of a candidate who had not even acceded to this most satisfactory concession, and who is understood to be the favorite of the most insidious and dangerous enemy the South ever had to encounter. The great nationel Whig party is thus said to be united on the platform laid down by the convention. It may be so, for there is no stronger cement than the loaves and fishes. Fish glue is especially tenacious. But will Senator Dawson harmonize with Senator Seward in his "higher law;" or with Senator James in his code of domestic industry protection; or with Senator Davis in his abolition code ? Or have they only; like the Centaurs and the Lapitbe of old, set down to feast on a favorite dish and fall together by the ears afterwards? It is in this way all the late Whig triumphs have been gained. They wore first drilled into union in fight ing the battle, fell out in the division of the spoils, and have always been in a minority after every successful elegtion. They sweep together a far. rago of discordant elements, invoke the aid of every emporary excite. ment, and form a groat national Whig party out of the shreds ard patches of every faction ; which is held together, for the time being, not by any community of groat princi ples, but by disguising them from each other. Their treaties of amity are always made with a secret pro test against the most material articles of she compact. It is in this way the Whig conven tion has been brought into apparent unanimity, although nearly one-third of the members departed from its declaration .of principles, among whom were nearly two-thirds of the delegates from the State of New a great triumph in the endorsement of all the measures of the compro mise, except that which ale was made the condition of their .ad ies cence in the others, and in the re cognition of the protective system, as well as that of internal improve ments by the general government to its present extent. If a majority of the Southern States approve a final settlement of the great questions which have been at issue between them and the North, founded on this basis, it will be indeed a triumph, not of Southern rights and Southern principles, but of abolitionism in a disguise so flimsy as to be seen through by all who are not wilfully blind. As the hero of Epirus said, "One more such victory and Pyrrhus is undone." THE RULE OF THE POLITicX.L B.. Ros.-The Charleston Standard intro duces a political article with the fol lowing just and pertinent remarks: "Tin: PEOPLE NOTIrJno-TnE lEADl Ens Evraariso.-The people of our country rejoice in believing that they are the rulers, but if Truth were to speak, her voice would be, that the u~rvanft of the pe-ople is of'ten lord of his master. WheneVer it is assumed by the few, aspiring to be leaders, that this or that imust be done, and that it is unnecessary or improper to conisult the people about it, theni the spirit of republicnism is trampled in the dust. and that of' monarc-hy or oligarchy prevails. True republ)1icanism requires that the people shall be conisulted in every iiuiportant imeasure of the gov ernent, and especially in the choice of their rulers, and every doctrine op posed to this is but despotism ini di's guise. Editors and leaders of' cliques may for a time disguise their prnc pies, to the deception of the people; but strip) them of their drapery, and they stand exposed, the same old forms of tyranny that have ground the na tionis for centuries." It is time that the people of this country should assert their sovereign right to control its political dlestiny. It is time that the voteors should throw off' the trannnels of party by which they have beent imade the submissive instruments of selflconstitouted leaders who assume to rule and control the popular wvill for the pronmotion ofthieir own selfmsh and ambitious ends. The days of political as well as social feu dalismn are passed. \Ve are a nation of free and enlightened r.epublicans, and that man among us is unworthy of his hieritaige who exchanges the high responsibility, dignity, and i ndepend ence of a sovereign citizen of' the re public, for the base serviiity of'a mecre party serf-&wvannah Necws. gg Cholera made its first appear ance in New-York, oil the 26th of June, 1832. New Congressional Districts. As the time approaches for the redistricting of the State to suit the new apportionment,' public attention is directed to the classification and adjustment of the six new districts which have to be formed. A writer in the Edgefield Advertiser suggests two plans, which we give below. The federal ratio is 93,000, but as South Carolina gets her sixth repre sentative for a fraction of 48,000, by dividing the federal population of the State by six, each distt-ict will be about 85.757. The following are the plans suggested: FIRST PLAN. First District.-Beaufort, Colle ton, including St. John's Colleton, Orangeburg, Barnwell--1,225. Second District.- Edgefield, Ab bev'lle, Newberry, and Lexington 80.370. Third District.-Laurens, Ander son, Pickens, Greenville, Spartan burg-93,254. Fourth District.--Union, York, Chester, Lancaster, l airfield, Rich land- 85,831. .Fifth District.