Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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v4 4A W . IN~';. rlf 1.4 I I TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY NWLIT NRAT. n soI bV n, Esq.,u Edito'/.. 4 4444 X RA Proprietor. - O P- - . .41.4 " (9t4* oura VOL.. I1~ SUMTE1RVILLE, S. C. 1 4 4 -aii l@84 s44 mne or TL ngmka, of N. Carolina, In, 'DraXCr or' -119 Boirrt AGAIN"S ToIE AG -Oasshis Mo EMarrEW Qr rI NORTI. M r O wnjMAIN said, that the com -ugtty was w/ell aware that he had, on yesteiay, i timated a purpose to dis -uaossthe ti:e stins involved in the prop *ositions rota ling to the Mexican territo iry. That s ibject was regarded by the whele count y as one of such immense importance hat he offered no apology fordebatin it.. To prevent miscon Cebilen (4 idhe) I say in advance, thotI hav e great confidence in the judgmenrt, tegrity, and patriotism of the Presi ent. I further admit fully the ri ht r the citize., of each State, W5~e re'lorthemselves 'all such domes. tic questionc as that referred to in the ,mesager But who are the people enti t40isoto decide, as well as the tine of admission and boundary of1new States, are in themselves ques tions for the judgment of Congress un Aer all the circumstances of cacti case. Tii territory of Louisiana, our first foreign acquisition, was rewtined nearly ten years in that condition before it was allowed to form a State constitution. - i the case of Texas-her people being composed almost entirely of citizens of the -United States, and having had a t government of their own for ten e as admitted at once as a S gtod4,the Union. In the present i -are considerations of the ,Abet importance connected directly arIndirectly with our action on this .ulect0. While adverting to them, as fally as tho time limited by our rules . ll admit, I ask the attention of the erence to this matter, I was p a disadvantage before the r puby lication made 'some Se ijOenerally known that ( [2p, ~he. Saturday evening e tiiiuo for the assembling of - h . ' Drelminarypo0eting Ao Save Usti y .beenkept . Contrary a o ii, to the er usage in this sjpect, some individual present furn. Isled to one of the New York papers drhet purported to be a report of the proceedings. This report being in p.'ome respects authentic, was copied into other papers. The writer gave very fully the speechesorth..sj persons whose views coincided with his own . but, thought he made a reference to im v position, he did not think proper to set out what I did say, so as to make that position at all understood. It will be remembered by those present on that occasion, that, at the very outset of ny remarks, I stated that I iad that morr ing had a very full and free coierence with the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. TooMBs,] who had moved the resolition; that there was, in relation to the whole subject embraced in it, as well as with reference to the mode of action proper to be adopted by the South, 4hn entire agreeiment between that gentleman and myself. In fact, that there was not, as far as I kne w, aniy *differenge of opinion between us, exceipt *as to the expediency of miaking' the issue at that time, and that I thought it preferalite to await legislative action spi stad on the defensive purely. - This, among other reasons then given, induced me to request the withdrawal of the resolution. It is proper that I should say that, in my interview that morning with the gentleman from Geor gia, and with his colleague, [Mr.. STE. PHEBNS,) I gave my reasons at length, founded chiefly on my recenmt ob~serva. tion of the state of public sentiment in the North, for believing that a collision was inevitable, and that the sooner it ,came on the better for all parties; but fthat to enable us to make our demon stration in the mo-t irmniosing arnd sue ,eessful mode, it would lie better to await -athe organization of the Ilouse. I ex. -pressed the fear that if we moved with .out the concurrence at the outset of a .majority of the southern members, we might place ourselves at a disad vantage before the public, and prevemnt our uni. ting the whole South in such a course of action as it might be found expiedienat to adopt. Leooking