Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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V DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGH RTS, DEMOCRACY, :EWS. LITERATURE CECEADH WN. J. F ANCIS, Pl-oprietor. 6 '-l' u oti alW V6t 4 O L .-V.S U M T E R I L L E .8 . C . J U L Y 2 3 , 1 8 5 .~ 1~t~ 4 4~ ~* Two Dollars in advance, Two Dollars and Fifty-cents at the ex)iration of six months, or Three Dollars at tie end of the year. No paper discontinued until all arreara ges are paid, unless at the option of the Proprietor. (:TAdvertisements inscrted at 75 ets. per square, (12 lines or less,) for the first and half that sum for each subsequent insertion. 07The number of insertions to be mark ed on all Advertisements or they will be published until ordered to be discontinued, and charged accordingly. VTOne Dollar per square for a single insertion. Quarterly and Monthly Adver tiseinents will be charged the saine as a single nsertion, and semi-montlily the same as new ones. All Obituary Notices exceeding six Jines, and Communications recouinenling 'Candidates for public olices or trust-or :puffing Exhibitions, will be charged as Advertisements. LTRev. FREDERICK RUSH, is a travelling .Agent for this paper, and is authorized to e cive subscriptions and receipt for twe Substance of tie teaua-i.s of HON. WILLIAM F. COLCOCK, .Delivered before the Convention of Soutern Riqhts Associaticius. as. sembled in the Military Hiall, Charleston, S. C., May 7, 1851. (coNCLUDED.) But whilst the abstract right of s: ces!sion is not denied by some, yet they contend that it is a right whose exercise "good faith" must always practically prevent. Now, I admit the obligations of "good faith in every relation of life, public and private, on States as well on individuals. But let us see how "good faith" will al. ways nullify this right and render it of no practical utility. We owe good faith to our co-States and to foreign nations, with whom we have, through our agent the General Government, established certain relations. Now, atdeaur co-States, as the very pie dicat of secession is that they have violated the league and covenant which bound us together, that they have first broken faith with us, sure ly our faith is no longer due to them. Good faith requires every party to a compact to submit to many things, to bear and forbear much; but when the very end and purpose of that compact are violated-when it is used as a i "sword to destroy," and not as a "shield to defend,"-then surely, "good faith" should not prevent any party from withdrawing from his as. sociates, on fair and honorable terms. So much for our co-States. .But what are our obligations of " good faith" to foreign nations, With whom we have treaties, and from whose cit izens we have made loans, &c.? 'They, it is urged, are no parties to our do mestic diffterences, and "good faith" requires that we should either pre -serve our co-partnership until these engagements are complied with, or provide means for their performance if a dissolution takes place. To this .I reply, that if a dissolution occurs peaceably, and an equitable partition .of the partnership property is made, the rights of foreign nations will not be permitted to suffer beyond those -hazards, which, it is always under stood, are undertaken in all inter-na tional dealings. If the abstract right to seccde. then be granted, and "good faith" does not justly restrain its exercise, the next question will be, "Is South Car 'olina justified in seceding at this time?" We all admit that "govern Iner.ts long established should not be changed for light and transient cau ses," but the causes which impel us :to seek a change of our government are neither "light" nor "transient;"' ithey are deep-seated, wide-spread, radical. I will not attempt to des cribe our wrongs before this audience, after the recital of them by our dis tingishled leader, Judge Cheves. ie has painted them to you in 'thoughts that breathe and words that burni;" he has told you that we are "living" under the government of our- bitterest enemies, whose avowedl objects arc to annihilate us." He has told you of the "danger, the dishonor, the in famny" of the condition of the South. 'He has told you that history furnmishies to example of such disreputable sub mnission as that which the Souther-n States now exhibit. Heo has told you too that "he is con vinced of the justice thme constitutional right, and the political expediency, of the withdrawal of the Southern States from that Union by wvhich they non enthren1ed, nd which cnnot fail while it subsists, to bring on them further and future danger, oppression and infamy." Now, if this picture be true, and who can doubt it, what measure of resistance are we not jue tified in resorting to ? What is too rash; too violent, or too precipitate ? As, for the reasons I have given, we cannot obtain co-operation by delay, are we not driven directly, and dis tinctly, to the alternative of secession or submission ? Are we not bound by every obligation