The Sumter banner. (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, July 29, 1851, Image 1
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DEOE TO SOTHE~RN- tunT, DEMOCRU~ACY NW, LITEIRATUREIwu ~~rI
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ORATION,
Delivered in Clarendon on the 4th of
Jtuly, 1851, by JoHN P. Rrcir
ARDSON, JR. Published by requet.
BRADUAMMS, July 4th, 1851.
John P. Richardson, jr., cnq.
Sra: We have been appointed a
committee to request of you, for pub
lication, a copy of the eloquent Ora
tion which you have just delivered.
Allow us to express the personal
gratification which your compliance
would afford us. Yery respectfully,
&c.,
L. F. RuAMrt,
0. R. F. BAKER, Committee.
J. MCCAVLLY,
3nADIIAMS, July 4th, 1851.
To M1es8rs. llhame, Baker, and
McCauley.
Gentlemen : RIctant as I was to
have utidertaken the duties of an oe
casio,to which recent events ,ave
added so deep and so important an
interest, I yet feel still greater repug
nance to obtrude my youthful and
unprofitable reflections beyond the
limited circle of those whose patriotic
entertainment they were alone intend.
ed to promote.
In complying, therefore, with your
request, I beg to assure you, gentle
men, that in no sense of my own ap
preciation of its merits could I give a
higher evidence of a willingness to
sacrifice personal considerations to
the behests of my fellow-citzens of
Clarendon.
If it can in any manner, however,
serve to evince the patriotic feeling
with whipth that class of Carolina
youth (to which I belong) are ready
to perform their duties to the State,
it will, to the utmost of my hopes
and wi8he8, have accomplished the
object of its mission.
Very respectfully, &c.,
JouN P. Rrcu1rtanSos, JR.
Oration.
Memory and imagination are,
doubtless, the most inseparable of the
human faculties. It is difficult to
recur to the past without indulging
in comparison with the present and
speculations on the future. We may
not evoke the shade of departed
events without contemplating both
their actual and prospective inP""n
ces, and thae changes which they have
wrought anid are still operating on
$he human destiny. On no recur
-rence of this day, consecrated as it
has been to national reminiscenaces,
sre reflections of this kind calculated
ro assume a deeper interest or a more
solemn import. Whether in retros
pect or prospective--whether on the
threshold of new events or in the in
ilt'ative of the future, or only in the
wake of preceding causes- whether,
in short, it be the past, the pres
ant, or the anticipateal-there are
materials enough in the topics they
suggest for thought and anxiety, as
well as for exultation.
Little more than half a century has
olapsed since the political world hams
broken, as it were, its leaden cere
ments of despotism. Little more
than this short cycle of time lase
transpired, when loyalty was the only
political virtue, bi otry th e only test
of religion, and ri' it accessible alone
through treason and rebellion. When
the quivering bowels of the slave
warmed the feet of his tyrant lor-d,
wilan the bastilo was a living tomb for
att violated allegiance; and wheon, as
now, the law rules the prince as wvell
its the subject. protects the governed
asi well as empowers the governor,
and asserts at majesty as biah above
the palace as the cot, it requires cer
tainly the utmost stretch of imagina
tion to compress incidents of so dis
similar a character in the short
epoch of seventy-five years, in which
they are actually comprised.
That all this should exclusively be
the work of a few doom-.d and perse
cuted men, who, under the denuncia
tions of an angry sovereign and a
powerful emp.re, had the boldness to
assert their own rights and their
country's freedom, would have been
announced in prophesy as the blind
est infatuation. That a light should
have gleamed from the councils of
these wilderness-reared patriarchs to
mantle the christian world with a
flood of civil and political radiance, to
illumine the dungeon and to confla
grate the throne, to beam unquenched
through the blood of revolutions, to
rise undimmed above the becatombs
of martyred and martyring victims,
to enlighten the intellect, to spread a
world wide intelligence. to convulse
nations, and yet to leave all purer,
brighter, calmer than before, was, in
deed, one of those wonderful phenom
ena which mankind could have been
prepared by no moral or historical
experience to anticipate.
