The Sumter banner. (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, September 23, 1851, Image 1
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DEVOTED TO SOUTHIERN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY, NEWS, LITERATURE SCIENC AN.H AlNIPopitr (91-a TSu ~tWW7a;,
WO. . RA SrperL -E, S. * , SE Ad:14e
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-----------S Popieor '2~fbot aW~~W~~S-Tv
rUILITIUAL,
Extracts from the Letter of the
MION. JOHIN T0wNSEND.
BLACK HALL, July 29, 1851.
Gentlemen: I have to acknowl
edge your kindness, in the conpli
ment you intended me by your invi
tation of the 19th inst., (just re
ceived this day,) to be present at a
meeting of the citizens of Charles
ton to be held this evening. Many
circumstances conspire, independent
of the accident which has delayed
the receipt of your letter, to prevent
me tfomiI attending. My sympathies
al-e, howe ver, all with you, in the
objects which you have in view: of
procuring an expression of opinion
" favorable to co-operation, for the
purpose of resistance, and opposed
to separate State action, under exist
ing circumstance ;" and I regret
that I cannot participate with you in
the duty which is now imposed on
every true son of South Carolina, of
endeavoring to undo the mischief
which has been inflicted upon her by
the Southern Rights Convention
which met in your city in May.
The meeting of that unfortunate
body has been followed by but one
solitary benefit-and that is, the
awakening the attention of the peo.
ple to the dangerous schemes which
were started by certain reckless men,
but which were then, for the first
time, seriously threatened. This
brought about discussion : an exanii
nation into the consequences of those
schemes ; meetings of the people
(such as you are about to have) to
express their opinions, and finally the
condemnation of those measures
as I confidently believe they will be,
-wherever they are serimusly exam
ined, and without prejudice, or rank,
or passion
With the exception of this solitary
'Ies itah'iavarnay: suppose the
authors of- these measues little enl.
culated on, and less desired, all the
other action of that Convention has
resulted in evil to the State, and da
mage to the Southern cause.
It mat, finding a people united be
yond all paralel, both as to their
seiise of grievances which were to be
redressed, and as to their determined
resolution to resist them, by every
practical measure which promised to
be successful. It was in session four
brief days, and contrived during that
time to sow the seeds of bitter divis
ions, to alienate friends, to create
parties, and send distraction into our
Southern camp. When it met,
it was surrounded by a people
who generally-if not universally
approved, and were preparing to ear
ry out the prudent and dignified
course marked out by the Legislature,
and recommended by the sage coui
eels of our most cherished and trust
ed statesmen, to secure ,Southern
Co-operation, and the advantages of
a Southern Congre88.
It adjourned after having virtually
substituted, in place of these, the
rash and suicidal scheme of separate
secession ; which they kne w, for they
bad been duly warnted) to be deeply
objected to by a large and infltuential
portion of their fellow citizens.
T'hese warningzs were, howvever, (disre
-garded ; the honest and well founded
convictions of' their fellow-citizens,
that their measures would prove
ruinous to them, to the State, and to
the cause of Southern Rights, were
treated with contempt, and those
'.who entertained them were de
nounced and sneered at, as " sub
issionists,"' " traitors,'" and "' cow
s." And since then, instead of
so and reflection, andl review of
oir measure, 8epar'ate Recessionf is
ushed onward b~y themi, with an in
emperate arnd eager zeal, which
plainly admonish us that our doom is
fixed, and that cab~unity certain, if'
the people (1o not take the matter in
to their own hands, as you are nowv
about to du in Charleston, andl av'ert
it before it becomes past remedy.
Perhaps a gr'eater' deception (I
will not say fraud) was neverpr
tised up lon any people than was per.
petratedl upon0 the unsuspecting: citi
zons of South Carolina, by the orga
nizartion first, anid the do'ings after
wrds, of the Southern Rights Cion
v'ention, which met in C'harlestoni in
Maiy. Organiiz'd, as it was uinder'
stood to be, on tho prinoiple of -two
delegates for every Senator and lie
praesentativo wbieb each election dis
trict was enititled to, some senarate
ccession associations appointed, nev
:rtheless, it was said, four, five and
ten times as many as they were enti
tled to ; and although in many cases,
11 these did not attend, yet some
were represented by twice, three
imes, and four times as many as they
had a right to.
This would not have been so repre
iensible if those delegates represent.
-d the people of the Districte, instead
>f the mtembers of the Associations ;
which Associations were composed of
very lean 2ninorities of the people.