-Kershaw, Ches terfield, Marlboro, Darlington, Maria on, Sumter, Williamsburg-88,604. Sixth District.- Charleston, ex cluding St. John's Colleton, George town, Horry-75,262. SECOND PLAN. First District.-Beaufort. Collo. ton, including St. John's Colleton, Orangeburg, Barnwell-91,225. Second District.-Edgefield, Ab. beville, Laurens, Newberry-88,287. Thi-d District.-Anderson, Pick ens, Greenville, Spartanburg-74, 630. Fourth District.--Union, York, Chester, Fairfield, Richlat injg ton-87,556. fifth Distrier.-Lanei Ka'er ro, Darlington, Marion~-88,612. Sixth District.-Charleston, ex cluding St.John's C lleton, George. town, Williamsburg, Lorry -84,2361. INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER OF GEN. PIERCE. -Tributes to the high mental and moral qualities of the Democratic candidate for the Presi dency, are pouring in from every quarter. Recently . Gov. Foote of Mississippi, was the the highest au thority, with our Whig brethren. They are precluded from questioning the soundness or accuracy if his judgments. We therefore append for their especial perusal the follow ing well-drawn and well-defined por trait of Gen. Pierce, which *Gov. Foote presented in his late speech at Jackson;: 'Whilst in Congress, he spoke f're quently upon the great public ques tions from time to time arising, and I venture to say, that no one has ever read the various speeches deliv ered by him without feeling compell ed to respect alike the high intellec tual ability with which they are marked, and the spirit 6f elevated patriotism which they uniformly breathe. In this judgement, the Rie public has produced few men better fitted to discharge tho ard'uous du ties appertaining to the Presidential office, than the distinguished person age to whom I am refering. His mind is one of great strength and activity; it has been most carefully and successfully cultivated; and I have formed an acquaintance with but few, if any of our distinguished American statesmen who in my opin ion possess larger share of knowledge than lhe does of all that is solid and practical to the management of gov ernmental concerns. Those who choose to examine his Congrcssional speeches will find them marked with great originality of thought, and re plete with sound and manly argu ment, presenited in language univer sally chaste, flowing arid energetic. As a speaker he is never deficient in perspicacity; never dull and tedious; never pedantic or ostentatious. WVhan in Congress, he was as much distinguished for readiness and skill in debate, as he is in social life for the easy affability of his mariners, and a certain colloqual vivacity which readers him extremely agreea ble in converse to all who choose to seek his personal intercourse. Ihis frankness and cordiality are almost 1roverbial his purity and disinterest edness have never been called in question. His opinions in regard to public measures when once they have been maturely formed, are never kept im a state of concealment, but arc sure to be enunciated by limi in lan guage of honest boldness on any suit able occasion that may chance to rise.--Mobile Register. The Mannekan and Ducan Tragbdq: The facts as to the killinig of his brother-in-law, Capt. Duncan, by Mr. Hannegan, are still fresh in the re collection of the reader. Mr. Han negan had been a member of the Leg islature of Indiana, represented his State successively in both houses of Congress, and was Ambassador to Prussia. The cause of his downfill, and of the terrible deed with which his hands are stained, are thus given by Mr. John Wentworth, in his Chicago Democrat, who served with him in Congress: Every man who has seen Mr. Hannegan when under the influence of liquor, as we have, can believe the above. And every one who has seen him and lived at the same house with him and his family, as we have, {4icn he has been a total ab stinence man for months together, will indeed pity him. With him there can be no middle state. le is a brute when drunk. When sober, he will compare in all the elements of goodness with any man living. But he cannot drink without getting drunk. Mr. Hannegan entered the lower house of Congress many years ago, a perfectly temperate man; and, in point of talents, integrity and popu larity, his prospects were as flattering as those of any young man in the United States. But Washington fash.. ions and habits were too much for him. Dissipation drove him to private life. le reformed, became a temperance lecturer, and an ex emplary member of the Church. His exhortations in times of great revivals are said to have equalled those of the most eminent divines living. At ~length his old habits were fotgotten, the Senate. He again, the temptations were too great for him. His struggles with himself were gigantic, and- the assistance of one of nature's noblest of women, his wife, secured for hin the sympathies ] of everybody. But lie would have his sprees, and he lost his re-election. Like most politicians, he left the of: fiee miserably poor. At the close of his term, and of Mr. Polks's admin istration, to keep so popular and so good a