The Sumter banner. (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, July 29, 1851, Image 2
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ORATION,
Delivered in Clarendon on the 4th of
July, 1851, by JouN P. Rtcii
ARDSON, JR. 1blished by request.
BRADJIAMS, July 4th, 1851.
John P. Richardaon,jfr., esq.
Sra: We have been appointed a
committee to request of you, for pub
lication, a eopy of the eloquent Ora
tion which you have just delivered.
Allow us to express the personal
gratification which your compliance
would afford us. Very respectfully,
& C.,
L. F. RUAMLB,
C. R. F. BAKER, Committee.
J. MCCAuLEY,
BRADIA S, July 4th, 1851.
To Mhesrs. Rhame, Baker, and
Mc Cauley.
Gentlemen : Reluctant as I was to
havequdertakcen tho duties of an oc
easidig.to which recent events ,ave
added so deep and so important an
interest, I yet feel still greater repug
nance to obtrude my youthful and
unprofitable reflections beyond the
limited circle of those whose patriotic
entertainment they were alone intend.
ed to promote.
In complying, therefore, with your
request, I beg to assure you, gentle
men, that in no sense of my own ap
preciation of its merits could I give a
higher evidence of a willingness to
sacrifice personal considerations to
the behests of my fellow-citizens of
Clarendon.
If it can in any manner, however,
serve to evinec thie patriotic feeling
with which that class of Carolina
youth (to which I belong) are ready
to perform their duties to the State,
it will, to the utmost of my hopes
and wishes, have accomplished the
object of its mission.
Very respectfully, &c.,
Jons P. Rrcumanson, JR.
oration.
Memory and imagination are,
doubtless, the most inseparable of the
human faculties. It is difficult to
recur to the past without indulging
in comparison with the present andl
speculations on the future. We may
not evoke the shade of departed
events without contemplating~ both
their actual and prospective inf""n
ces, and the changes which they have
wrought arnd are still operating on
fthe human destiny. On no recur
-rence of this day, consecrated as it
.has been to national reminiscences,
.a reflections of this kind calculated
to assume a deeper interest or a more
,solemn import. Whether in retros
pect or prospectv-whether on the
threshold of newv events or in the in
~t'ative of the future, or only in the
wake of preceding causes- whether,
in short, it be the past, the pres
ant, or the anticipated-there are
materials enough in the topics they
suggest for thought and anxiety, a3
yell as for exultation.
Little more than half a century has
alapsed since the political world hats
broken, as it were, its leaden cere
ments of despotism. Little more
than this short cycle of time has
transpi.'ed, when loyaJhy was the only
politicai virtue, bigotry the only test
of religion, and right accessible alone
through treason and rebellion. When
the quivering bowels otf the slave
warmeod the tect of his tyrant lord,
when the bastilo was a living tomb for
aul violated allegiance; and when, as
now, the law rules the prince as well
iks the subject. protects the governed
as well as empowers the governor,
and asserta a majesty a high abovc
the palace as the cot. it requires cer
tainly the utmost stretch of imagina
tion to compress incidents of so dis
similar a character in the short
epoch of seventy-five years, in which
they are aotually comprised.
That all this should exclusively be
the work of a few doomed and perse
cuted men, who, under the denuncia
tions of an angry sovereign and a
powerful empire, had the boldness to
assert their own rights and their
country's freedom, would have been
announced in prophesy as the blind
est infatuation. That a light should
have gleamed from the councils of
these wilderness-reared patriarchs to
mantle the christian world with a
flood of civil and political radiance, to
illumine the dungeon and to confla
grate the throne, to beam unquenched
through the blood of revolutions, to
rise undimtmed a- the becatombs
of martyred and i -yring victims,
to enlighten the intellect, to spread a
world wide intelligence. to convulse
nations, and yet to leave all purer,
brighter, calmer than before, was, in
deed, one of those wonderful phenom
ena which mankind could have been
prepared by no inoral or historical
experience to anticipate.