over the whole groulnd, how-. over, I am not at all dissatisfied with -the course which things took. TIhere has been no such division at the South as would be at all likely to impair eli cienit action hereafter. From the tone of the southern press, as well as froni other indications, it is obvious that the South will, at an early (lay, be sufli. cently united to insure the success of whater mDeasures it may be necessary dot to protect ourselves from the 'n menaced by thme North. As ction of a Speaker, in the itiot.Of'thie H-ouse and the ve never considered it of ~mont to either political party, or to either section of the Union. A Speaker without a majority of the [louse would be of no advantage to the Administration, nor could any mere ar raigement of committees materially af fect now the'action on the slave ques tion. Those, Mr. Chairman who have ob. served my course heretofore, know well that I have not sought to produce agitation on this subject. Six years ago, when I first tooK a seat on this floor, believing that the famous twenty first rule had been gotten up merely as a fancy matter, which was productive only of ill feeling and it ritation between different sections, I both voted and spoke against it, and was then regarded as responsible to a great extent for its defeat. I then stated, during the dis. Cussion, that if without cause we kept up a state of hostility between the Not th and the South, until a practical ques tion arose like that presented when Mis. souri was admitted, (for I then saw the Texas annexation in the future,) the 'greatest possible mischief might ensue.' I went on also, in the course of my ar guiment. to say that slavery could not he abolishel in this District without a dissolution of the Union. Two years since, when it had become certain that we were at the close (if tie then exist ing war to obtamn territory, I endeavor ed to place the question on grounds where the North imight meet us; con eeding, for the sake of argument, that the Governient had complete jurislic. tion over the territory. I endeavored to show, that while it might he justified in dividing the t'?:ritory, it could not exclude us from the whole without a palpable violation of the Constitution. I am sorry to say, however, that my effort, though well meant, did not pro duce the slightest effect upor the action of any one gentleman of my own party from the North. On this side of the House, they regularly voted that the North shouldi ave-the whatol' of the ter rit.ryand wolftagaist mnykefmpro lahO- EnaShAt a;v I that instead of sho % - jeh-e in any respect conservative. s I nsed to i consider them, the nortliran Whig mem bers proved themselves, on this, the great question, eminentlv destructive. To those gentlemei fr'.: tl-e North who aided us in an attemnt to a [tte the question in some manner nat <hi :raceful or dest uctive to us. I t.-n r In standing bv the righ of . omth, they ha V ) hoI :L tihit l ve-s ;if-ndls of the t2..stitutin and of the C atjil. Sir. the force anad extent of tihe pre sent anti-slavery move met of the North is not umlderstoodA by the South. Until within che last few montl, I had sup posed that even if California and New .Mexico should come in as free States, the agitation would sub-side so as to produce no further action. A few months' travel in the interior of the North has changed imy opinioni. Stch is now the condition of public sent mieint there, that the making of the Mexican territory all free, in any mode, would be regarded as an anti-slaverv trimnp and would accelerate the gemieral move mzent against mis. It is niot diflih alt to perceive ha w thiat state of jam tit senti ment has been pirodluced th- . The old1 abolition societies have ine a good deal to poison the popular mnind. By circulating an unmmenise numb,-r* of iin. flammrator-y pamnphlets, filled withi all flmnner of falsehmood an". eahm i:nyV against the South, its inistitutio, anid its men, be'cauise t hie:e was no0 t oria dlictioni in that quiarter, they' ha. u v teal a high degree of piejoihec aglainist us. As soon as5 it becamme probable that there wojuld be an acqjuisi ti..n of territaory, the queiistion at 'nce becamie a great practical one, anda