man froin despair and ruin, l though it camIe out of Gen. Taylor's term, the Senators unanimously, whigs and democrats, signed a call for Mr. Polk to send him to Prussia, and he was appointed to that mission. His C unfortunate career there is well known' Since his return, we have heard noth-I ing of him until this melancholy af tlair. We have seen many a' young man enter Congress perfectly ten perate, and leave it totally ruined; but t we never knew one who had so many efTrts to save hint, so ineffee- t tually, as %1r. Hhainnegan. We new have in our mind t bree in own term who killed thenisolves. Mr. t Iluaniegan has tried to d'o so sueral times but; fea lived to kill his wife's brother, the best friend, save his wife, he had in the world. That he wished lie was in pot . Uream _'s 1 plaice, we have no doubt. What an awful comnmentary this is upon the evil effects of intemnperance! It was tket fist drop that ruined Hlan negan. fle is now about the muid. dIe age of man, and mnay yet live to be a very useful man; but there is great prob1abilit y that hen will comn mit suicide. This tragedy will do much toward enacting the liaine Liquor Law in Indiana, and we can almost prediet it will be enacd at the uit session of the Legislature. President Fillmore, says the Phihi Idelphia Inquirer, will leave the Exe cutive chair on the fourth of March, next, with a reliutattion for patriotism and fidelity to the Constitution, that1 will justly rank him among the best purest men of his day .1 The Dei oerats, as wvell as the Whigs, have in numerous instances, awarded him the homage of their high esteem. Hie is in truth and ini fact a "model Pros idents" and may we ever haver mn. just as honest, and faithful to the a Consti tumthon as Millard Fill more, to fill the highest offee in our Republic. I lie will go inlto private life, without ~ a stain upon his public career, and E with the respect and confidence of an f enlightened and patriotic people. MONUMfENT TOM MOORE-A sub- I scription is going forward in England for a monument to Tom Moore in his ~ native city. Dublin. Tho committ ee consists of Lords Lansdowne, Clar- ~ endon, Fortescue, Wicklow, Carlisle, s Shelburno, John Russell, arid Mon- il teage, and Messrs. Macaulay and Longan MISCELLANEOUS. From the Jefferson (Taes) eId. Getting a Subscriber. Tired and fatigued from a long day's id6 ; cobvred with the dust we had athered on a dry sandy road ; we ailed at Squire Hobb's to wet our nouth, rest our bpnes, and have a chat with the Squire. On our part pi&'ever, here was a disposition very soon to alk less and doze more; This, Iobb's, 6 good hitnnred s'til, perceived, as by ntuition ; and soon left us to soft in luences of nature's "sweet restorer." How long we slept we needn't tell and our readers needn't know. It vas long, however, for loud tdlting in he 'quire's " office" sbon aroused us, aid We listened to a conversation high y interesting to us. If it was eaves iropping it was no fault of ours. It seems that Joaeum Guile-Old Joe a le'er, abber-sided, close fisted neigh >or of the Squire's-had called in to :alk about " the craps" and matters tnd things in general; " Well Squire," said Mr. Guile, "do rou know whei e a fellow can buy a -ight smart chance of a nigger boy, hese times ?" " Really, Uncle Job, I don't know ; it this time. Ther6 was a sale in town ast week, of sbine six or eight at 'n6 .ime." " There was? "Yes. And I got a rigl't likely ne ro boy, eighteen years old for 8450. Iy word for it. I wouldn't take a housand dollars for him to-day." " Just my luck-why, I never beard tword of it. Who told you, Squire?" " O, you know I take the papers, I aw the sale advertised, and as I had ,o go to town any way. .I went on he day of sale, thinking perhaps I night hit a bargain; and I did hit a >argain sure." " Well, I swear, I have got to have hand, somehow. You see I have )ut in more than 1 have hands to work. Who's tof a hand to hire any where' ttI1'. Ie Joe; the hiring season is over. Lbout a month ago all the negroes be anging to the estate of H---, de eased, were hired out at auctiber sAd 'm told they went very lo'." The d-l you say. Why didin't -oi tell me, Squire?' " I hardly know why. I .saw it ad ertized in our paper, a'nd r su'ppused very body took that. More'n that, I idn't know you wanted to hire. Did ou know I had sold my Harden' track 'f land ?" " No, indeed. Who to ?" " Why to a rich' old fellow from Llabama. It vsas day before yester ay; and I got the 'yallow boys,'. ash up-only six dollars per acre. Ie said, that he came Across oir pa er in 'Old Alabama;' he liked the escription of the country, saw my ,ee bit of an advertisement, and came o see me about it.' We struck a rade in no time." . "Jerusalem ! ! And h re I've been rying to sell a tract of land for the ist two years, and couldn't get a dol ir and a half ai acrr. it's better land han your'n 'too, and you know it quire. Wel, what is, 'tis, an'd can't e tlser, but I reckon, Squire I've beat ou on sugar. I bought last week, wo barrels of sugar at 6 cents, when verybodf else had to give 7 cents. icat that, eh ?I" " With all ease, Uncle J6'e,-I 'ought mine at 5'ecents." " No sir-i dont believe it. Now ay where ?" " At the house of W--- & Co. got a rare bargain. You see they dvertised in the paper that they were elling of at cost.