Nor is this all. We have been
placed, by the events of this day, as
high on a pedestal of moral as of po
litical intelligence. Who ever heard
previous to its development, of a tol
erated and harmonized religion in the
midst of evangelical enthusiasm ? fi
party strifes to preserve, and not to
destroy, the constitution ? Wlo es
timates virtuous heroism, military re
nown, and an ennobling patriotism,
but by the standard of Washington ?
Who does not glile throigh the !oni,
lapse of ages between Pericles aiad
Jefferson, to'luuk for high examples
of consuminate statesmanship l -
W was gallantry in.
tha in Sumter, or a Fa..i izm wis Lon
better dlispilayed than ;o \J t -
Diviid slow his giant a vcrsary nalm
a sling; tihe RI tnan Consiul.s nolde
son f, ught and can' uerred the Ce
m 's champion inl single combat.
But wlienti we search history for
amples of pexrso xploits tihey fmt!.
into tho, ,.-du iments of comnmenI
life, in - .- jiSn with the energetic
daring i )ur own Manning-grap
pling a British major at heal of his
column, and iarehinig with him
through the hottest of the action to
the American lines.
lit to the arts, the sciences, and
to lite-ature, have we not given an
impulse and an epoch, quite as mem
orable as the moral and political
phenomena to which we have alluded?
Could steam, for instance, have ex
panided its distance annihilatimg inmfuu
ence under the iron pressure of en
slaving lan-s and institutions? Could
the fettered mind have exteled its
investigations to such vast far-reach
ing results ? Could the lightning
winged telegraph have sped its noise
less and trackless way thrmo2h the
thick gloom of ai despotic age? Could
thought have been frece to investigate ,
the miind elated to so.ar, the limbds un
shackled to roam or to t'jil, connnere
have penetrated its remote recesses,
and man himself nerved to deedis of
emprise and of daring, ini the hoary
age of a feudal imhecility, or under
the ponderous tr-appjings of an abso
lnte government? No, it was reser v
ed to our age to achieve them, to our
revolution to inspire and awaken
them, andm to the genius anid the vir
tue of our ancestors to conceive anid
to kindle the lamp of this world-regen
crating intelligence.
The cost and sacrifices of greamt
and heroic actions are, however-, but
too apt to bo overlooked in the eon
templation of their magnificent r
sults. lDazzled by their splendor-,
animnated by their glory, men forget
the dilliculties, the endurmance',
the contunmely, and the privaitions,
through which they are acconjplished
and feel as if they coubml asir-e to
emulate the heroes of their ownad
miration. Impedituenits to success,
doubtless, constitute the highest mner
it in attaining it. The fortitude that
regista danger, the firmness that with
stands tempmtationm, thme soul-subduing
patience that wears away opposition,
the self-sacrificing martyrdom to prin
ciple, are the elemenuts by which
alone the character of all great
achievemcnts is truly to be estimated.
In this aspect of our revolution, it
looms through all time as the noblest
triumph of human dlaring and virtue.
Deliberating through nmartyrdom,
connuering throuIgh defat nnon
aged by privations, emboldened by
suffering, and victorious by endur
ance-history furnishes no such ex
ample of moral sublimity, as that of
the gallant patriots by whom it was
achieved. The arm of Brutus was
nerved by the secret treason of an
applauding Senate. The followers
of Hampden and Sydney were sus
tained by an invading army and an
invincible leader. Napoleon con
quered for glory and fought for am
bition; but our ancestors, for national
peace and personal obscurity. The
revolution of France was but a popu
lar tumult, the outpourings of an en
raged and frantic people, confident of
their strength, engorged with blood,
and her councillors at once the tools,
the victims, and the instruments of a
national phrenzy. There was neither
terror nor suffering to deter them;
naught to overcome or restrain but
their own madness. But to the
great minds who conceived the inde
pendence of our country-how stri
king-how overwhelming the con
trast. It was not, in its incipiency.
the great mass of the popular mind
moving onward, and resolutely im
pelled to achieve it. It was not the
heaving commotions of a mob -the
sudden and electric excitement of a
whole nation--the loud applauding
echoes of a popular sentiment; but
the patriotic inspiration of a few great
inin(s-contending with the time
rooted loyalty of the age-the long
and fondly-cherished allegiance of
the -Aunies- the terrors of a mighty
throne-the liberal favors of a patri
archal government- the ignominy of
a traitor's death-divisions A'ithini,
and a nation's and a monaT's Yen
geance without.