Nor is this all. We have been
placed, by the events of this (lay, as
high on a pedestal of moral as of po
litical intellignce. Who ever !eard
previous to its development, of a tol
erated andl harmonized religion in the
midst of evangelical enthusiasn ? Of
party strifes to preserve, and not to
destroy, the constitution ? Who ce
timates virtuous heroism, military re
nown, and an ennobling patriotism,
but by the standard of Washington?
Who does not glide through the long
lapse of ages between Pericles and
Jefferason, to'luok for high examples
of consuimate statesmanship ? -
Whr was gallantry n - MaheI
t..a in Sumter, or a Fa i.m wis lami
better <hisplayed than in; \l. -
David slew his giait a :ver-ary wit.h
a sling; the Rtomian Consul.s noble
son fought and c-miluerred the cne.
my 's champion in single coambat.
But w hen we search history for r
anples of personl exiloits they fa,
into the diu b letits of commoniI
life, inl W. u with the energetic
daring -i nur- own Manning--grap
phg a British maj)r at head of his
column, and marching with limi
through the hottest of the action to
the American lines.
Bit to the arts, the sciences, and
to lite-ature, have we not given an
impulse and an epo'.-h, (lite as mem
orable as the moral and political
phenomena to which we have alluded?
Could steam, for instance, have ex.
panded its distance annihilating influ
ence under the iron pressurc of en
slaving lawys and institutions? Could
the fettered imind have extendted its
investigations to such vast far-reach
ing results ? Could the ligltning
winged telegraph have sped its r.ouse
less and trackless way through the
thick gloom of a despotic age? Could
thought have beenI hree to investigate,
the mind elated to soar, the limbs un
shackled to roam or to toil, connnere
have penetrated its remote recesses,
and man himself nerved to deeds of
emprise and of daring, ini the hoary
age of a feudal hnheeility, or under
the pouider-ous trappings of an abso
lute gover-nment? No, it was reserv
ed to our age to achieve them, to our
revolution to inspire and awakena
them, and to the genius iad the vir*
tue of our ancestors to conceive fland
to kindle the lamp of this world-regen
crating intelligence.
Theli cost anid sacrifices of great
and heroic actions are, however, but
too apt t') be oveilooked in the cona
templzation of their magnificenit rc
sults. Dazzled by their splendor,
animated by their glory, men forget
the diliculties, the endurian ce,
the contuniely, and the p'ri vationis,
through which they are accomp~jlishied
and feel as if they coul asp ire to
emulate the heroes of their- own ad
miration. Impedimenats to success,
doubtless, constitute the highest me
it in attaining it. The fortitude that
resists danger, thec firmness that with
stands temptiation, the soul-subduing
patience that wears away opposition,
the self sacrificing martyrdom to prin
ciple, are the elements by which
alono the character otf all great
achievements is truly to bec estimated.
In this aspect of our revolution, it
looms through all time as the noblest
triumph of human (daring andl virtue.
Deliberating through martyrdom,
codouering through defeat ncom
aged by privations, emboldened by
suffering, and victorious by endur
ance-history furnishes no such ex
ample of moral sublimity, as that of
the gallant patriots by whom it was
achieved. The arm of Brutus was
nerved by the secret treason of an
applauding Senate. The followers
of Hampden and Sydney were sus
tained by an invading army and an
invincible leader. Napoleon con
quered for glory and fought for am.
bition; but our ancestors, for national
peace and personal obscurity. The
revolution of France was but a popu
lar tumult, the outpourings of an en
raged and frantic people, confident of
their strength, engorged with blood,
and her councillors at once the tools,
the victims, and the instruments of a
national phrenzy. There was neither
terror nor suffering to deter them;
naught to overcome or restrain but
their own madness. But to the
great minds who conceived the inde
pendence of our country- how stri
king-how overwhelming the con
trast. It was not, in its incipiency.
the great mass of the popular mind
moving onward, and resolutely im
pelled to achieve it. It was not the
heaving commotions of a mob-the
sudden and electric excitement of a
whole nation--the loud applauding
echoes of a popular sentiment; but
the patriotic inspiration of a few great
minds-contending with the time
rooted loyalty of the age-the long
and fendly-cherished allegiance of
the colonies- the terrors of a mighty
throne-the liberal favors of a patri.
archal government- the ignomny of
a traitor's (eatI-divisions ,.:Wthin,
and a nation's and a monaMNliPs .nW
geance without.