of duty to- our selves and our children to overthrow. in the only way that is left us, the government of ou- 'bitter enemies' to escalic 'annihilation'- to flee from 'dishonor, oppression, and infamvy?' But let me draw nearer to the en trenchments of our friends, and ex amine their strongholds. It is urged with great earnestness and with much apparent force that South Carolina ought not to secede alone, because the other Southern States will not sympathize with her, or sustain her in her course. Now, let it be remem hored that this argument comes from those who advocate the policy of do lay in the coulident expectation t'ut new aggressions, such as the abolition of slavery in the District of Coluim bia, or the repeal or the fugitive slave law,. will soon unite the whole South in secession. Secession, say they, is 30011 to becomle tile -allyint' point of the whole South. Now, if this he tiue, then I do not perceive how any one can suppose for a mo merit that our sister States, who are thius only waiting with their hands on their swords, ready to draw them at the first hostile movement of our comrmon enemy, will turn upon its, or froni us, because we bring on the :is iue a little sooier than they expected to do. But I think the position of things in the other Southern States has been tmistaken by our friends. The politi :ns in those States are not telling the1 peiu le, as your friends suppose, 'hear your past insults and injuries patiently; we adit they are griev-us, but strike not yet; wait a little longer, in1d renewed assaults will soon be :ommnitted against you, and then you nay rise ip) inl the strength and ma esty of an outraged people, an lihlt vour oppressors to the eat-th." )t the contrary, they are telling them hlat the compromise is a solemn eague and covenant-a fina:tl, perina ent, inviolable settlement of the slavery question, and of all other mattcrs ill distite between the North ind the South. That hereafter the South will have all her rights con eeher feeling~s respected, an1d e0r itstitutions prese-rved. This is he delhision which they are practis ng on a generous and confiding peo plC. But let a sovereign State with .1raw f-om this Utnionl. let the t-iglt of iecession, that '"right inestimable to Lts atnd formnidabh1- to tylrants otl,"1 he brouagh t tup for solemon an I fur final judlgmett, andi how sooni will all otherI isue '"palte their- ineffectual MrI. Presidenit, I sometimes fear thtat both the righit of secession and the imphortanlce of the measure whent adopted are untderrated T~ -'u my mindu ti s righit is of p eculiarm and ini ealculhable value to ( eery~ membe 'c t a sectional mtin' ilty of conifederaitedi States. To us who are, as our sen or Sentatmr says, 'prtoscrvilbed potic nal caonun~~tities,' it is the last anchelr of hoj e-tlle hast hiel 't (otr defel!. Sectionail tlaaj'ritiestned 1no suchl pr1otetiont. IThey canI alway s tak e :are of themselves; and hetnce they seld omt seek or perm~tit :a nemhnenlt~li s t'o eons5titultions5, for t tey- can alway s take more- b'y usurjpali'n thain c-an ob taini by ameinmet. In myv jud g mteLnt secession will ntever he r-esorted 10Xto excet itt deflclIe o f the inlst it utiotn :>f slavery. All (thler subl.jets of dif. (eren)ce tmay be adjusted without ap pealing . to tlhis renmedy'. If this G ov ernumentt, the creature of the States, hformed chiefly to take care of extert 11 relatiotns, can denty this right, anid by the mere powerV of its am hohl( a overeign State to this Union, like a victim to thae stake, thetn the sooneaur we know it the better-. it is sutrely high time, at the end of sevent'y years, to know thte foirm of govet-n ment ttnder whichl we arc living. Let nto otte siuppose that the ecssioni of S'ouith Car-olina can h~o looked upon01 with indifference anywhere. Politi iains and venial pre~sses imay denounce 11nd deride it, but it will standl forth before the world as a most impressive wcnt 'Phe geat popular hear of the South will be moved to its inmosi recesses, stripped of all the disguiset with which false issues may surround it; tne naked fact will be presented to the people that South Carolina ha made her choice between slavery and the Union ! That nurtured in th< doctrines of Virginia, stimulated by the doctrines of Georgia, encouraged by the example of Mississippi, and sustained by the love of Alabama, sh has planted herself in the pathway o the abolitionists, and resolved to de. fend her institutions 'at every hazard and to the last extremity.' A spec tacle like this, by every law and in. stinct of our nature, must command the sympathy and respect of every free people. Our sister States may say that we are rash-that we are precipitate; but if they themselves have fixed a limit to their forbear ance, can they say that we are with out justification, or that our cause is unworthy of success? A new issue will be presented. It must be met and decided. A right as dear to them as to us is at stake. it will bn the first struggle in that conflict which all ad mit must