In the estimate of the difficulties
and of the merit ofthe sacrifice, these
things perhaps are too often f::-got
Cn. It would be well for us, in iew
of the dhties and obligationa -h
Tapre-qsion has devolved uoln those
L..) (if oit- day anld g-utration, to i
call them, both for vxawjl and in
hIn ;o insubordinate spirit of
provoked the ire of the
i IaU:1 Governmuent, its first Measure
- retaliation was to abolish its privi
ueges as a "port of entry." Public
elamor cried aloud against the men
and the counsels that had brought
this exclusion upon them; and llan
'oek and Adamis had to endure the
execration of an enraged commercial
conmunity, stimulated by an avidity
ror gain, and for a time overshadow
ig them with the indignation of a
ilismayed and terrified constituencv.
1lad they taken counsel of fear or- i'n
terest, where now would have been
Lthat dearly-cherished cominerce, that
metr-opolitant pr-'s1erity, thIose hi ghi
attaimiilents in letters and the arts,
which have long since made Boston
the Athens of the Western hemis
1here. When, for the purpose of
conciliation, a general pardor. and
amnestv was i-oclaimed to all who
had beeni engaged in the late popu'i
at- tumults of the dlay, I lancock and
A dams wereC especiahlly excepted, and
leclar-ed to be reserved as examples
f r-oyal yengceance and retribution.
Poputlar- coufid-ece for a time forsook
elike timid bir-ds fr-ayedl away
by thle stor-m; antd when elected to the
Conugress wh iich passed the D~eelara
tion oft Independmec, they could
min hut two hiundredl of their fellow
eitizenis bold enough to vote for them
as their representtat ives. Tfheir- after
liv-es arec the strongest comnmetary
I could offer- you ont the fact. The
o'ne became the distingishdPei
lent of the fir-st C'on gress, the other
the friend an-i successot- of WYashiing
ton. So hope-less seemed the etter
prse so powet-ful the oppIositionl, so
perilous and deterr-itng the prospect,
that when Chatrles Carr-oil, otte of
lhe weal tiest men of A mer-ica. ap)
procached to sign the D)eclaramtion of'
Ind epetn lenc-e, all e xclaitmed, in tutter
:uinzetment, "here goes a milIliotn,"'
cast ttpon ax losing die, and for-feited
to the crown.
Nay, all that has deterred us frotm
the assertion of our i ights undetr sin
ilrx circumtstances of oppression, was
mt-ged thten with teni titmes the force,
anid infinitely mor-e tiruth arid appli
cation. It was saidl thtat the pro
vitnces wet-e weak, that they were
divided, thtat the time had not yet ar
rived lor- action, that Uiritishx powver
wvould overwhehnm opposition', that the
colonies wero not united, that no co
operation htad been lpledFCed or prof
fered, and that our inuependence,
ed in a state of separation from the
British crown.
In all these we doubtless recognise
the familiar and identical objections
of our own day, and surely wo can
point you to no higher evidence than
the past to realize or to contmvert
then.
Even under the far better auspices
the much higher incentives, and the
nobler aspirations that their example
has presented for our imitation, we
feel and we know full well the chil
ling influence of timid and distracting
counsels like these in repelling inju.
ries and averting aggressions of ten.
Fold the magnitude and outragO of
theirs.