Nor would it have been so bad if the
iumber of secession delegates were
in proportion to the number of aeces
sionists in their several Districts.
But no rule of that sort was observ
Ld. But their object appeared to
have been, and for a long time it was
successful, and oven now is very no
tential in this State, to produce a
false (lemonstration of the strength
of the separate secession part/ in the
State, with a view to have effect up
on the people and secure the waver
ing.
In pursuance of this scheme, heavy
bands of separate secessionists were
poured down into the Convention
from every Association in which they
happened to have an accidental ma
jority; whilst, to make the contrast
still stronger, several Districts which
were strongly anti-secession, sent no
lelegates at all, and many others
were only partially represented. By
this stratagem the separate secession
arty appeared in that Convention
nder the imposing aspect, and was
o claimed and baasted, of "an over
whelming majority;" which, as it was
upposed to represent some body, was
gnorantly supposed to represent a
ike overwhelming majority in the
Districts whence they came. But
shat does an analysis of the Conven- I
ion show ?
Organized aecord;.. a tlhe I "rme
le ul duuble t. ':ner of Senators
tnd I presentatives which eacn elec
ion district was entitled to, and sup.
-osin;g that the strongly anti-seces
cion Districts were fully represented,
:hat body ought not to have contained
iore than three hundred and thirty
ight delegates; and yet, it not only
:untained four hundred and forty
ine, but from a limited number of
eparate secession Associations, there
were, as the published proceedings
ihow, actually one hundred and sev
iuty-four delegates sent more than
those Districts were entitled to; and
who had no more right to a seat in
hat Concuention than an)Iy equal num
ber of nien who might be picked usp
in the streets or highwaays as they
happened to be passing along.
Now 'whoi did these one hundred
and seventy-four supernumeraries re
>resent ? for the Associations from
which they cane were already fully
represented. I say A sociations, for
it is important to bear in mind that
these delegates representedg after all,
nerely the nmembers of the Assuea
tons, and notl tihe people of the D)is
triets; and the importance of keeping
this mi mimd would appear more forei
ble if it could be ascertained how
meagre the propiortion of legal voters
in the Associtionms hears to the ye
ters in their resp~ective Districts.
Ind'eedl, however much it may be
attempted to disguise the fact, it can
no longer be concealed, that there
are two piarties in this State, widely
ieparated, and with princilples broad
ly dlefinedl, and that upon the separate
secessionists in thme Convention rests
the responsibility of having given vi
tality to those parties.
Tfhe object of one is to secede in
the form of a single State, and con
stitute themselves thme "Little Nation
or South Carolina." T1hie object of
thc other is to secede in thme form of
a Southern Confeideracy, and consti
tute ourselves afterwards into a
"Mighty Nation of the Southern
Uniited States," with abundant abili.
ty and resources to protect ourselves,
and pla:ce u~s beyond the mercy of
other nations.
Th'lese are the t wo forms of' political
existenice which are now practically
before the peopile, anid they must in
:licate their preferenice for onme or the
:>ther form, since they are incompati
ble, and must be sought after by dif'
I'erent meanis. For as are the objects
so aro the measur-es d1ifferent, which
are recomimendled by the two parties.
and as arc the nhms, so are the ar
nu~ments amh1( induge11ents diferent to
persuade them to adopt the one or
the other.
I fear that the people generally
have not as yet sufficiently realized to
thereselves these wide differences by
which the two parties are separated,
and how much at right angles their
respective roads are carrying them
from each other. The starting point
of Southern co-operation and a South
ern Congress, from which all com
menced travelling harmoniously to
gether, has been virtually (although
not avowed) abandoned by a portion
of our citizens ever since the Ipeeting
of the Southern [tights Convention
in Charleston, when their leaders
turned abruptly off at a Cro88 road
in pursuit of separate secession, and
left the rest of their fellow-citizens
pursuing their former course straight
on. The people, then, should not
any longer d'eceive themselves that,
because all started in union and har
niony, seeking and promoting South
ern co-operation, that the separate
secessionists are really with them now
in those aims. They may have had
the motto at one time written upon
their flag, but it has rapidly faded
away, and become now almost indis
tinct in the shadow of a solitary Pal
metto, and alongside of the blazing
letters of " Separate Secession,"
which they have lately added to their
banner. Whilst many of the party
honestly (but as I think, most mista
kingly) still advocate separate seces
sicn as the means by which Southern
co-operation is to be attained, many
more-and they the most violent and
active (and therefore the most influ
ential)-advocate it as the end which
they aim at, desirable in itself, and
sufficient of itself.
