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-' FA-. The Sumter Banner: LBM819 fElRT-WEDNESDAY MORNING, BY W1,LAM J. FRA NCIS TE R MS: ToojDollars in advance, Two Dollars and Fifty-cents at the ex >iratton of six months, or Three- Dollara at the end of the year. iNo paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid, uinless at the optiun tof the Proprietor . EAdvertisements inserted at 75 eta. -per equare, (4lines or less,)- for the first and half that sum for each subsequent insertion - 07Tho-number of insertions to be marked on all Advertisements or they will be publish. od util ordered- to- be discontinued, and chargediaecordingly. . . 7Oine.Dollar per square for a single in sertion.- Quarterly an Monthly Advertise nients will be charged the same as a single hsertioni and semi-monthly the same as new oneso .4v' .AllObituaiy Notices exceeding six lines, aa Comrani 'ums recommendi ng Cand dates for publii flices or trust-or 1 uffing Exhibitions#i WIIbe charged as Advertise -'15Ali letters by mail must be paid to in sure0nctual attendance. (FOR THE BANNER.) BIsnOPVILLE 5th July, 1840. Editor Banner: , After the conclusion of the Anniversary celebration at Piedmont Church near Dish opvillo oii the 4th instant, a meeting was forthwith called, for the purpose of taking in to consideration, the subject of Northern in terference with the institution slavery, and other matters connected therewith. The meeting which was large and highly respec table, was organized by calling Dr. Joi E. DENNis to the Chair, and appointing Win Rogers Secretary. The Chairman then ex plained more fully the object of the meeting by stating, that it was called to take into con. sideration the cause of the northern people, touching the institution of slavery, more es pecially, in regard to the efforts being made to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and to prohibit its further extension into the Territories of the United States; and also, the course that has been pursued south, as re gards southern rights and interests. A mio tion was made and carried, to appoint a com. mittee of 20, to draft preamble and resolutions expressive of the sense of this meeting. Wher upon he following gentlemen were appoint ed the'committee, viz, Capt. Jas. Renibert, T. M. Muldrew, John 0. Durant, M. I)ubose, J, W. Stuckey, R. M. Engv. im 1E. Muald row, Rev. T. IL English, Gto. AlcCutcheon, Alfred Scarborough, Esq. L. L. Fraser, Wim. Shaw, Hardy Stuckey, Adison Stuckey, Jas. *Witherspoon, A. Alexander, T. B. Fraser, Esq., Geo. Huggins, E. Keils, and J. A. Carnes. The'committee thereupon retired to the Church, and upon their return made the fol ]owing report, REPORT, Your'Committee, in approaching this sub jectshave felt that it was environed with difficultiesof a. very serious nature, which, had not a sense of duty and interest forbid den, would have stopped them in the very dutset of their undertaking. These difficul ties arise, in part, froin the very freedom Nihich we enjoy, and particularly the free 41Dm of speech, and of the Plress. Under the btoid egis of the Constitution these are en joyed by every man. subject only to those limitations, which common sense and experi ence have found to be necessary to the exist ence of society, and the interest of its memw. hers. No action on our part can effect ordi mninish this freedom. Again, your Committee have felt that, to some 'extent, complaint and remonstrance against rabid abolitionists, and all others who sympathise with themta for transmitting through the public mail their pamphlets and piapers to the people of the South, are undig iied, as' well as useless. Knowving our rights under the Constitution of the United States, we should entrench ourselves hehind this rampart, and wait until those rights were openly assailed, and until this bond of Union was rent assunder by violence, and trampled under foot. To complain and remonstrate will only lend our aid to effect a diversion from the true merits of the controversy be tween the free and slave states of this Union. It is a course also which, in all probability, wvill now, and for time to come, as wvell as in pjmes past, be attended with no advantage to the South.. *Your Committee might also mention as another difficolty wvhich has pressed up)on them in considering this subject, the state of publiCOpinions amid feeling upon the same. T1hie Bouth, in regard to this matter, may be divi ded inlto two classes.. The first of these op. grehenlded no danger from any measures whhkh abolitionists have hitherto employed, or are now employing, to bring about their aims. Even the powerful arom of the Press wielded against us in the dissemination of abuse-nlay of the most insurrectionary and incendiary publications which they can issue, jhey regardl as comparatively harmless "Gal. lio--like they care for none of these things." The second, are carried away by rago and iadness, against the authors of such nefari ous schemes; and as usual with men under thme excitement of strong passioms, they nei ther do, nor are they capable of wisely plan-. nuing how to defend their rights. Of the first of those classes, or those who fear nothing upon this subject, your