the poli ti cians immnediately took the matter in hiand. With a view at once ofstrenmgth ening their- position, they seized ulponi all this matter which the abolition so cieties (whose [ai-i both larties courted in thme struggle) had furiiishied fromi tine to time, and diffused and( strength cned it as muich as possible, and tere by created an immense amaount ofhs tility to southern instituntiaar:s Every thing there conatibutes to this inaov'e ment; candidates are brought u t hby the~ caucus system, anal if therv fatil to takhe that sectional grolund w hich is deemeida strongest there, they are at oince (dis cairdedh. Thie mode oaf tbnminatinig cani didates, as well as of conducting the canvass, is dlestructive of anything like independence in the representative. They (1o not, as gentlemen often do iin the -South and West, take ground against the popular clamor, and sustain themselves by direct appeals to the in telligenco and reason of their constitu ents. Almost the whmole of the north ern press co-operated ill themo cvenmnt, with thme exception of the New York H~erald, (which, with its large cir-cula tion, published matter on both sides,) and a fewv other liberal papers, every thing favorable to the South a haen earefully excluded from the northern papers. By these combined efforts, a cegree of feeling and prejulice has been gotten up against the South, which is miost intense in all the interior. I was surprised last winter to hear a northern Senator say, that in the town in which he lived it would excite great astonishment if it were known that a northern lady would, at the time of the meeting of the two Houses, walk up to the Cap-itol with a southern Senator; that they had been taught to consider southerners generally as being so coarse and rullianly in manner that a lady would not trust herself in such a pre Bence. This anecdote, sir, does not present too strong a picture of the con dlition of sentiment in portions of the in terior of the northern country. How far gentlemen on. this floor arc to be in liuenced in their action by such a state Df opinion, I leave them to decide. The great principle upon which the northern movement rests, which is al ready adopted by most northern politi cians, and to which they all seem likely to be driven by the force of the popular current there, if the question is unset tied till the next Congressional election, is this: That the Government of the United States must do ncthing to sanc tion slavery; that it must therefore ex clude it from the Territories; that it' must abolish it in the District of Columbia, fobrts, and arsenals, and wherever it has jurisdictien. Some, too, carr. ing the principle to its extent, insist that the coasting sla ve tt-ade, and that between the Stttes, should also be abolished, and that coasting slave trade, and that between the States, shduld al so be abolished, and that - slave' labor should not be tolerated in *a public office of the United States, such as cus tom-houses, post-offices, and the like. As these things all olhviensly rest on the same gone:al dogma, it is clear that the yielding of oa or moro ;point@ would not check, but WouldnerelY ie, eeevtte, tl en ral t e reached, they wod !; 6 a n, as a cordially, the principle that the President should not anpoint a slave. holder to oflice. It is,'sir, my delibe rate judgment that, in the :resent te'n per of the public nind at t.:e North, if the territotial question remains open tll the next election, few if any gentle men will get here fom the free Statt-s that are not pledged to the full extent of the abolition platioim. It is, there fore, obviously the interest of all of us to settle this question at the present ses ei30i. That the general principle above sta red is at war with the whole sl irit of the Constitution of the United States, which sanctions slavery in several of its provisai.ns, I nted not argue here. Taking, however, a practical view of the matter in contrioversy, look for a moment at the territorial question, the great tissue in the struggle. I will do northern gentlemen on this floor the justice to aiiiiit that they have argued thminselves into the b-lieftat they are right in claiming the- tthole of' the'teri