. . . . .
It is pnaniff-i that there is a wide
and irI,'/?.fs;ile differ ence between
th.: t&wo parties: 1st, nVIntierh aims
and bj-ts; 2d, as to their princip ee
and tastes; and 3d, as to tl meas
tires by which these are respectively
to be pursued.
The separate secession party seem
satisfied with such a political condi
tion for South-Carolina as that of
Belgium or Genoa, Lubic, Sanl Ma
rino or Venice, and accordingly urge
them as examples to induce us to
sever our connexion with the other
Southern States, and assume a sep
arate nationality forgetting that Ve
nice is, at this very moment under
the iron heel of Austrian soldiery
whose hated rule they are panting to
thrown off, but are too feelle to do
so.
The co-operation party have no
desire or taste for such a political
condition. They desire, for their
honored and beloved little State, no
tolerited existence; no condition in
which she must live by sirfjeranee;
in which she is to be kept always
upon the nict/ of her 'good beha
viour;' and which good behaviour is
to be judged of by every wolfish
neighbor who might urge her into
qjuarrel, because she forsooth first
wade the water muddy and then
cauised it to run up stream.- In
throwing off one goverumnent, which
they feel to be in many things harsh,
unjust, and oppressive, they desire to
start with materials sailicienit to build
another, which shall be amply str1ong
enough to protect, them in their lives,
liberties and property; and especially
such an one as shall accomplish the
great heading object which they had
in view im Beeking another govern
ment-and that is, thse security and
perpetuation of our- slave i'nstitu
tions.8
Secession, in the form of a single
State, cannot secure this obdet, but
certainly p~uts. it in great peril;
whereas Secession, it thu form of a
,Southern Confederacy, amply sc.
cures its present safety and its future
pe rmnanien cy.
~Secession, 'wvith or without co-op
eration,' is their end-which is seces
sion; whilst with thme other party, se
cessionf, but wnly with co-operation,
is their means, to their end -which
is safety to the bSouth anid our slave
inlsttittion. This view of tho char
acter of the two parties isjuistified by
tile sentiments which they themselves
express, anid by the mneasuires which
they are respectively setting on foot.
This communication has already
boeen extenided to so much greater
length than X had intended, that I
forbear to urge any more of thu nu
mneron~s other objections which I en.
tertain afrainst that ,-nbh illadnred,
and I fear suicidal measure, and
especially since it has become in a
great measure unnecessary, after the
many luoid expositions of the subject
from some of the acutest thinkers of
this State. The chief objects which
I have had in view, on the present
occasion, have been to show that the
Southern Rights Convention which
met in Charleston in May, by the
extraordinary manner of its organiza
tion, manufactured a spurious public,
opinion for the State, and produced'
a false impression of the strength of
the separate secession party-which
has led to much evil. That by start
ing the measure of separate secession,
and virtually abandoning that of
Southern co-operation, they have
sown biter divisions in the State;
and that it is they, and not the co-op
erationists, who are responsible for
the creation of parties, and for the
odium (if any he deserved) 'of divid
ing the State;' that those parties are
irreconcilably opposed in their views
as to the form and condition of the
political existence which they desire
the State to take upon herself when
she throws off her present connection;
that as these differences of opinion
cannot be reconciled, meetings of the
people are not only justified, but be.
come necessary, in order to correct
the false impressions created by the
Convention, and so as to enable them
to decide whether they prefer South
ern co-operation, which will triumph.
antly accomplish all that we desire,
instead of separate State nationality,
which will be useless as a remedy,
and will be fruitful only in mischief.
I remain, gentlemen, with respect.
ful consideration,
Your fellow-citi,en.
J O IIN T o ~ ' I1vi e
ON. -. ...-.~
m .e Sout .r . n'nrd
CAubLm . Aug. 30, 1.1i.
G entlemen, ,-Besides the courtesy
which is due to your invitation, I am
not at liberty to Forgot, that in years
gone, by I have had a familiar and
an agreeable intercourse with very
many of the worthy people of
Darlington, in whose behalf you
bid me to participate with themn in a
meeting appointed for the day after
to-norrow; or else to communicate mv
sentiments upon the great question
of the day. I adopt the latter branch
of the alternative from considerations
entirely consistent with due respect
for you and your people, and which
are known to at least one of your
Committee.
1 have said the great questiou of
the day. What is that?