sooner or later take place between abolition and slavery. The manner in which the contest is begun, whether by too hasty a movement on the right, the centre, or the left, will soon be forgotten, and all hearts will be turned to the great issues involv. ed. Yes, sir, be assured that the se cession of a single State of this Union will bring up forjudgment the might tiest questions of a modern age. Statesmen, sir, not venal hireling presses, not pensioned libellers, but statesnien, will find materials for the exercise of their highest intelligence, their profoundest wisdom. But if I am still told by our friends that they cannot concur in these views, that they cannot believe in the sympathy of the Southern States, thbn i wuh-mit that my arguments agoniest co-operation before secession are ;s p'ent as theirs against co-op crati-i af'terwards; and that if nei ther is to be obtained, and South Carolina cannot maintain her separ ate existence as they also contend, then submission, hopeless. abject sub mission, is the doon of the South. But again, it is asked why should South Carolina be further in advance than the other States? This is at tributable to several causes. It must be remembered that from our earliest history South Carolina has been one of the strongest pro-slavery States in the Union. An The history of the Confederation, and of the con vention which formed our present Constitution, affords abundant proof of this fact; she is now therefore, where she has always been. And this is one cause of the peculiar ha. tred always exhibited towards her by the abolitionists, and why they would rather see slavery crushed through her than aniy other State. A gain: She has a larger slave pop. ulatione in ipporion to her whiute than any other State. But the chief cause for this state of forwardness ont the part of Southm Carolina is the entire albsencee of party dlivision within lier bordlers. T1his give-s her ani adl vanta ge over- her sister States andi is not set up as a title to superior- merit. Not at all. ILveryv onte knows how party divisiones ani d party cointests color- and control all quelstiones. In our sister States the peoplec havu e been: drawit awayv fronm the eoiah .d unebiasedl consideration el great Federa ques jtitons, and' hlave ib.en eng.aged in eager stie o art y as(:elenc. But with us there has ahlw:ays beent a ''unityv of senetinent ," w hich has emphilatica lly " constituemted us5 one 1pceple."' I[ence we lhave been aide t', look at these great qunes tionsje tierough a clearer andl miore correct cced inum, aned int this way the poolar nindiie has heelt sooner itiforin ed :tu is oeer set in tuo tionte. But Sou th Carol na has inattifested ino disposition to aspire to the leadership of. the Southi. Let thue records of her legislation fo r the past fitteen years he searched, aend it will be foundee theat she has invariabhly prefl-r red to give the lead to others. Giood taite, ais well as soundu policy, requtir edl this oif leer. 11er niullificatione contest placed her sufliciently far in the van to forbid her voluntarily as suuming that position again, and ae cordinegly she has ever- oxercised all proper- deference anid respect towards hert sister States, anid is even now doing so by inviting them to meet lher in a Souther-n Congress. 'Tho truth is, that South Carolina is les rnesponbe fo.. the pr..-n - L itation than almost day other South ern State. Virginnid, Georgia, Mis I sissippi, and AlabanA were certainly I in advance of her. Wf then she now appears to be in advAnce of others, it I is the result of causqs for which she is not responsible. JBut, I freely ad mit, that if she retifes from her pres ent position she shotidt always in fu ture preserve the dignity of silence She must now act, or "forever after hold her peace." Again, it is said that the cause of disunion is mak ing progress. and we ought to be satisfied with its present advance and wait for further devel. opmnents-that a few years ago there was no disunion party in South Car olina, whilst now there is scarcely any other. To this I reply, that if it is meant to be said'that our friends in the other States have "kindled their fires at our altars," shall we now abandon our position and expect them to advance?' Some of them are now tclling us: "we want a mea sure to unite us, we are beating the empty air, we speak to the idle wind." Let us then give them oil for their lamps. We have no other issue to tender butosecession; it is the last arrow in our quiver, it is the only alternative to subuasion. Mr. President, state of high cx citenent is not a natural condition either in men or nations. We must not expect to keep up this agitation always. The pee e become vearied with long contim d and fruitless exertions; they beoIne fatigued into compliance, and y Id a struggle that holds out no hope If immediate .vic tory. This, sir, i our danger. Let us beware how wegoso our opportun ity. Another objectiAn urged against us, is, that our fjIands in Congress from the other So iern States