What, then umst have been the
stern virture of those men -contend
ing with foes within, a b''st -ithiout,
few, persecuted, divided, :i.d pro
scribed--against remonstra.e' men
aces, rabble fears, and er. un
sels, who, for principle, i -in abstrct
principle, only to evade n in infi
cant tax,) stirred up all e '*lements
of national strife, invoked tie storms
of war, and stood unseathed, unterri
fied, and undismayed amidst its rage
and its desolation' Posterily would
do but imperfect justice to their mo(
tives ,we should render bat a mis
erb!e homage to the heiroism of those
who achieved our national iidepend.
ence--were we to supposo that it
was the result of unaniiot co'sis.k
of popular deliberation, o- Ii:ony
and concert of action. N.; it %%:s the
few, the wise and nioble fevw, who
were in the Va.1n of tie -> then,
like South Carolina In -v. 'fh like
our Calhouns, our .\c Dfli . and
DtiiEihnores, leading, instead of be
ing led by popular entinsiaa9n. NTay,
wien the battle of Lexington was
fioght. Gcorgia ;%as not there--as
she is not here now. Even South
Ca;olwi Was then i eposipg i i
prabw - peace, a ch.-iV d -n rd a
[lostered fa% ie u ti ~
lap of a foid at.l indulgent parent
Inuitry. When aroused from het
flumbers by the verber:-tions of the
battle's roar, it was iot to dclibeate,
but to act; it was not to prca'se by
ulnidssion a selfish exciusion from
the horrors of war, but to rush in the
Full tide of her Ame'trican syinpathies
to share in the dangers of tile contest.
Nor was she, too, w itt her own
lomestic diss.'nsionis. While she
6vas battling with a foreign foe at,
Fort Moultrie, Eutaw, and Camiden,
Indl winninig laurels fromn 'uriope's
bravest soldiers, her IEiehardsons,
her Sunters and her Wrions were
ilike contending for harkd earied Vie
tories over the bloodI v ratvalits -f the
listriet of 9 and the inIailnitable Itov
ilty of the interior.
Much may be said to excuse the
treasonable o1 gsiii, I: f ! ie
'elt n1o wron., wi. s princile
tivolved inl the cinte. knew no
Iliegiauice Save that t ity, w ho
hadI experieuicedh tihe f. the mil.
nores ad bieline - lirFits h 1
Ltronage andI ellicienit I' eetion, a'ii
wheoni religion itselfI, as lla re (ji
lice and educa:ti';n, had tught 'to
love, to revere, and. t. , rtn as a
)ccalsion like Us, . ! 1 wihed
undler thc ()pp:, die it- o al ave
seen andi ac'knowle~ 'i' a'res
mlon and the dangt2el V t emst
blind have seent, m a. a paien
h ave exelanimedl, th n mt.s~t hope ifu:l
have d espai retd, andi the tost f'urt
bearing have grown r'stless;' wthen
his governmlet, ubi 'i re done
1'o mnuch tocL etbish-d~ . a~ n have
iaasl beOme~'i~ a (seci ' opl'ism, a
hose intiUt utl'ins 'are eve \te 1w t t
ering to thI ill, 1:1 we ni Rot e'x.
teet f Sothl Cad i,'.h an 111 even of'
hie South, a noimity~;ii of coeunsel,
in I energy otf act';u, a v*ig 'r otf pire
paraitionh, suchI a~ ii IeOple ever' he
le-- and no cau;se c~i. oul moe ju stly
orsus vailiua - n. :1f- the mio
iyes aid in 'I- to defenid
rightsi ant In pri the veryv ii
tiative of their 1 ; m W, it gci ves its
10 less illhistrii, : inplh s o th hi u e
r"ie en ~tluranceL ih which they may
be triumphantly maintained. A
tentless army; an unarmedi, uneloth
ed, unshod, and1 unfedl soldiery; emp
tv coffers and an imnpoverishied no-.
pie; officers without experience or
renown; treason within, traitors with
out, and invasion around; the house
hold no protection, neutrality no
refuge, the farm deserted and devas.
tated, and the security of the camp
to be purchased only by privation,
harassments, wearisome marches,
and bloody sufferings;-he had some.