I conceive it thus; Shall the
Convention, within one vyear from
the time it meets (which is the term
of its existence) abrogate the Con
stitution of the United States, and
declare South Carolina foreign to
every State in the Union?
If it be asserted that such condition
is desirable for tile State, as matter
of cholec, and is to be permanent, I
shall be surprised to find that a dezen
men of respecctab le intelligence,
within our ilmits, would adv ise
ai measure inivolvin g such a con
sequence. I cannot imaine that
tile people of Southl Carolinla wili
yet suffer themsllelves to be seduced
nlto suchl an experiment, unless they
canl be persuladed that it will operate
to force or entice othler slavehlolding
States also out of tile Union, and
bring them into conceer t, Co-operation,
and filnally organi!zed federation withl
us.
If theln behooves those who call
themselves the meni of action, and
who are willinlg to take the grave re
sp)onsibility of pushing mlatters into
such position, to establish, beyond
reasonlable doubt, that the~ act'they
advise is not the end, hbut the mians
of briniginig about a Southlern Conl
federacy. TIhey aflirmn and urge
vehlemently-, it is teir oilice an~d duty
to supply tile piroof.
I will, nlevertheless, submit to your
judgment sonie conlsiderationls that
lead me greoatly to distrust the fitn~ess
of seprate SecessionI by South Car
lRia, wiith no0 better und~erstandinlg
thlan that now subsistin~g beftweenl her
people and thlosc of othler Southlern
States, as a measurie to bring into
comlbination the reqiiite powter to
sustamn suchl a movemelnt, and tile
great cause whlich all good and wise
men hlave it in view to maintain.
1. No Southern State approves
tihe measure: I believe many of the
abolitionists do.
government, or if lie does, that he
can drive it to conclude that South
Carolina is right, and the rest of the
Union wrong, that an unjust block
ade has been imposed upon us, which
ought to be raised by the navies of
European commercial nations? Can
Carolina desi-e it to be thus raised,
and therely run the imminent hazard
of becoming the helpless dependent
of any European power? .Have the
readers of our own history forgotten
with what difficulty the thirteen
States escaped the coils of France,
by reason of their treaty offensive and
defensive, stipulated as a considera
tionfTor her assistance againstliritam',
Should we fall under the tender mer
cies of a foreign power, a final leave,
I apprehend, may ho taken of all
hope of combination and co-operation
at home. It is not difficult, I think,
to perceive that the shippers of Lon
don, Liverpool, Havre, Bremen, &c.,
will not have an adequate motive to
move their governments to a forcible
interposition, or that if they do, their
governments will be very apt to say to
them-"the play is not worth the
candle ; steer your vessel to another
port ; sell and buy there, as others
do." I do not perceive that South
Carolina Rice and Cotton is so indis
pensible to the foreign world, that
they must and will fight for them
or if they are, that they will be ob-.
liged to come to Charleston for them,
and no where else. Smuggling out
may take place as well as smuggling
in.
8. I derive distrust of the wisdom
of separate secessionwitb a view to
Co-operation, from the scene of Nul,
lificatioii which has' been.: moss
sta c rsetup as shiningT
t4r.cy thad N'i b:
second act 4 'paorate SecesSion by
South Carolina, i consider it to be as
empty a conceit as that other which
found the first act of. that character
in her revolutionary era." I cannot
but think that this citation has beena
made by a brain not educated in the
troublesome times of '28-'33. Nulli
fication was a remedy based by us
upon the idea, that there was no so.