have not counselled se ession, and I am appealed to by mw'i-n and collea-d gue (Mr Or ' E ti' not the' case. Tnswer ra" v i . so far as my intercourse exietids. Bu! at the same time I must be permitted to say, that I am inclined to thirk these very gentlemen, who are wor thy of all our admiration and es teem, would be very apt to make tie most unconpromiising secessionists if they were, as I wish with all my heart they were, citizens of South Carolina. In all questions of this kind, involving fundamental changes of government, we generally find that the people are ahead of their repre sentatives, and it is wise and proner that they should be so. Inl the 'or dmiiary administration of public a fifairs, the Iepresentative iay rightfully as sume all responsibility-huit tie re sponsibility of altering their furi of govermIIein t belongs to tle Jpeople and cainnot he delegated. liwoen we frequently hear the remark, even in our own State, that the represen tatives are behind the peisule on the qunestion of disunion. WVhilst our friends in Congress, therefore, very properly declined to counsel a measure in regard to which they had nto authority to commit their conistituenits. I knmow thjat t wi:never lhe foundl in the inks 'I those who' will den~ounlce Soutth Car linia if she secedes, but that in theta wc will alhwavs liad metn whomt "e will deilighit to, h~onor. Lat.,it is urged that secession will be met by coereicn andl its e, n quenc~t diticulties. No4w, beforue prtoceediing to conieideri tis objeti'in. I115 Ims he pic10t ted to) say. th at ifC I were con1teningiiL for the~ miore triimph4 of a foese icsin.I shtould h old IOur friends pr-eclumded from bringing into thie ti:ar11nnent anyv of thte danager-s or sac'rihjeSes o se eessioni, beenatiise the highesot authority amiong.st them, one foir whom wve aill feel a commtn vene-rat.ion, (du tdge Chieves,') wil st o ppning this miena urme on othier gioundas, expsly~ says tat "no14 d angers and n o sae'ifi cs can he too greait ini such acus. lBut I amii seekiing io such tiutmi h. Theli sub ject fobidsil it-- I aoni ae' tuated , I trust bay a lahiter putrpiose. I will pro~ceed1 the Iicio couslidirl th is objection.- It opens, I admit, a most implortanit Ik1imiui ry. T1he aspect ini which this branch of the subject presents itself' to my mind has always beeni this. Will the Ad ministration, with the lowvers they now poses under take, on thieiir own responsibility, to olphose the secession of South Carolina in any way;or, supposing Congress to he in session, will they ask for its authority to co erce un-, and for an increane of power ror that purpose? Now the answers to these questions must of courdo be wholly conjectural. I doubt very much if the Cabinet itself is prepared to answer them without qualification. Events must control the judgments and the actions of all men. But still it is wise and propar, with the lights before us, to endeavor to ascertain what are the probabilities that he in our path. No issue would over be brought to an arbitrament, if each party waited to know, iith certainty, the plan of his adversary's operation. Whether the administration may think it possesses the right and the power to coerce a seceding State or not. I cannot pretend to say. We all know it did not think that it had sufficient power to coerce a Boston mob, and asked for more, but did not obtain it. Now, I do not intend to speak in terms of disrespect of the Administration, or to excite unfound ed prejudices. Our cause is not to be strengthened Ly throwing dirt at any one. It spurns the aid of such missiles. Let them be used by those who have a taste for them. But in speaking of those who now wield the power of this Government, and their friends; we must speak of them accorling to their known opinions, principles and conduct. The school of politicians to which the Adminis tration belongs is the school of con solidationists. Its most prominent mem ibers are thoroughly anti-slavery in their feelings, their principles and their policy. Thie President believes that Congress has the power not only to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but also the slave trade between the States, and that this power ought to be exercised, at what he calls a proper time. His opinions are on record, and will be found to be oxtreaie on this subject. Mr. Webster believes slavery to be an -Ayi, and "regrets exceedingly that stfs in the Soutlhern States;" and .1Z - admits that Congress has no0 pow'lver to act upon it there, still he suggests, to use his own words, "that in the dispensation of Provi dence some remedy for this evil may occur or may be hoped for hereafter.' The truth is, that both the President and Mr. Webster, like many other advocates of the comnpronise, are re sponsile for much of that very ag. itation they are seeking to quell. They have sown broadcast anti-sla very doctrines in tho Northern mfind, and now behold the fruit. "The engineers have been hoisted by their own lpetard." The Pope taug-hit republicanism at