thing more precious than gold who
possessed salt for his food; he slept
upon a bed of roses when some tem.
porary success of Sumter or of Ma
rion enabled him for a moment to
suspend his vigils or his fears of some
marauding enemy. In battle always
beaten, but never conquered; in
strategy often foiled, but neverthe
less victorious. If we assaulted, it
was, perhaps, to be repelled; and
vet seldom without the object to be
obtained. If we marched forward,
it was but to retreat again with pre.
cipitation, perhaps; but without loss
or dishonor, and often to occupy (as
if by fortune or accident) a still more
eligible position. In short, it was
the tactics of Fabius, with tenfold
the endurance and the difficultie3,
without a Canno to accelerate his
triumph. Nor less, too, was it the
hold energy of a Marcellus, with
more blood, and toil, and suffering;
but with infinitely more limited means
and inadequate preparation either to
aelive or encounter it.
And would not one tithe of this
hold. persevering energy be sufficient
to rescue and preserve the destinies
of South Carolina as a sovereign,
free, and independent State? Or
are we, fellow-citizens, too degenerate
to imitate the example of our ances
tors, even to the tenth degree of
their gallant bearing? Are our
institutions more worthless than a
pound uf tea? Is our State unwor
thy of the sa" ifice? Or were we
huled, or didN- but perpetrate the
114 erY of a crujett. when we pro
I'd o the world the immiinence
(it their danger, and the deliberate.
ness cf our purpose to defend them
'at all hazard and to every extremni.
ty'd
Out of the blood, the toil, and the
treasure of the States has our indc
pendence been achieved, and our
Government been erected. Wo took
it a puling and new-born babe-it
has grown up into a vigorous man
hool. We cherished it a rickety
child-it has become a chamnpion, a
monarel, a master, and a tyrat.
We protvcted its infancy through all
the storms of war--its cradle was
rocked by the dying struggles of pa.
Lri.ts--its infancy sustained by the
generous blued of sovereign States,
until, spurning the lap that nurtured
it, it rose like a young iHercules from
his swaddling clothes, to strangle its
nur.se and1. to perpetrate parricide.
We took it a coldl and senseless asp
to our bosom, until, animated by its
warmith, it has stung--nay, it has
poisoned anal corrupted the generous
heart that nestled it. 'We planted it
a ustard (the least of all') seed, and~
watered it with our* bloodl and our
Llaffetions, nntil it ha' grown to a
great herb, anid the unclean hirds of'
thme air have lodged( and broo-led and
nestledi therein.' We established it
for our general and political welfare,
buit it has usuirpecd a domestic and
spiritual dominion, and claims to
poes the right, as wvell as feel the
ob ligat ionl, oaf exputrgat ing us of the
sinm orslavery'. It camue a stranger
--poorI, and hungry, and naked,
seekinmg our aid arnd hospitality; but
when warmied bay our firesidles, cloth
L'd by our bounty, and strengthened
by our gaoodI cheer, it demidled the
ust, monopolized the hearthstone,
iniwdour servtants, ad approp!ri
dour pr'opertyv. It approached
ma with the mock humility of the
batchiet in the fiale, which besought
af the wo'd a little stick, (but a little
a:ick it askedl,) to mnake for itself a
elve, as its sharp edlge woumldl other
wiise he useless. S, mnodest a me
wtanal s., small a favor, the
arest thoughmt it would he unreasonia
ale not to COmlhy with. IBut nio
oaaner was thme hatchet armed with its
nuaalle', than' the treos began to fall,
le forest disappearedl, the shade was
omce'ded by the sdmnshne, the
plouglmhhare upiroatedi the bosom of
he earth, and the fruits of the soil
oaak thie lace of nature's primeval
alaniitinig.