vereignty in er all of the departments
of t'e Federal Government-that
the sovereignty of the United States
was vested in three-fourths of the
States who had the power of amend
ingthe Constitution -that the legis
lative power had infringed the Con
stitution- that there was no umpire
between the State, vindicating a tres
pass on her rights, and Congress,
the tresspaseer, except the power in
which federal sovereignty was vested,
and that nullification of the obnox
ious act served rightfully to arrest its
execution within this State, until the
disputed question should be adjudged
by three-fourths of the States. It
was advocated as a remedy in the
Union, not as on'e that pilaceid us out
of it-as peaceable, not as bloody;
that it was short of Secession ; that
it was a war against an unconstitu
tional act through the jury box, not
the eartouch box. As the scene un
wound it3elf, bayonets weore discover
ed in the backgr-ound of thre picture,
-a collision appeared imminent. We
- then toasted the three boxes--the
ballot, thre jury, and the cartouch
boxes. But. none flocked to our
standard. When force was threat
ened at W~ashington, thenm, anid then
only, was Secession threatened and
solemnly promised by the Convention
of that dlay. Never hiowevet was it
declared that South Carolina was
out of thre Union ; but it was obvious
that if we had to fight, th& Constitu
tion must be abrogated thatour peo
pile should be emancipated from the
danger and consequences of treason,
as defined in that instr-ument. hut
what do the developments of that
event teach us? This much, I think,
to wit: that if we turn a deaf ear,
touching the mode of remedy, to the
advice of those who agree ever so,
thoroughly in puriposo and principle,
anid whon have tho same interest at
stake ini a common quarrel, we have
no reason to expect that they will
fly to our rescue, even in an extremi
ty, which they will impute to a reck
less fury. Several of the Southeri
*1t is worthy1 or remark thiat. though atj~ui
-organic changei hn Federal Rl-ationu Wi~n
dige.the people were allowed n ~rly rr
tofx hetr dehegates to th~e Coayeatton;
(1pakt melorv,) andt they wehnt fresh
fromthe ructon the batiot box when they
bi bn he ektln anrdtheot~aiArrlot"
'. The -Party which we recognise
as our friends in every Southern
State, has expressed it disapprobation
of the measure; our friends in Missis
sippi have oplicitly done so.
3. The members of Congress from
the Co-States, who acted with our
Delegation at Washington, have
advised against it, as premature and
mischievous in its influence upon
their contests at home.
4. Georgia has solemnly taken
ground that forbid; her Co-operation
until some change can be wrought
there in popular sentiment, of which
I fee no reason to despair-nor do I
understand that our friends in Geor
gia are hopeless:
5. I rely upon my view of human
nature in concluding that communities
wholly independent of us in organiza
tion, and not unaccustomed to dis
trust us,who believe themselves (and
I have no ground to dispute it) as
wise, as virtuous as brave asas we are,
who are as proud, who have the
same interest as we have in a
common cause, who have already
condemned our separate action as
rash and precipitate, are not to be
forced, dragooned, or coaxed by
South Carolina, (even if her people
were united, much less as we are,)
into any position prescribed for them,
by what they deem to be the spirit of
arrogance and presumption.
6. I rely upon the same view of
human nature, and the maiy exhib.
itions of it disclosed by the chronicles
of many -iations, when 1 say, that
communities, certainly not les than
individuals, are controlled in affairs
of the greatest moment,. by. .pi-eseni
interests; and it is ilain to .ny-nmind,
that every dollar lost to us from
for i A - i
from our resources, the en -
national wealth an-d p,.wer, in capital
and parsons, i are notlikely tc
persuade them by such means, that
we act wisely, or to draw them intc
our example. That I do not unjustly
asperse human nature as it works
upon naticns, in the imputation of
selfishness, behold an incident that
arose in the Continental Congress of
1774. With the hope of inflictino
distress upon Great Britain, an
association, intended to embrace
all the Colonies, was proposed,
totally prohibiting exportation, after
a specified time, to Great Britain,
Ireland, or the British West Indies,
and it was assented to by each
Colony except South Carolina-four
of wt hose delegates out of five, refused
to sign it unless rice and indigo were
excepted. Business was suspended
for several days, and at last, by way
of compromise, riee was excepted
and .allowed to be exported tc
/' uroj e. It wtas imputed by four ol
our delegates to the Northern Col.
onies, that the latter would suffer bil
little by the embargo, since little of
their trade went direct to the Britis
domioncts, but found its way there
indirectly, and they saw their owr
peculiair profit in making dupes o:
others by excluding rice, and rhus
mtakmng more room for flour. But
storm aroSe here among the producern
of other things, against the ric<
planter thus favuored, and a comn
petnisationi hatd to be devised foi
the producers of indigo, haemp', corn
flour, lumber, pork, and butter
Let no one then deceive himself b,
supposing, that patriotism is si
ethereal, in any community or at an
time, as to soar tabove the earth ama
scout the almighty dol'ar.