Lory fora free soil. Let me~ state, fotr a miomenit, the converse, or opposite of their proposition. Sutppose it were to he c-laimedi that no one should be a'!av w ed to go into tis pulic territorv, un iess lie cari-ied one or mocre slaves with him, it might then be said, just as gen t-emni- no ir tell us, Lt at it would be p'erfectly fair-, because it lace~d evecrv main who might lie in clinedi to gi.l it-~ onl ani tp(al foottting, anid mightr, b meanis of miakinog th us a hom'nogenieo's ptopu~la atein, adv 'aance thle geniera! in ter est. Northerin men~ w(nti at onice, I suppose,5i ob ject to thlis arrangemnit. Then tie should say to them, if von do not like this restriction, let it lhesettled, then, that every' citizeni of the United States tmay go into the commou(n terri tory) and carry~ slaves or- inot, just as he pleases. This woul se-em to he a pr keet ly equii taide and fair arrangemeuen t. Northier-n men. howev~er, ob ject ti this, imd say that they arec not w'illing to live in a tet ritoiry wherec others own slaves. Thnwe of South sayv to them, that we will consent to dlitide thoe teiritor-y, andi~ liuit our- possessioni twith3 slav-es to a part of it, and alliiw theni toi go at wil over- the wihole. Eveni to this the my (ih jet, and insist that th ey will not a:'li us to owiIcp one- 1fooit of thIie ter itor'y. iteember, sir, thiat this very terii-v ~ was ace ptdred by coieslt, li ndS itim tt while th e Souith, accori~ ding to its very~ 1populatsiin. would h ave been reqir i-e to f'ui-nishi onie-thitrd of the troops, it in point of fact did furnish two-thiirds of' the meni that madle the coinquest. And the NortIh, deficient as it was campara tively in the struggle, now says that its conscience, or its eup idity, wtill not per' mit us to have the smallest portion of that teriritory. Why, sir-, tius is the most impumdent proposition that itas aver maintained by any respectable body of mn-n Sir, I give the North full credits for its feelings in favor of liber I can well suppe se that northern gentlemen would resist, in the most emohatic mapI. ner, the attempt to make'ay man who is now free a slave; but I tegard thein as too intelligent to belielo that hu* manity, either to the slaveor tile mas ter, requircs that they shoold be pent up within a territory wbich,Mfter a time, will be insufficient for theirisubsistence, and where they must peris fFoin want, or from the collisions that 'ould occur between the races. Nor entsiuppose t'nat they think it would b injurious -to Ne w Mexico and California for our peo ple to go and settle aiong them. Prominent northern statesmen, both in this House and in the Senate, have de scribed the population of th'se Terri tories, and have represented -it as being not only inferior to those Iridian tribes that we know most of viz: the Cherokees, and Choctaws, but as being far below the Flat Heads, Black Feet, and Snake Indians. I cannot, therefore, suppose that they really believe that those terri tories would be injured by having in fused into theirn such a state of society as produces such persons as George Washing.,ton, John larshall, and thou Sn111ds of other great niod virtuous men1 living and dead. Your opposition to our right will be regarded as resting on tile lust tbr political power of your politicians, or on the rapacity of your people. The idea that the conquered people should be .ernitted to give law to the conquerors, is so preposterously absurd, that I do not intend to argue it. Doubt. less these people would be willing, not only to exclude slaveholders, but all other Americans, if, by a simple vote, they were allowed to (10 so. I may remark further,-that but for the anti slavery agitat'on, our southern s!avehol. ders would have carried their negroes into the mines; fo nia in such unib-ers.th- 1 ubt bnt that the maorit h mao it northern movements, and by the action of this House, which has, by northern votes, repeatedly, from time to time, passed the Wilmot prcviso, so as in effect to exclude our mnstitutious. with. out tie actual I assage of a law for that puirpose. It is a mere farce, therefore, widhout giving our people time to go suto the country, if they desire to ao so, to allow tle