In the estimate of the difficulties
and of the merit ofthe sacrifice, these
thingg perhaps are too often ft-got.
'on. It would be well fur us, in iew
of the dtities and obligatiolog '.
.-ppressio'n has devolved4i uuon those
L. of our day and genwration, to I
cal then, both For tcimple and in.
sttrun.
Wh..oi tlo insubordinate spirit of
!i.''ahal provoked the ire of the
lixl itia ernmenit, its first ineasure
,I retaliation was to abolish its privi
leges as a "port of entry." Public
clamor cried aloud against the men
and the counsels that had brought
this exclusion upon them; and Ran
cock and Adanis had to endure the
execration of an enraged commercial
community, stimulated by an avidity
for gain and for a time overshadow
ing them with the indignation of a
dismayed anid terrified constituenev.
Ihad they taken counsel of fear or in
terest, where now would have ben
that dearly-cherished commerce, that
metropolitan prosperity, tlho.e high
attaiminmts in letters and the arts,
which have long since male Boston
the Athens of the Western hemis
[here. When, for the purpose of
conciliation, a general pardor. and
amnest' was proclaimd to all wlo
habeemn engaged in the late popu11
har- tumults of the day, llancock and
A dams were especially excepited, and
declared to he reserved as examples
of r-oyal v-engeancc and retribution.
Popular conifideunce for a time forsook
them, like timid birdls frayed away
by the storm; and when elected to the
Conugre'ss which lassed the Dec-larar
tion of' Independenace, they could
find hut two hitundred of their fellow
-:itizens hold enough to vote for themi
as their rep resentativ-es. Thelair after
lives arue the strongest commrentary
I ceould offer you on the fact. TIhe
one be'came the dlistinguished P resi
dent of the first C'ongress, the other
the friend1 and successor of WVashing
ton So hope-ss seemned the enter
prise, so powecrf ul the opposition, so
perilous anid (deterring the prospect,
imt when Charles Carroll, one of
the weal thie'st men of A merica. ap)
proaced~ to sign the D eclaration of'
Inudepenilence, all exclaimed, in utter
aazemen/t-ucit, '"thlere goes a million,"'
east upon01 a losind die, and forfeited
to the crown.
Nay, all that has deterred us fr-om
the assert ion of our m ighuts under sim
ilar ci rcumstamnces of oppression, wans
ur-ged then with ten times the for ce,
and infinitely morec tr-uthr and appli
cation. It was said that the pro
vinces were weak, that they were
dlivided, that the time had not yet ar'
rived for- action. that British power
would overwhelm opposition', that the
colonies wero not united, that no co
operation had been piledgedl or prof
foredl, and that our independence,
even if won,1d o be ainn
ed in a state of separation from the
British crown.
In all these we doubtless recognise
the familiar and identical objections
of our own lay, and surely we can
point you to no higher evidence than
the past to realize or to controvert
them.
Even under the far better auspices
the much higher incentives, and the
nobler aspirations that their example
has presented for our imitation, we
feel and we know full well tle chil.
ling influence of timid an1d distmeting
counsels like these in repelling inju
ries and averting aggressions of ten
fold the magnitude and outrAge of
theirs.