7. If the Seceders prevail in om
Convention, 1 do not believe the Fe
deral powver will do more at the onset
than to take measures as effectual as
they eani, to collect the dluties nov
levied on foreign goods in th~e Unaitet
States which iay be found seeking
our ports : if flagrant war ensues,i
wuill haive to be from sonme act of ours
they conme even then, when our wo
course, leading to such result, ho:
been disappjroved by them? I doub
it. But there is a question beyond
Will foreig'n shipments come t<
Charileston?~ What foreign shippei
or ships owner will risk his piopor
ty between Sylla and Chaurybdis
whore he has an open sea before him
Why shall ho runs the gauntlet fo'
Charleston when other ports are quit4
accessible, ready to take what h4
bring, and supply what he wapte
Does ausbody sum~OSe ho will urge hi
States (Georgia and Virginia em.
ihatically,) endorsed tIe views f
south Carklina iil1828, and joi:nd
her in occjipying-the platfoum of
Virginia and Kentucky Relutionso
1808-9. But they e t'r" ted ,
bearance in any exitnit
resistance. 'hey contempla
dress by tho operation of m 9'na - Io
of those approved, by ma oe ?-b5
the people of thi Sta a Tat a
jority proceeded not stin -
They nullified two Triff anti in
November 1832; bunt htheane
a Bill was intro uced, with th seic
tion of Mr. Calhoun, to odiy the
Tariff laws; by gene al un.erstandjr."
in South-Carolina, no caseiun<ler tbh '
ordinancie of nullificatin; wag tobw
made, pendinig 'that measure, i wa
passed and approved early in 188,
and produced a revcation of'ou Zrsir
ordinance of -nullification. iY It -
was accompanied by a sett'e auk lin
flamnmatdry sting, the "Force Bilh ' .
When that bitter measure, which .
lived out the term prescrilled ftor iH* :
recording an imperial Executive niquin.
date, was presented to the Senatoli# :
of the United States, those oftur co.4
States, whose advice We had rejected
were found wanting, (with rear'i 3
an exception,) in the extremity: O'
Why ? That, in my apinion, is a -
pregnant question niow. . have e
believed that oulr disappoit ecnt
'the cool indifference of our -
were due, mainly, to our own precipQ
itation in driving-into a measur o
understood or approved, b p r
ple else ire-uby oqr
reliance or the' sense o o
:upon resolutions of.,
iailioriod 4i'spe f
Ji -
under anonymous stsi
with uin he last dite1P
hurried on thus, and nota little al
by the heat, (and intense it w -
generated by a collision amon
selves. We forgot to profit:.
pruftound comnentyry, :wich
might have-derivod fnom the patitt . '
preserving, diligent edueation f ti
mass by our ancestts of the redypti , - .
tion, which had beenlbappily expi --
ed, .nore than once, by Jol AdA " t d t
the elder, to this effet tharhe~i.
derstood little of the American R o -
lution, nho supposed that cit ons:
in the Declaration of indejendence
and the fightirg that fi'llowed, since
it had, lug iefre hee, achieved "in.
the hearts (f the people." Whore"-the
will of the mass must control, whe
the power of the mass is necessar
to sustain the attempt at a great'or
ganic change in political iatitdiotA
by means regular, or by Reotlution, *
save that pointed out by John: Adhma
the elder:' This all-sutlicient fonda
tion, the nullifiers verily thought thpy .
had secured, ift contr y o .thgir -
theory and expectation.they .ere
driven to the field. They finallyjt
solved to resent blow for-hiow' widle'.
out it; and I have no maniner4f do~6
they would have borne theceechea
gallantly, in the emergency. Hay in
Iiy, as I felt, (andlztin'k I'didup
differ in tl particriirfroturfany
others,) -the yery eXtge'pd@. ista
avoided; otheewise4whataourto~.4
leagues *ould '1havdone \t ,.
pronouncokmit - iti d
uipournhtl bistory, that, Siteri o T
fault or by theirsg.theyidid tibt ari1
or try to arrest',thro ih thieir Rdpe,
sentation irngrs a
preparationi to driv6 9 gi
though the cannon and tbe comniaxia
er wero~.ea~dy for theodork in bh
harbor 6df"Chlestqn- 'datfrefe''
this to nothing ~leenbd'oonvictit
that their 4'uatitueatsvwore notaltK
usIaLet us not again mahlh-i
uuistakenvhiere thme - occasionn lli '
more dhenfons, wvherad he c~nitiicou
intercst isgtill 'stronger wheroe
need the doatigueweg dudnoitc-b
agents mer j and Wbhik ,th6 work
seemlt011 ri rogres thatihalh
ultituately achieve a Revjoitpn~
the htearts of the peoplef~ - ,
9. I have other reas. da
me t distrust septite as it
is pi osedjfor the pur tobtain,
I:apa teu ng Q mi
t 4),000 a ye ,d four eretar
Ares a$50,000 a year, (the preao.p
ti* 'believe, of a seceding and pop
ula a amnbhleteer,) coneitve all Qhi