Rome, and iepublicanisin drove him from the Vatican. Mr. Webster taught anti-shvery in Boston, and anti slavery drovo him from Fancuil Ifall. French bayonets opened the way for the return of his Hiuliness. F:deral bayonets opened the way for the coiing of the eompromise. Trained, then, in the school of the consolidationists, having as little re petin principle for the seceSsiont of' a State as the sedhition of' a mob, with all theiri feelinigs and op inionis opposed to that institution on which rest our lapp iness 'llnId prosperity, and which no0 miinr' of State has any~ right to den' umce as ani '"evil'' of such mag-: mttudle as to calhl for a "'remedy'' at the.. hand. s of "D iivinme Priovidence,"' with such feelinmgs and opiniens as these, I say, it is altogether probable that the A'.dministration, urgved on too by~ '"the poe behind the thtronet, grecater' than the throne itself,'' will be disgosed to coerce South Car'olina. T1hae extirpation of' the "phestihlnt heresy'' of' sec'essionm, the sulbjmuationt ofaslave State, out of which, hrough the "'disp ensation ef Provi let ce,"' the ext intction of slavery mamy be '"hoped"' for, are triumphs to tempt the amtbi tion of' better men thant live ini these degenerate days. lIn such a crusade it is not dlificult to for';esee that an army with many ban neris miight soon he enlisted; but what fruits woul victory bring to them. Thle AdmIiistraitioni wouild be comipel le'd to, say' to their allies, like Phyrrums of obib "'Such another v'ictor'y, aind we mtust go home alone!'' But it may be asked: Is the power' toi coerce a sovereign State so clear< that the cabinet will feel authorized< to exert it on their own r'esponspihity? Ac'e therec not such grave doubts on the subjects as to make them pause before proceeding to such an cx tremne? I have already said that the Cabinet belong to the school of the consolidlationists. They deny the sov ereignty or ihe Stats;ey co. ntndnt that the States never were sovereign; that at no period had they powers of sovereignty, or if they had they have transferred them all to' the General Government. They say that "the doctrine of republicanism is, that the majority can do no wrong, in the same sense in which it is said in England, that the King can do no wrong, and for the same reason; because there is no legal remedy."' With such doctrines as these, it is easy to perceive that the Administra tion would not call it "coercing" a sovereign State, but merely enforcing the laws on the disobedient citizens of an empire, who have no more right to justify their proceed. ings, under the authority of South Carolina, than under the authority of their particular protege, Hungary, whose recent attempt at a redress of grievances has found such wonderful "favor at court." It is true, that we have all been taught to believe that this "government, created by compact, was not made the exclusive, or final, judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself. So said Thomas Jefferson. in the Kentucky resolutions; but th's good old w-ne has been poured into new bottles, and they have burst. The moderns, I fear, have forgotten the faith of their fathers. But we are not left to speculation as to the opinion, at least, of the head of the cabinet on the character of secession. In a letter addressed during the last winter by Mr. Web. ster to a dinner party in New York, lie declared that 'secession is war.' By this is meant, I presume, that secession on the part of a State is ip. Rofacto a declaration of war by her. The onus and the odium are to be thrown upon her. But supposing that the Administration determine to use coercion, in what form will it be attempted? I have been one of those who have conjectured, for as I have already. observed every. twing Dn this subject is conjectural, that a blockade of our ports -would be attempted. In this opinion 1 find our senior Senator, (Judge Butler,) if I understand him -:orrectly, does not concur, t whilst our junior Sena. tor, (Mr. Rhctt,) pronounces it in very emphatic teris au 'unmitigated huubug.' With such high authority against me, it is not improbable that I may be mistaken in my conjecture, but it is always wiser to be prepared than to be surprised. I do not mean to say that the Government will call their measure a 'blockade.' They will merely term it enforcing the rev enuC law3-collecting the customs; but by whatever name it may be alled, the attempt must very soon result itn nothing more nor less than ictual blockade. It will soon be -ome an interception of all communi. eation, commercial or otherwise, be twccn us and all other States and iations, maintained by a besiegiIg rorce sufficiently powerful to render any intercourse with us dangerous to Lthird parties, and expose them to seizure. To render their co ercion effectual, their measure must conme to this: It may commence in over bauling vessels at a certain distnce romn shore, and inspecting their manifests, or in atteumpting to erect bating custom houses, but it must end, I repeat, in what, thrioughi re spect to the rights of foreign nations, mist be justified as blockade. Bunt locknile is a helligerent measure, and must be made pulblic, so that teutrals may have notice of it, and set accordingly. War then,, public war, must be dleclared against South Carolina, and Congrees must be called on, for Congress only bas pow er to levy war. I tink, therefore, that tho ques tion of coercion must be referred to that body. The Administration will e compelled to do so. But when he question comes then no human aogacity can predict what course hinigs will take. The Presiden. ial qucstion will then be in full liscussion. Much will depend upon he bearing which the issue *of coe#. 