What, then must have been the
stern virture of those men -contend
ing with foes within, a b"ESt 'ithout,
few, persecuted, divided, .l pro
scribed--against rcmonstr:.s. men
aces, rabble fears, and cr.ia;, coun
sels, who, for principle, ,n abstract
principle, only to evade an iniignf
cant tax,) stirred up all -' ( 'inel ts
of national strife, invoked the storms
of war, and stood unscathed, unterri
fled, and lindismaved amidst its rage
and its desolation.'' Posteri!y would
do but imperfect justice to their tim
tives ,we should render bat a mis
erb!e homage to the heroisr of those
who achieved our national independ
ence--were we to suppose3 that it
was the result of uianiiiov' cowins.ls
of popular deliberation, or ha - :mny
and concert of action. N',; it % as the
few, the wise and nioble fe''*w, who
were in the van of the e :' then
like South Carolina . .k. 'lhci-e like
our Calhouns, our .\e ' 11Je1'('% and
ont'tElnores, leading, instead of he
ing led by popular Cntiusiasn. Nay,
Whteni the battle of Lexington was
fought, G'eorgia m as noc there--ns
sht is not hero 110w. Even South
Cariolinla Was thenl 1ie;.osigg it! I~
paiwuS peace, a .il 91 as! a
fCstered fa i it, 'um - in -
lap of a fond atad iniulgenit parent
country. When aroused from ho
slumbers by the reverberrations of the
batti's roar, it was not to delibeate,
but to act; i' was not to Vurchaise by
subiission a selfish exchision froie
the horrors of war, but to rush in the
full tide of her American syinpathies
to share in the daiig-rs of the contest.
Nor was she, too, uthoit her own
domestic dissensiors. While she
was battling with a Foreign Foe at
Fort Moultrie, Eutaw, and Caniden,
and wiiming i larels from Eiurope's
bravest soldiers, her Lich,44sonls,
her Suimters and her Mariois were
alike contenling for hard earned vie
tories over the blorl ra-valiits of the
district of 96 and the imidl.-Iitable I lv
alty of the interior.
Much may be said to ex':nse the
treasonable oi: i i ti -1 se n\i,.j
felt no wronA, who s. > ri esi le
involved inl the conte . knew no
allegiance save that t I.dty, it h
had experiencel the f , te mill.
-es, and benlleenee P, lritish
go'vernmtenit-who-- Lt a rew'n p
troniage and 1elicien t Ip' L et ion, awli
whom religion it selIf, as v ell as pre(u
dice and edutcationi, ht tinu'ht to
hove, to revere, aml i . -tic as ai
mnother. lit whlen'. e m nd
occasiont like ti,t iithed
under the oppressi. batav
seenl andit ackle hi. a :res
sion andh the dang.e; . imiost
blind have seen, i . . ptienti
have cxcla:imed, th n *st hopeful]
havc diespai red, an :1 he- mist t~r
be'ariing have gro.wn r'stlei-;i lien
this ''overnmenit, whI: ..- tre dlont
so tonuelm t'. es ta wll i a c
inad'e so infiny s :tr Irser'vI,
has heecome a1 secti. n *-1:ti::mt, a
fanatical tmm-eer, !. ttening cur
Irights, hhdundtering z ' -'le tv, mal
I t1prootim.liiitll ins-t itul , - ve~ .s, wi hen
t liose itustitotmtons atre even~ 1low t4ot
teritig to tlheir f~t!l, in:1y we not cx
poet of South C<arolini. aiu! even (eI
thle Stithi, a ,iniiiity oft counsiieh,
antI enmerg..y of action, a mi- ofpr
paation), such n:n - petle everi
tore ii.altiteV' ii -.I i -re S ) PI t tI
ble--and' noi caudsJ coil.i miore js
denoitil?
lRut if thie I ..hK at age af
tives au I ini -a a to dlef-nii
rig~hts and p ri a i thie cvery ii
tiative of thcii '- nm, it give'ts uts
no less ill ustriia ' :a ml Ies of the lie
r-oie en-lurance ' dh which they may
be triumphandy maintained, A
tentless army; an unarmed, unchoth
ed, unshod, and unfed! soldiery; emp
tv coffers and an imnoverished nen.
pie; officers without experience or
renown; treason within, traitors with.