individiuals there, by a vote, to exclude a whole esass of our cirmis. This would imply that the territory bebl nged to the heople there exclusively, and not to all the people of the Unaited States. Compared with this 'great question, tie abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia is of little relative moment. One effect, however, of the anti-slavery agitation here is worthy of a passing no tice. Wi.hin the last two years, since the matter has become serious, it has seemed not improbable that the seat of government might be removed from the D~istrict. As this would be extremely prejudi2ial to the initerests of the citi zens here. many of them have so far ebaniged in their feelings as to be willing to allow slvr obe adolished, yiel dling to the force of the pressure from the North; besides, so many of their slaves aire from time to time trkein away hv the ad(oli itiits, as to satisfy' them that such pro\perty' here is almost worth less. A great itmpression was made on themt byv the coiminig in last year of a nor.ithlernt ship, an~d its carr~ itg away setVity slhves at once. Seeing that there was no ebance of getting Cont. gress to is lany aIIVdeq uiate lawv for thei.m protection'm, ais most of1 the States have donae, they seem to be forced to assent to somet extent to the northternt movement. Sir*, it is most sur'rising that the p~eople oif the southiernt States shoul have bornte, with so little cemnlaint, the loss of their slaves incutrred~ by the action of dhe free States. TIhe 'Constitution oft the United States parovidcd for the delivery of all such fugitives, atd Con gress passed ant act to carry it into elleet ; bit recenitl y, most, if ntot all oif the( northeni i States*, hafve compiletely dlefeated thieir~ prtov isints, by forbidding anty one of their citizenis to aid in the e!xecutitoni of the law, utnder the pentalty of fine andi inmarisomtaent for as long a ttm tusuall y as ie y'ears. 'There is probaly 1no (ne'Iegal imind in atny one of the free States w tihi con regard these La s als constitult iotial. For though the States am e nort bounid to legislate afli rmtat ively ini suppiort of the Conastitu. tiont of the Untitedl States, yet it is clear that t hay have njo right to pass laws to obstruct the execution, of constitutional ptrovisiomns. l'rivate citizents are not usually bounid to lie active in excution of the law; bitt if twvo or more combine to prevent the exceution of any law; they are subject to indictment for con spiracy rightfulhly legislate to defeat the action of Congress, they ihth thereby compietel nllify noat 6fit* laws. n thir, partioAh ;o ,b has been the ibuit; fr6r th1 g idaste :,2, -a v" 4 is negro.if he canlfyet~,Ai4psp t orf&tit is well-known Aat: the free ih atblid6hist ;,aht 1otheb dseei s " 'i tndr th" Wonc da sons, roting d h nItnano authority of.ILh State lws are: e usually to overpower th master .ad prevent his rebapture. The extent of the l6si; to ths 84th may be undersoodfron 0i fat, -t the number of runawaslaves iow'in the North is stated as being thiRy thousand; worth,'at ireient -prices lit. tle short. of Oilecn uliona of del iA. Suppose that amount of. property was taken away from the North by the Southern States .'acting* agaitist tho Constitution.- whak cmplAmt ould there not be; what memorials, remon strances, and logislative resolutions would come down ut,on us? How wOU144g-1 be ified with -loy1 mnembers, coming here to' pres their cironis upon Congress ? -Why, sir, many of the border tountiks 'in6th slaveholding States hre bneeX obli i d to givo up their slaves' almost. entirely. It was stated in the- newspapers the other day, that a few tounties named, in Mar4-land hd,'by the efforts of the abolitionists within six months, upon cOmputM'tion, lost one hundred thousand dollars worth of ,slaves. A gentleman of the highest stading, from Delaward assurd''.e the oheir day that that litile State lost, each year, at least that vali ue of such ropWty, in, the same way. A hundr snd dollars is a li.