~ I kne\t groceries .ould go qu~iec, so 1went in and bought year's supply. Their groceries were 11 sold before night. I didn't pay money, either, for they took my U. S. -and Warrant at *1.25 per aere. " Now, now, Squire ! that can't be, >r my lawyer told me that it Wasn't 3gal to sell my Land Warrant." " Very true, sometime ago ; but the ews comie lately in the papers that :ong ress had made them assignable." " Well,' tisn't fair !.-it's rascally ! VThat right has these Editor to get all bie news and keep it themselves ?" " Ah ! Unele Joe, you misunder tand it. Editors and printers labor ight and day together the news, and ive it to the people-to instruct their Laders-to) inform them of the im rovement of the age-and ameliorate hie condition of society. T1he paperC oes abroad recommending our pee. he and country to enterprising and itelligent emigrants. Can they labor bus for no'thing ? Should they not be aid ? Is there a man who is not ben.. tted by a paper ? Is not every sub criber repaid ibur-foldsfor the pittance f 82, his subsbription pr'cJ?' Stop, Squire, stop right there ! I'm going to take the paper. I'll take ix and send some back to my kinfolks 1 Georgia." " You needn't go far as that,-hero's he Editor right in the room. Here t&e pgriies ushedi us, where we were acting but mirably a gersn fast - enough for us to say,.' duction, the .ane of r Guile wias entere n bi -tt as a subscriber-paid i . adi* Au now when the partied shill read this we hope - don us for i in to 4i b . ' tia f1tliel ured by the us so'.efftetually in darUei "6 DER. A FORGETFUL I i(. doded ithi 96eztrb'rt _u!o for forgetfulnes *as tne.a no ago, _at Paris1 fr ai'i . gave-is nam as , ugu.uste and believed he was bu ait B As he b d .fortei sfepnthe. try. of bIrths fri the 1t r ii 8 '22 was consulted but e of the /ing of. I isivekL n there during that tim' and that.w:a girl.. , " Are you qure your narife eiv6 :x! e b< the judge ",Well I thought it was, 0 m 3 be it ain't." , "Are you yode y Ivei at Bourges ?" * ,, " Well, I oilers suppqsed itwaui I should'nt wonder if it swia somewh else." - "Wiore t ocs yhi rfti _' ,' present?" - " I don'k know " Preqforgy;)-_f "Cpn ypu remember ever ha '''i" seei your father or piother," . "I can't recollect, to save. sometimes I think I have, and again I. think I iav'nt." "'Whit trae oI oli - "mWell Ia i r a tailoror, cooper, and for th ife of me I tell which ; at an rate, I sinim - one or the ptir.' "Have you- ever, been .1n'- r " I d'6n't tfmik I hv I + seems tony I' hd.uldl te66 t "+a Mr.. -Lessiie' was necrn t ere'anffu'nv a t ' friko erep ia vantag or refreshing a memo ded, do btlssb top ratfa useful , acqui-ed interglours i t vicissitu'de'e fortune; ANECDOo OF DAVI p During an electioneering eimpai 1 iYhiel Davy was a oandida e for gress he was opposed bg. a rival Anid. date, a lawyer by tfhe name of The two edndkjl.s Mitl'a thifr f and alrtis iis, har c hm e toge her certamn day, for the~ tpo~ ing it. Davy had a on thi ground, with s l g e plenty of whisisy, J stum'p first, and w ile surrou 'lit Y the assembled throng, Davy hstm to his rival's remarks. with " leN, attention, as though full rapared t , rebut them; 1No0 lowever, be mich accustomed to public spaelkid a-'s he cam t6 the conclusion ti should be no niatdh for the word lawyer, and irr the iidst of the''. of eldqiide, he exclaimed, . . wish to see Davy Crockett .d gallon of whiskey1 foil' * M Oe hero led the way, atid' tlis, i Ird titade followed, leaving thW oar ator in the act of addr4ssig thbe ' s space. Arrised at the booth:,. said, Gentlemen, I didn't' ssY drink a galll6p of whsk si nch draught ih~igh I odn do tit time-. conme, Jet s liquor.' 'Hurrah for.Dt/ ~ Crockett,' was the tiniver al re6g, and whiskey begafr f& In the midst ofth~ dspn'ld)a's rival drov& into the booth, full sjfed, swinging hatt and phbnting at the top ofi hI voied; 'Ill not oppose a man who can draw the people after him in this *va -hurrah for Davy Crockett!1' lawyer took himself out of the wiy, and gave Davygs clear field.-Ren-. tucky paper. AN EnrRa ni EAvEN.-A South. ern editor gives a long obituary of one of his brethren of the quill, under the ' above caption. The closing paragraph of itself forms a glowing picture:' 'Are we not also glad that such an - editor is in heaven? There no cry of 'more copy' shall fall upon his dis. tracted ears. There he shall newI~ abused any more by his politic tagonists, with lies and detraction tu should shame a demon to promulgate. There he shall rno more be used as a ladder for the aspiring to kick down, they reach the desired height, and p him no more. There he shall he. a to see the immense masses of min~4 has moved, all unknowingly aan4 knowvn as he has been dur ' ry pilgrimage on earth era will fimd all his articles credited a cla p of his thunder stolen, and shall be no horrid typgraphical er* to set him in a fever. A~.do seventeen Lo appe Con?~.~A:~~~P