out, and invasion around; the house
hold no protection, neutrality no
reruge, the farm deserted and devas
tated, and the security of the camp
to be purchased only by privation,
harassments, wearisome marches,
antd bloody sufferings;-he had some.
thing more precious than gold who
possessed salt for his food; he slept
upon a bed of roses when some tem
porary success of Sumter or of MA.
rion enabled him for a moment to
suspend his vigils or his fears of some
marauding enemy. In battle always
bee.ten, but never conquered; in
strategy often foiled, but neverthe
less victorious. If we assaulted, it
Was, perhaps, to be repelled; and
yet seldom without the object to be
obtained. If we marched forward,
it was but to retreat again with pre.
cipitation, perhaps; but without loss
or dishonor, and often to occupy (as
if by fortune or accident) a still more
eligible position. In short, it was
the tactics of Fabius, with tenfold
the endurance and the difficultie3,
without a Canno to accelerate his
triumph. Nor less, too, was it the
hold energy of a Marcellus, with
more blood, and tuil, and suffering;
but with infinitely more limited means
and inadequate prepa-ation either to
aelive or encounter it.
And would not one tithe of this
:bold. persevering energy be sufficient
to rescue and preserve the destinies
of South Carolina as a sovereign,
free, and independent State? Or
are we, fellow-citizens, too degenerate
to imitate the example of our ances
tora, even to the tenth degree of
their gallant bearing? Are our
inEtitutions more worthless than a
pound of tea? Is our State unwor
thy of the sa -iice? Or were we
d-hided. or did but perpetrate the
ery of a-oruebi-jeft. when. we pro
ra 0it the world the imnmnence
Of their danger, and the deliberatc
ness cf our purpose to defend them
'at all hazard and to every extrepi
t v?'
Out of the blood, the toil, and the
tr-easure of the States has our inde
pendence been achieved, and our
Government been erected. We took
it a puling and new-born babe-it
has grown up into a vigorous man
hood. We cherished it a rickety
child- it has become a champion, a
monarch, a master, and a tyrant.
WVe protveted its infancy through all
the storms of war--its cradle was
rocked by the dying struggles of pa
riots--its infancy sustained by the
generous bloed of sovereign States,
un1til, spurning the lap that nurtired
it, it rose like a voung Hercules from
his swaddling clothes, to strangle its
nu4se and to perpetrate parricide.
We took it a cold and senseless asp
to ourt bosom, until, animated by its
wa-miith, it has stung-nay, it has
poisoned andI corrupted the generous
heart that nestled it. 'We phatted it
a mlustardl (the least of all') seed, and
watered it with our bloodl and our
af1ections, until it has grown to a
great her-b, and the unclean birds of
the air have lodged and broo-led and
nestled thecreini.' We established it
for our general and pitclwelfare,
SIi ritual dominion, and claims to
piwes5 the right, as well as feel the
obl.1igat Iion, of exp u rgatingi us of the
Sinl o slave'ry. It came a str-anger
---poo~r, and hiungryv, and naked,
steekin g our- aid and hospitality; but
when warmed by our firesides, cloth
ed by our- bounty, anid strengthened
byv ouri go od cheer, it deridled the
holst, m onopolized the hearthstone,
dndedour serv~ants, and appropr
al our t proper-ty. It approatchied
swit the mock humility of the
hai'tche-t in the fab'le, which besought
of the wood a little stick, (but a little
s:iek it atsked,) to mnak-e for itself a
hl e ,as its sha~irp edge wouldl other
wis e utse-less. So modest a i-e
quest, and s-., smiall a favor, the
fo rest thought it would be unreasonta
hie nout to comply with. IBut tno
sone r was the hatchet armedl with its
landa~le, than the trees began to fall,
th forest disappeared, the shade was
siucce'-ded by the sunsh',ne, the
ploughisharie upr-ontedt the bosom of
the earth, and the fruits of the soil
took the placo of' nature's primeval
pilanIttin g.