*Avy tax to boned on a single congression al DistrnLa by the abolitionists. Suppose U, .portional burden was inflicted on tlg Northern StMs. Hb6 would Massaciusetts ' bear, the. losis-i nually of one .fundred t ousand dollars ,ot oniy inhliqted vitho'ut law, _6u against an expr as.pvovision of the -Gon siatution W VW "mas infer from the complaipk sh' l e ofa sbghl. vented al pe tains from cari negro servfnt' tao Qhaestn. This wholeaction on the part of the North is not only in violation-'of the Constitution, but seems to be purely wanton, or originating in malice to wards the South. It is obvious that they dro not want our slaves among them; because they not only make no adequate provision for their comfort, but, in fact, in many of the States, have forbidden free negroes to come among them on pain of imprisomment, &c. It cannot be a desire to liberate slaves, because they have never, to my knowl. edge, attempted to steal negroes from Cuba or Brazil. It is true, however, that having the right now to come among us both by land and water, they have greater advantages and immuni ties. For if they vent into a foreign country, they would incur the risk of being ishot or hanged, as robbers aud pirates usually are. Sir, if any evils have grown out of the existence of slavery, they have not sat least affected the North. During the days of the slave trade, which (as I formcrl y had occasion to remark) was continued down to 1808 by New Eng land votes in the convention, the north ern shiip-owiners realized large profits by purchasing negroes on the coast of Af rica at thirty or forty dollars per head and selling thoem to southern planters for several hundred dollars. Tfhe bring inig in of these slaves caused large tracts of the southern country, too unhealthy to have been cleared by white men, to be brought under profitable cultivation. Th'le price of cotton has thereby been brought down from fifty to ten and Oven five cents per pound. An immense amount of capital and labor is employed profitably in its manufacture at the North. In England, also, not less than six hundred millions of dlollars is thus invested, arid a vast population exists by being emdloyed ini the manu facture. 1t is ascertained that at least five millions of white persons, in Europe and this country, get their employment are fed, andl exist, on the manufacture of cotton alone. The cheap southern production of the raw material not on ly is the means of thiu3 giving subsist enee to a great portion of the population of this country and Europe, but is clo thing the world at a cheap rate. In addition to cotton, rice, sugar, coffee, tobacco; and various tropical produc tions, are supplied at a cheap rate for northern consumption. On the other hannd, our slaves seldom come in !comn petition with northern labor, and are goodl consumers of its produictions. While the North has derived these great advantages, the negroes them seves have not been sufferers. Their condition not only conmpares mo~st ad-' vantageously with that of ther la.borin population of the SWorld,: but'l i:gg vance of the noshion they hk bEoii ibi e simy timepto ocpy it'-henae. l t~cri 'of!GilidoW ~htotfier then'Irr that country$aeir the wes qeatlai9te d only as savages.m Theya aeve oobtlnual ye nade slat'es by the foffe in gottenos4utof the tropjcaldpsatsolAfri 0, xcept whenthey r tried as merchandise. It ruits tbbe proved boiveiret to h6 i $r, the negrq,.ny moreo tihan te horse, call per yexistin a- tte of free Elom, out of the tropical regions. ' Their lecey at the North, as well- aother ireumanices ,-whih I ha'e 'not tine to detail, are adese to the proportion. And yet, sir, tliejournalsofthe North. while they dey that the French and theermanst ofo frlightened of a nm -tl zsation-ofilurope, are m out freedom stoutly maintain *s; th, negro, who has ve ... ,when leato himself, gotten up to the reseectable .tate of barbarism swhich -all the- othec-races h'ive atnained; iftIten excepting our [ndians in MXeiii tdPei.: While the peop1eof the northern States and the~negroes. have boon bene itted, I ain not prepared to admit that the'Souith (ifinji-edi at all) bds suffered as generally psnjed. Theo- ipfiux IOf foreign emigrants, :d olp otaer cir cumstances to which Iswilpresently ad vert, liave isi' diffijfacts put the North greatly html. But if you del duct tle foegfas~tfhhdlbe chiefly to the Northathe little we get