Conmmittee would on ly may, that they evince neither wisdom nor knowledge of human nature. Nor can your runten discover any imorovement which they have made by the stUdy of the pages of history, either ancient' or modern, however shrewd and calculating they may be IU'n oiiet matters-Wo can give them no credit for shewdness and powere of.calculating here. Of the second of these classee, or the furiolts, your Committee would only say that they act un'visely in suffering passion to dethrone reason. If ever coolness, and deliberation, and firmness of purpose, backed by an intel. ligent view of things are -necessary to men, they are to the people of the South. Yet all dangers are not death. Every threatning cloud does not contain the whirlwind or tor nado. Every storm which rises at sea does not swallow up those within its reach. And of every ball discharged in battle, it has been estimated that only one in ten thousandtakes effect. Such are some of the difflculdes which have met the Committeo in approabh ing this subject. But these difficulties, how ever formidable, have not kept them from dis charging their duty to the extent of their ability. As the ardent scholar redoubles his efforts when his lessons grow harder, and the true Patriot makes the greater exertions to save his Country the more its liberty is threatened, so your Committee trust they have acted in the discharge of their duty. That the results of our deliberations may ap. pear insome tangible form, we will present them under the following heads: 1. Oir Rights. 2. The injuries which have been, and are still doing us, in the enjoyment of these rights. S. Our duty in the premises. 1. Our Rights. When we speak of rights in this connec tion, we mean, as a matter of course, only those which have relation to negro slavery, and in the first place, we remark concerning these rights, that they are not of that class about which men may form various opinions as to their existence, nature and extent. They are recognised in the Constitution of the United States, interwoven with it and make a part thereof. Take them away and it is no longer the Constitution of 1789, that glorious bark which has weathered every storm from the time it was launched until the present moment. Take these away and wliat remains, so far as tihe South is concerned, is not worth preserving. It can do us no good, but only evil and that continually. Ilad not those rights been recognised, this Union would never have been orined; and as soon as they are destroyed the value of this Union to us is gone. Tihe compact originally form ed in the saine spirit of compronmise must be preserved in thesame spirit. It will avail but little for two persons who are estranged from caci other, to become reconciled by mutual compromise, unless they preserve the sanie spirit which first. brought them togeth~er. Again, we remark that, so far as the consti tution is concerned, they are guaranteed to us just as strongly as the right of trial by jury, or the rightto tie free and unrestrained choice of worshipping God in whatever manner our consciences, enlightened by his word, shall dictate to us to be proper. In other words, our rights with regard to the institution of domestic slavery stand upon the sane footing in the Constitution with those last mention cd: and as die lattar can never wrested from us until liberty has beeqtranpled in tle dust so neither can the former. Thien two tliiings wthi regard to those rights wvhieh are under consideration, your Committee judge to be highly important, and ought to be constantly remembered and well considered by every citizen of time South. And it is for the accomn pishment of these ends that they are intro duced here. It is only in this way we can prepare ourselves for the worst, should it ev er come. Yet your Committee fear that our citizens, to soime extent at. least, are inconsid erate and unminidful of these things. What we say to all is, we have constitutional rights to the free enjoyment of this domestic insti tution, standing upon the same footing withi many of the dearest rilits which we enjoy as citizens of these United States. These should be carefully studied, duly estimated, and con stantly kept before Mur mninds, so that wien they should be invaded we shall be prepared for an intelligent and prompt defence of them at any, and all hazards. 2. 'I'he injuries which have been, and are doing us, in the enjoyment of this right. And here let it be remarked that we are not aware of any essential dilferenice between the laws which govern private rights, and those wvhich governi ptiblic rights. For cx aimiple. if A. otliciously, offensively, and re peatedly intermeddle with the affairs of iB. obtruding upon hmigm his opinioiis and vitu perations for not agreeing with him, none will hold A to be a quiet anid peaceable citizen. Or if, again. The cotton grower of thme South should set himoself up to advise and coiitroh thme manufacturer of the North, tby insisting that lie should ptirsue sonme other business, or should have balances of another kiind fromi those emnployed; and then not meeting with success in his self imphosed task, should load hiim wvith abuse and pursuade his labourers to quit