And thus it is, fellow-citizens, that
we now stand i-elated to this found
ling of State charity-this being of
our creation-this unnatural monster
of our own care and nnrsin& We
have suppot ted it in three perbious
wars with our blood and with -our
treasure--we have mad it rich and
strong by endowments of both land
and money; we have given it territo
ries vaster (by half) than its origin
al limits; and it has not only lavishly
distributed them to others, to our ut
ter and special exclusion, but con
verted them into dens and places of
refuge for our plundered property.
We have paid more than two-thirds
of its enormous debts, incurred not
only against our remonstrance and
our counsels, but by a system of pro
fligacy, corruption and extrvagance,
that might well justify the most
scrupulous honor in repudiating; we
have contributed more than two
thirds to its forty millions of revenue;
we have defrayed all its lavish ex
penditures, even while condemning
and reprobating them; we have sub.
mitted to taxation, while her very
proceeds are even now as once be
fore, appropriated to arm myrmidons
and prepare- fortresses for our en
slavement and destruction; we have
borne this onerous and unequal bur
den from the profits of our slave
labor, and, satiated with taxing, they
now threaten to take away, and, like
Pharaoh of old, deprive us of the
straw, wh1ile they still demand the
same tale of brick; and yet we still
cling to a union with them. Still we
clasp, we feed, we pamper, and
nestle in the warm bosoms, and nur
ture with the generous blood of these
sovereign States, the ingrate, the
monster, and the parricide. Yes,
still we hug the chain; still we kiss
the rod: still we suffer, endure; and
yet we cherish, and fondle, and con
fide in it. Yes:
"Though a monster of such hldeous mici,
As to be fated, needs but to be seen;
But seen too oft, familiar with its face,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace."
Is it not well to pausE in this pro
clivity to the. consumimation of our
ruh0- 'Is'it not well tr. -onusider the,
peril of submission, or acquiescence
in wrlongs and exactions like these?
Is it not well to reflect (even in its
worse asp't) whether we should
bea.r the intolerable ills we have, or
rieslutely rush to end them?
How stands the matter between us
and this confederacy? What are our
relttions, what are our rights; what
are our duties and what is our re
dress?
For the purposea of common de
fence and general welfare only we
consented to institute this govern
ment by a written compact with the
other sovereigns of this Union, and
by which each of the parties reserved
to itself the right of secession hereaf
ter, by virtue of the same authority
by which thcv acceded to it then.
To guard against constructive power,
it specifically stated that all powers
not granted in the Constitution were
reserved to the States.
The go vernment, therefore, can
possess or exercise no power which it
has not derivcd from that compact;
and is, by the 'reservation of all other
po~wers to the States,' as expressly
prohibited, as it would seem, from
substituting its own construction of
the constitution for the constitution
itself.
But how comports its practice
with theso clear anid obvious restric
tions on its authority? Whyr, when
we claim the interposition of the con
stitutioni against the operation of
bounty andi protective laws, we are
constructively pointed to the caption
of an act under the acknowledged
guise of a revenue system. When
we appeal from this self-constituted
dlecision, the army and the navy of
the Union are invoked to he tho-stern
arbiters and interpreters of constitu
tional law--when to every eye and
to every understanding the govern
ment has abandoned itself and all its
great political behests, to the direc
tiona of a fanatical antd freesnil party
-when thart party has avowed its obi
ligation and its purpose to extirpate
the national sin of slavery has been
excluded, and the stave trade has
beeni abolished, in the common do
main of the Ntortli and South, when
we have been divested of our territo
ries, when our institutions are threat
ened to be swept away' by th i rre
sistibte torrent of a unmversal spirIt of
emancipation, anml when ith ie of
these wrongs and perits, and after
having exhausted every other eipedi
ent, we ask to retire 'from the ooen
federaoy (leaving all these aocjusil
tions which we had contribut as
much ase any other, to obtsing fo.
ure to the' hanefit d6i' tt Unoioxn
nesbWhytheh-iOW hith u
it may best be proinoted
that it chthot be. AWe afe
that seceshion i 'e-olutioh, we
assured the .Tz9on Tit be
ed, even by blood, we are. *
feel that we are too preqiosa
in the federal tiara (not f'or oreja'
ment, but for plundermg ues) to
lightly' parted with. Ka ,"i si
that a prosperous independern'woiTe
enure to the injury of the 'ifede.