nothiei* eminaci to iatpifrtion of our own ' le wh i theotiwsoer Satedand tht tehte poplaon of i the -el *ieis a a htes .basincreased fasterthen thatof the fre& Qwiie the reatly ahu. -inBditiyo deour , laetio beg eg*gra A9 e 4enden - oul poielto .o e WHI- itew e would be more nmdi fftiathi nor thern. ~Nor is itAgr~ that WO ee the poorer: 9fn the contrar~y,'it we are k< take the valuations f property in th different States as assessed-by the pub lie officers, it appears that 'te alvhol ding States are much richer ina.propor ton to -their population then the free. Even if you exclude the negrocs as perty, and count them in the popula tion, it appears that the citizens ol Virginia-the oldest of the slav States --are richer per head then the citi. zes of any one of the free States. I will also appear that the slaveholdin States have vastly less pauperism and crime than the northern States. Look, ing, therefore, at all these different ele; ments, yiz., greater increase of popula. tion, more wealth, and less poverty and crime, we have eason, to regard our people as prospeous and happy. Sir, I have not, for want of time gone into hdetails on these 'points, but contented myself with the statement ol those general views which evry eandid inquirer will, I am satisfiedl, fiud to be true. I do not seek to make comnpari, sons that might he regarded as invidi ons, unless by way of defence againsd habitual attacks on us; but I regard it as right to say on this eeasnon, that wleter 'onosideretd with reference tc the physical comfort of the people, oi a high state of public and private mor als, elevated sense of honor, and all generous emotiQue8, I have no reason tc believe that a higher state of civilatior either now exists elsewhere,, or has ex isted at any time1 in the past, than ii presented by the southern States o1 the Union.. When we look to foreign. countries these views are confirmted and sustain ed. Brazil, with a population of tw< slaves to one freeman, ig' the mest pros perous of the .South American State. anid the only one which, has a stable po litical system. Cuba is greatly in ad vance of the other Wesrthdia islands though St. Dornifigd and Jamkaica odece equalled heor before thre sieipatioi of their slaves. ~lesides the expense of maintaining her goverrdment at home, Cuba pays Spain a retente of nearly fourteen millions. This is a greater sum for her piopulati~onl than two hun dred millions would befor the Uni~ed States. Chuld otr eople in addition pay six timies a anch as. i$'de 1 Government has'-evera yet raised by import rtalest ? at CubesphoqIid be a . *b9a th~s in ei gMEd 1 duoe of thiw estema4 I ite howe ~ hofUoseat ifeeth 1he 6~~t~al'~~th thind~ made4b~I eien UladeA coulde repuitcia oYlino resisted ther liiM. j. 'enstitutios ggI unti itwu rai~ d~~ that no other klave8a&, north of,86 80. B leavi.g t South ed enoug in te ntt teen large States . by their fotier duce i4 .vhole ofhie territo. houlde stWI&TW AA ; t35. pvtlie nett .40 rinmenit - neorly tworto aob", tis Ious kmwennsb oUf njorbig b ranioks, 1ill t 7ron gq States br a h day, controlled 6itji p o.Ust. OA hich der certatr. errem t eustand Ckaesthe peuer~ raa~, wbere' *j 1 nutify~ the~~v t po for he pro theHabolitio V a4e s the States? Bu o n hotod Iot occur, in W. oss without nw~ ry, they:would it comm in ne -ut Ibve n4~~j~ acquisitions of territory l Probably, after thW meit 'p, election we shall get thzt .0 co which Is Yera'Qrung~ weltsuited to a of the slave labo, ded; %ver4helss;yW~ ie rp however,.th r av"00 nneer Giot'lil emend it thus: 1a Slavery is with free te . QL prohibit thei sao of free negroti intj Of course the swhole, ur to be heretafter 'ofndt~t of the prenent poptidtion l Wtwefl ambunt treaBVkenr ifiy yersto fl 4ense. the gmoplsto~ negroes wil di ne~ ogt~ y but wealth ier:portion f'hewi4popnie (I mean such; as Were abeto emuigI would leano the terite rTh( e g tion of the South wouldrfatrr. that oflfreldddd o those n tjo g Wti seeO this sta~ ~ ~ U ceirlaipts,t 0 children. T Fthe. facel It Mg uwr jwe e ipresas arm nti4~ bleinugas fihe leirh 4ba h les to be faihIl~lfnedit , hbeedrstroyelly~~I~d the Ilginng jury, an wvi~hwoAiIe what e - i~bi ~ AP~h~W~. nF, anenur utenamms t