And thus it is, fellow-citizens, that
wve now stand related to this found
ing; of State cbarity--this being of
mir creation-this unnatural monster
four own earo and nursing. We
have suppot ted it in three perilous
wars with our bl6od and. with our
treasure-we have mede it e'lb and
strong by endowments of both land
and money; we have given it territo
ries vaster (by half) than its origin
al limits; and it has not only lavishly
distributed them to others, to our it
ter and special exclusion, but con
verted them into dens and places of
refuge for our plundered property.
We have paid more than two-thirds
of its enormous debts, incurred not
only against our remonstrance and
our counsels, but by a system of pro
fltgacy, corruption and extrAvagance,
that might Well justify the most
scrupulous honor in repudiating; we
have contributed more than two
thirds to its forty millions of revenue;
we have defrayed all its lavish ex
penditures, even while condemning
and reprobating them- we have sub.
mitted to taxation, while her very
proceeds are even now as once be.
fore, appropriated to arm myrmidons
and prepare fortresses for our en
slavemeist and destruction; we have
borne this onerous and unequal bur
den from the profits of our slave
labor, and, satiated with taxing, they
now threaten to take away, and, like
Pharaoh of old, deprive us of the
straw, whlile they still demand the
same tale of brick; and yet we still
cling to a union with them. Still we
clasp, we feed, we pamper, and
nestle in the warm bosoms, and nur
ture with the generous blood of these
sovereign States, the ingrate, the
monster, and the parricide. Yes,
still we hug the chain; still we kiss
the rod; still we suffer, endure; and
yet we cherish, and fondle, and con.
fide in it. Yes:
"Though a monster of such hideous micn,
As to k hatedi, nweds but to be seen;
nitt seen too oft, familiar with its face,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace."
Is it not well to pauso in this pro
cliyity to the. consummation of our
ruin? T 's it not well to cousider tho.'
peril of submission, or acquiescence
in wrongs and exactions like these?
Is it not well to reflect (even in its
worse aspect) whether we should
bear the intolerable ills we have, or
rT.lutely rush to end them?
How stands the matter between us
and this confederacy? What are our
relations, what are our rights; what
are our duties and what is our re
dress?
For the purposes of common de.
fence and general welfare only we
consented to institute this govern
ment by a written compact with the
other sovereigns of this Union, and
by which each of the parties reserved
to itself the right of secession hereaf
ter, by virtue of the same authority
by which they acceded to it then.
To guard against constructive power,
it specifically stated that all powers
not grantted in the Constitution were
reserved to the States.
The government, therefore, can
possess or exercise no power which it
has not derived fromi that compact;
and is, by the 'reservation of all other
powecrs to the States,' as expressly
prohibited, as it would seem, from
substituting its own construction of
the constitution for the constitution
its~elf.
Uut how comnports its practice
with these clear and obvious restric
tion~s on its authority? Why, when
we claim the interposition of the con
stituition algainist the operation of
bounty and protective laws, we are
constructively pointed to the caption
of an act under the acknowledged
guise of a revenue system. W~hen
we appecal from this self-constituted
dlecision, the army and the navy of
the Union are invoked to be the-stern
arb.iters andt interpreters of constitua
tional law--whsen to every eye and
to every understanding the govern
ment has abandoned itself and all its
great political behests, to the direc
tion of a fanatical and freesoil party
-when that party has avowed its olh.
ligation and its purp:ose to extirpate
the national sin of slavery has been
excluded, and the slave trade 'has
been .tholished, in the common do
miain of the North and South, when
we have been divested of our territo
ries, when our institutions are tht'eat
ented to bo swept awvafyby th . irre
sistible torrent ofT a universal s irit of
emancipation, andt when its view of
these wrongs andi petils, and after'
having exhausted every other expedi
ent, we ask to retire from the' con
federacy, (leaving all these aequlsi
tions which we -had contribut.d us
much as any other, to obtsag~o m.
uro to thoe benefit dW'ih Unin)
it nay best be proinotid,- r
that it chnhot be. -Afe at rin
that seceAion We 'revolutz'oh, 'We ir
assured the Union inuti.6 r e
ed, even by blood, we are'
feel that we are too preqidiis a
in the federal tiara (not 'for ka
ment, but for plundering use) t l *
lightly. parted with , Ot is
that a prosperous independengeii'o
enure to the injury of the confederi.
cy, and that the peaceable sedskiot
of **ove-eign State is as imyractica
ble and as unreasonable as il
tary separation of a slavo *oriA -
master!