his service, would not this be held to be most unwarantable and reprehensible con duct, an olbence against all good iniorals as well as constitutional rights. Now to Abohitionists, and all others wvho act in concert with them in disturbing thme Sotith we can say "Mutaio nomino hiabula, de te, narritur" while quietly minding our own business, we have been assailed by the Press, in Congress, and from the Pulpit. Tihe peace of our citi zens has beeni interrupted by insurrectionary and incendiary Pamphlets and Documents. Our slaves hacve been excited to revolt and rebellioni against their owiners by such iii ences brought to bear tupon their minds. We are thus brought iinto jeopardy by those who are under every obligation to defenid tis. Otir natural friends have biecome our enemies, event as we have rallied around the Constitu tion, we hatve born the shock of their as saults, We are threatened wvith being driv en from this strong hold,.-the very honors of the alter of the Constitution, it is detemin-~ ed, shall afford us no protection. But let us look a little more in detail at, these wrongs. They commenced at a very early ,period ini the history of our Government. T'he Mis souri compromise was by no means their star tineg point. Nor dlid the cneanious tho tade bytheo 80# of peitce, put a ~~ compromise op -lti~W~l inot proviso a follwed, ~am out 6f tht however at- themr9 d 1i vrongs whclihav beesa or Committee i Ih' tdI t Those of an iore tihtiet Msiaw, Ure shall brieZ4com~uJder 1.4' 41h.p1k tiolne forulilldikeh, are th a, W .dar icature and abuse of alli 6l:. True these are not very coi eU (at least in their offensive rdjmp); (i r0he fact that it is hazisrde'ns' for Pul ap book sellers to expose to- sale sjilh 'a4'i0 far from Masons,. aud Dixons lineatlegg gions we occupy. And yet imanys t6agglin g publications of this sort iad their way ken into South Carolina. Go dowe, to the border states, and you will Ud' inanZush publications. From these p"diver inlo0' free states and there scarcely alythin else .vill meet your eye in the hands ofchidro 2. Account of the meetingsof Abolitsoatsto, and of their doings which they manage lit. circulated among tie, and wh'ich aare off n. copied (we think injudiciously, into -iouthdin papers) is another wi'ong we endire. -These are read here and there byO4colered paople, and their contents doled out to others. Now it is enough for all the purposes of. nischief ifonlya few have accessto them; for the history of insurrections, and of all at temps made in that way, most: conclusively; proves that a few ring loaders cause all the nischiet; the mass are mere tools. In this connection your committee would remark that even the colonization society to those only professed object is.to remove allfree persons of color who are willing to 'go their Fatherland (which would certainly be a groat. blessing to the South) has become incidentaly a source of danger to the South. For in the first place, while this is the professed ob ject of the society, written upon the very face of the Constitution, its supporters in a great mary instances, are hostile to the institution of slavery, and fondly hope by this instrumen. ality to sup its foundation in this country.- It is not however at their successes in getting Southern men to send off their slaves, that we complain so much; but at the tendency of their eflbrts, and in some cases their direct aims to bring this institution into disrepute. This moreover has an injurious influence up. on our slaves. They hear Liberia spoken of in such glowing colors,-its growing prosper ity and increasing resources,-the case of ob. aiaing a support, and the freedom enjoyed by its citizens, that their heads become ad dlied. They wish for such a state of things, and the wish, very naturally, becomes father to the thought. 3. Another wrong is the sending to South. ern men, through tie public mail,. pamphlets and docunments-touching negro slavery, and in many cases of a grossly aiusive character. No man has the right to wound the feelings and excite the passionsof anither, needlessly. It is an act of wantonness which no system of morals can justify; and especially is this true after fair notice has bieeni given of the ef fects produced by such a course of conduct. Some of your Committee have been receiv ng such communications for years past, vthout knowing either the source from whence they came or being able todevise any lan to defend themselves. How long this may continue, or how much more annoying it may become, they are una. ble to conjecture. Perhaps if a law were enac eil by Congress requiring every post. master to stamp the name of his ollce upon all newspapers mailed there (as in the case of letters) it might enable us to detertmine, in part the wehercabouts of those who are thus assailing us. 4. Still another evil to be deplored is the existence of a class among ourselves sprung up it seems of late, who are advocating eman cipation. We will not suffier ourselves to canvass, either their character or either mo tives. Our iminiations shall not picture theim before us, as disappointed statesmen, nmen of shattered fortunes.