'ion will have upon that questiondfor t is the mighty whirlpool which Iraws within its greedy vortex all ,thecr subjects. Whilst the Administration will be 'This is' the langungo or Chief Justice Craft, n a recent p'tubhauon. tAt this point of my remerku .Judge Buder one andt observed that I did net undestandhim arreett -., and reaae bla position *le~jtu i on ihn, nOCaIn'I~.e V in the hands ofthen Mff tDe"D oerAtip party will le l1 the ascendaney-in the ogt - if it is found that tlip;iba questioli can be made Pa papi tal of, itwillbo used fgjbt pur pose. Although the copdprotnIse has patched up a; hollow sre qbetwen the old party leaders,.-ye'thereis'po love between them.- There.-can be none, whatqver. They 'are,gas far apart as.ever, and. when ..the. reui. dential-race begins tho.,cry -will be ccupact 7poetrernm u aldbes'~~'tbje de'il take the; hindmest., Thia was clearly shtnvw ;to be tbe state ofV.feel ing at the last Congresswhn en - at tempt was made to getg.Up, ,,.great Union party under awritten o pro mise pledge. This pledge rgelved the signatures of many distingished -Whigs; but, if my memory ser'YmO, of only two < prominent .S-tfiern Democrats, (Messrs. C h and Foote.) . The cohesive power of the compro. mise is fast giving way betWeen party leaders, and they will soom, be found in hostile array. But should the appeal to Congreg by the Administration result in _,the passage of some force bill, or .other measure of coercion, then we 'ill be called upon to defend ourselves with all the resources - we posses, and 1 feel the utmost confidetlce that, in such a contest the South will npver stand neutral.. Let the sword be put into the hands of the Exeoutive, if ter a long, and angry doba in Con gress,, for the purpose of .owat1g down. a sovereign State, wboso1oraly ai has beea iher impatience to ad our common institutions buwhipan appeal to the judge o' rdfer the- purity of her purposes, and the jistice'ef her cause, ap bsword must be dyed deep inSout. MAL lood before it is, retyrnendtoits sclbard. In such. a struggle,: vho-ve, asll tiumphi.,he Union will fall. .u tsi d: b .ome' ur frien&ds' t'E -we'Wilh W,10 !J1 t issue of force, but.that a wr - foi..US tozn houses afid of commercialreitric. tions will be waged' againsk.us . in other words, that wewill be destroy. ed by famine, and not by the A!Wrd. Now I think .this objection -is o*!the blockade idea in another form,:And may as well be classed, under that head. I cannot see how ourt com merce can be effectually restricted, except by such measures as musteul timately result in a practical blockide of our ports, and 1 refer to what9 I have already said on that head,"' But if sornetbing less than thiihis meant; if a sort of peaceable coerpion is intended -then I ask if its hasheds or extremities are too great to be en countered in defence . of a othee which is worthy of resistance ctve ry hazard and to the last cxtremity' But I think that with ten or fifWen -- millions of the richest progucekof the earth for sale, it would -abdihM eult to destroy our commerce by y measure of practical coercioi fi' wve will be content to- realize mnder sto profits andto offer a cheap mark et to the world, I venture to: assert that it cannot be closed by a ward rustonm houses. But these ai& buat speculations at best, and if Aeelit to ascertain the exact cost -of-'ry hazard in dollars and centsrdil never resist either separakly'or een jointly. Supposing, however, that ~eeon in no form whatever is atted ud, and. that South Car'olina is gernitted peaceably to secede, still our frigads. contend that she canriof intaiN y separate existence. Notthb-. [octiona seems to me to einoutt--t a6thing more or less ;han tisa That if South Cardlina shosidfie sufne those pdwershih saheisas lolegated to the genei'kl govnett and become, what we have ays sontended she, was, when she ea e nto this Union, aefree sovetreign. ind independent State, then tiat, moment abe pcrishes. I nust be permitted to say, with due t-esp4o hbose who urge this angunment. 1y it. proves'too much, anid gives irg thing in dispute. It is Y f#tal-V dessioru to the onaolidatiotdst~ jd still be&regard~d bhem in # pletb stirrendei. oy qWa :onteridedithati thebo Btitst i n ab6Yrac~o ( wordsk tha~t iths iol ienrdcanniot.pte \QiI, wrho* throrewIt-i ia. Lhey syt acontedr-. tey otsontt'i~J t~~ u