If these things, fellow citizens 1
so, 'an you give a stronger definitid
of a despotic government, than a
tional majority to tax,. to plunde.
and oppress-- and a free soil toi -
eracy to enforce them? Miost -VIVi
have some mitigation, and it-is'o
dom that a rule can be establishid
(however stern or exacting) thAi
does not work some vorrespond'rig
urdvantages. In submitting to endot*
the oppression of the-government,4
might at least as reasonably hope4
enjoy its protection. . But while itA6
aggressing, it tolerates, nay it, plM.
tects, our eastern confederates,,- ho
only in their legal and legi* ptite
robbery of our property, but in
punity against our reprisals. -'Yei
let a Southern State enact a kwf
retaliation against Vermont anud Obiol
and we would readily experience how
soon the arm of this goverbni'eht
would be extended to avert .it.
We have all wondered, pe h p
how a spirited people in the. 18th
century,-in the'midst of arts,soiehew,
and letters, could have enduied th
tyranny of an unadjudicated doo ltVA
the bastile, or *the unanswerabliefr
potism of a "lettre de cat Afi
are our political relations t C
ion .aeliorated, eitht r in feataie of,
extorted acknowledgerent of
celebrated Mr.-Burke, in he Bl
Parliament, "that he know 6o o0%
to draw up a bill of indictment'agins
a State or a whole peoploe"-4ht
"there were no terms in law- ith
which he was acquainted, for asU'iA
process."' But American ingenuit
it seems, has discovered a moOem
mary mode of enforcing, ifnog:o
subtle manner to eiade, the fos o
criminal jurisprudence. The -J
non's mouth, it seems, is to exou
the constitution, the sword li to h
raign, the fortress is to be th- trib4t
nal, and a mercenary soldiery h6
jury to render in the verdiot, fog
resistance to federal aggressions'.
In this grave aud truthful aspe'
o our wrongs and our humtitio
what are our duties, our obligationsb
and our resources? Shalla we1u6
cumb, ingloriously crouch and -.0t.
cumb, without a hope and iithiou,0 a
struggle? Shall we think to appqg6
the appetite of a wlf for go
tendering it a sop of our abfooi
Why3, it will but "grow on the tblhg
it feeds on." Do we think to p~'
the miser's avarice, or the fanat
lust, by compounding riglits ahtd
principles for forbearancel Oiur his
tory furnishes the most coeiaW .
reply. We have borne th6 bxactions
of their protective duties&#,igja
come in all humility, and in tbeitpe
of enjoying our domeatic :ititit
mn peace; and now they troh~
demand that we shall renderpta
very capital itself, by the tie bf
which we have alon~ bedanbW4t
pay the duty.
H fappily "forus, t1ieog'e'aid{,t
which lhas given a world-wideIntieI
and' renown to the daya intk
have thuis assemblotd to celebraI, is
before us to 'imitate~nle. as to
commemorate. TFhe pas polate
the fhture; and the verg~ietid
patriotisin vibtoh we feel iil? Eit.
plating tho on~;e ag tlie spiri and
the ensergy whth i b'iih a7 re pre
pared to participate inthch.
No ':o -an exIditin ta doriekof an
oj'oth Iilkbhis1ha mhnean2 hlulge
in th6. f'or of its atletiorious reeol
itiis, anof
hips atneatora ,ni obef c u itnphs
over oppression, withoute rtiting,
like Esauwith ehamet$ ldiE a
tion, to his lost inhotit "~ Lout,
did-I say? I trust 600 ~ f lt too
long -and tod I'ovbesringltiegtectedt
had destined soon t* ttied un
& Segtraa o ren