cy, and that the peaceable seie
of A sovereign State isas imPractiC.
ble and as unreasonable as 'ti' *laii
tary separation of a slave fo .
mastet
If these things, fellow citizen,
so,'ean you give a stronger defini
of a despotic government, than a
tional majority to tax, to plidn
and oppres- and a free soil ion .
eracy to enforce them'? - Most evi
have some mitigation, and it i
dom that a rule can be establishA4
(however stern or exacting)t,-atA
does not work some correspondin
advantages. In submitting to endit
the oppression of the government,,,
might at least as reasonably hope t
enjoy its protection. - But while itse
aggressing, it tolerates, -nay it ptW
tects, our eastern confederates, - io
only iii their legal and legilati#*
robbery of our property, but inlm
punity against our reprisals. Yei
let a Southern State enact a li*d
retaliation against Vermont and Oik
and we would readily experience how*
soon the arm of this governib
would be extended to avert :it.
We have all wondered,- perbp
how a spirited people in the 1
century,- in the midst of ortssetete.,
and letters, could have .endurn'be4
tyranny of an unadjudicated doodif
the bastile, or the unanswerab1& e
potism of a "lettre de catd ' t
are our political relatrns Wia6
i a n.melioratel, eithr i1L, featare o
extorted acknowledgeruent. Qf
celebrated Mr. Burke, in the Bwiia
Parliament, "that he knew noit hi r
to draw up a bill of indictment'againis
a State. or a whole people"..'tbat
"there were no terms in law ith
which he was acquainted, for. suc1i
process." But Americaningenuity
it seems, has discovered a mofagnb.
mary mode of enforcing, if -nd*i4 korA
subtle manner to evade, the fonas Ot
criminal jurisprudence. -The 'ca*
non's mouth, it seems, is to oxncm'd
the constitution, the sword is a9
raign, the fortress is to be tbhtttibie
nal, and a mercenary soldiery th6
jury to render in the verdict; fo
resistance to federal aggressions.
In this grave aud truthful ase
of our wrougs and our humiliio
what are our duties, our obligatioo',
and our resources? Shall we 'suco
cumb, ingloriously crouch and1Mi@
cumnb, without a hope and withod. a
struggle? Shall we think to appSt
the appetite of a wolf for gos bf
tendering it a sop of our :blol?
Why, it will but "grow on the thih~g
it feeds on." Do we think to ~if
the miser's avarice, or the fanatc
lust, by compounding rights 'ha
principles for forbearance! Oiur his
tory furnishes the most conclusiy#
reply. We have borne the oxadionsA
of their protective duties oji A~io
come in all humility, and ine tlohpa
of enjoying'our domestic..in5tit lbn5
in peace; and now they oir
demand that we shall rendo:. at~
very capital itself, by the t~ bt
iwhich we have alone been ~nb~ to
pay thosduty.
Haippily for u, the g eilt$ehtn
which has given a woil-id1vidit~ht
and renown to the, day .bihg WM'
have thus assembled to elebrate 1S
before us to imitater aa we. a* td
commemorate. The p La~bte
the future; and the iy ltntt
patriotism which, -wofer inf NIn
plating the one hevald; the lend
the energy With ~dhw63re pre
pared to participatQ in.9 Ah ry,
l~ionanexil.n-wnoriesof an~
epiocb ik'ethis~i piian' tioluig. '
in the. ferr of itsi tilioi reool
lectipns, no iiih casnJb t
festliies,'Ai 'htn dan ! ~i of'
hiasanaore .& QQterutapes
over oppression, withoudan5tzthng,
like Esaugwith shame an ii~ a
tion, to his lost inherj D i .ot~
did-I a? I trustn $6t1t too
lohg and too febbrly tiegtpetedl
had destined sootntQ tQgiht4d ti
df . bi'igliter nb Ih p e