-more visionaries or reckless revolutionist in their feelings. \Vc know not who thay are, either "Brutus" or true "Carolinian"! but we do know; that with such views feelings and aims as they have, it would be wise in thenm, to refrain from publishing anmd scattering broad cast their plans; or if they cannot contain to go north of Alason's and Dixon's line before they stop to p~roclaimi them. Above all men upon the face of the earth, they conme with the worst grace from "A T1ruse Carolinian'" or from 'Birutus," who professes to have common in terest with the muass of our citizens. I Iaving now consideredl our rights, and the wrungs wvhich have been, and are still doingr us, ini the enjoymnent ofthiese rights; before dismissing this part of the subject, we feel called upon to declare, that, wvithi those ol our brethren at the North, who have carefully refrained from disturbing us in any manner upon tnis puoint, we have no qtuarrel and to .vardls those who have stood by us, and nobly (leended us, entertain the very kinidest feel ings, which heaven grant, may long continue. 3. Our duty ini the premises. h~ere your Commnittee, as you may readily suppose, feel much embarrassed both as to the iiatter and imanner of their recoimmenda tiuns. T1haey would however, veiiture to nake the following suggestions. 1. We should make ourselves familiar with the nature and extent of our rights, us an in tegrel porton, of this Confederacy. Knowl edge is ever favorable to liberty. Tlhie sounid.. est exposuists of Constitutional law should be carefully studlied, anid urged upon our children, as worthy of their highest. attention. Even classical anid mathmematicalI know ledge, must yield in point of importance to thfis. A bove all the Constitution itself muiust be car fully studied. 2. We should never allow ourselves to be thrown off our guard, by the excitement of passion. Men undecr the excitement of passion, are not wise in council or very form idable in battles. 3. It is the opinion of your Committee,I that all abolition papers and documents touch ing negro slavery, adverse to the views andj destrojaed ha atel thir recep tion, by thoge A od t %are drssed, d they co co ed- 6 adop. n Wffli ftaus most lik to lefeat the epds of our eieu s. so''e l far aise eidol geutin our feelin&t toyawrds %one who are prejidiced again. us,'inerely'6eoine of ignor 8e. uh ai be. .yaluable; friende, and pially* 1It% ,.eti thzefr t l d A er are- # 6 eitid' to abi4e by, the iConifitiotof -hiflieditfeW' DQ Wcuhould esdeavor'by.the:'public'dis of all questiois touching our Consti :t ~ights, to dsseniate just -concep tipu .thefr.nature and-extent: among. our o'tiednu. And-also6,to awaken in their Tilleconiing'zeal-for efpreservation., e jicojile can long retain their.liberty,.who a $Klous concerning enoroachment up entrr1ghts. Fully to understand- their, irb.0nd duly to'estimatetheir importance, ,i e aly necessary to the preservation In poidifusion, your, ommiittee feel that heyarq. called upon to present in som9 more t*gible form than .they have, yet doile, the result of their deliberatias upon this whole subject,-of suchamomentonA iportance to the people of the'South; andthy would ac cordingly propose, for the id tion of the meeting the followin RE8OL TIONS. S'resoled. That thepeople of the South iilliyield to no portion. of this coifederacy, in. their .attachment to this government td ministered in accordance, with the Constitu tion of the United States. 2. That the South has ever borne her-full siharo of the public burdens, ever been-prompt .tq d to any and every call for men and n e fonce of the nation's rights and honr. , 8.r 'iat much as we prize this union, we prize far trore our constitutional rights, guar anteed to uRIn the federal compact. 4. That itis the deliberate opinion of this meotigand lso of the great majority of the Sot hthat our-. econstitutional rights have been -ong, trampled upon, and are in great dagier of beingwrested from us entiriely. 6a 4Vhnttthe 4outh-has borne their violation so joi Ohfi forbearance will soon (if not al ready) -cease to-ie a viriue. 6. hatWe hive witnessed with profound regret, that indecision and -to us apparent tameness, which. our latsWConvention has manifeated. 7.- That iwthe opinioni of this meeting a Southeeno bould pot only have been urg~e~kbtube time taand flace pro posed for ewier'ng'64 i "' v 8. .That thisboaf tsi: organized capacity, and asndiniqdsl,.wilL strenuously endeavor to bring a.unty in deing and action at the South.ii de ef our: commn rights. 9. Thatil- nghioa' -action dt touch ing the abolishmeat !of'egr6 slavery in pla ces trnder thcontrolf'the Federal Legisla ture, is i"-.&r gatior'f our rights, and un waranted lky the'..Constitution of the United States. 10. That Territories, acquired at the -ex pences of the blood-and treasure of the whole Union are, and of right ought to be, free to all. 11. That the assaults rade upon negro slavery, andi the numerous abductions of our slaves, and oppositions of all kinds raised. to their recovery by the North, justify and call for, upon the principle of self preservation, a strict vigilance- to be exeicised: over all, among us whose principles are adverse, t' ours, and who are found in any manner tam pering with our servants, 12. That the Cornittee nand' meedng, as individuals, pledge. their property,'siheirives, and their aacred honor, should iteverbdcomne necessary to make such sacrificesfor, their Constitutional rights-their paternalipheri tance. All of wiich is respectfully' *"6iit ted. On motion of Capt. J. D. Ashmore, the prearnblo and resolutians were unanimously adopted by the meeting. On motion of Gen. S. R. Chandler, it was Resolved. That this. preamble' and resolu-: tions be published in the Sumter Banner, Charleston Mercury, and South Carolinian. .JNO. '. DENNIS, Chm'n. War. ROGERS, &Ce'y. [From the Washingt'n Union.j whio has betrayed the south? It cannot be denie4 'a very great change in relation t~ h. subject of slavery has taken place 'in the free States, not only in the senfiments which prevail among the mass f thospeople of those States, but in the political ac tion of both of the great parties into which they are divided. .The fact can not bo denied, that it is butrdewyjears since when Abolitionism was a, meagre faction even in the Nbw England States, and its advocates wore oven there treated with contempt ridicule, and sometimes with violence, when they attempted to hold meetings for the .r-. pose of discussing the doctrines wih they professed. Nor had it ngade ~ headway in Congress. 'The Sot presented, at that time, an und~ividd front upon a question wvhich afectedrso vitally her great interest, and alle was sustained by a band of' firm ~4 ntre pid friends among the Demot'tftle frece States, which enabled i~~ii7W great measure to suppress Q~ itation of the dangerous qj~ slvery. It cannot be deuie* I~ more than six years age the 8th as triumphant in the halls 6f Ooxn~s this question, which so inti~~jl volves lher peace and scr enabled through the ildet oti Doecratic Rep entatives?93 ti free States1 of ly to au~#O agitation upon the subjet. Such was the state of things no farther back than six years. Now what-is the state of the question both ih Congress and the States in which slavery does noiOxist? In Con gress the South have bben defeated and prostrated on this great question. She has been insulted, and even the sa ced 'guaranties of the Constitution, which should be her protection, have been grosly violated and trampled upon in the site *Representatives. The rules adopted o prev.ent the agitation of the subjet have been repealed, and even on the great question relating to the territories, she has failed in obtain. ing the rights and securities which she claims under the Constitution. And what is the state of the question in the free -States? A change equally as radical and profound has there taken place among both people and politicians. 6ix years ago the South could rely im plicity upon the support of one of the great parties at the North. She had friends in Congress from the North be longing to the Democratic party, who nobly defended and maintained her rights. But now, what is the state of things ? Nearly all those friends have been stricken down and have disappear ed, and she is left to battle for her rights almost alone and single-handed. These are facts, stubborn facts, and they cannot be denied. And now it remains to inquire into the causes which have produced this great change in the sentiments and conduct of the people of the free States, and in Con gress, upon the subject of slavery, and to ascertain, ifpossible, who have been its authors. In our judgement, there is but one cause, and the authors to that cause are as apparent to our view as tbe cause it self. It is'the aliance of the South ern Whigs with Northern Whigs; for which the leaders of the Whig party in the South are alone responsible. Let us look back lito the history of the slavery question in Congress, and see if we have not abundant evidence to support the position which we have is sumed. Every Southoyman will remember, that the agitation of the slave question in Congress, is- comparatively of recent date. It commenced under the auspi ces of the late John Quincy Adamns, who owed a debt of hatred and revenge to the South for the political hostility wbich both he and his father encoun te-ed from the Democracy of that pdr tion of the Union. He became the great agitator, and the patron of the pretended right of petition, under which the abolitionist claimed.the-right of inun dating both Congress and the country with his inflammable matter upon the subject of slavery. In 1838, the nuis ance had become so intolerable in the House -of representatives, that body found it necessary to take Some steps to suppress and put an end to it. And hence the resolutions known as the "Atherton resolutions" were ado pted. Those resolutions were presented 'by Mr. Atherton, a Democratic .member from New Hampshire, and were adopt ed by a unanimous veo on the part. of the Southern members, and a large share of the Democratic members fromn the free States, very few if any Whigs from the free States voting for them. They provided that Abolition petitions should be received and referred to a committee without reading. Still the agitation was not allaved. Under the lead of Mr. Adams, -aided and assisted by Mr. Slade, a Whiig from Vermont, and Mr. Gdedings, an other Whig from Ohio, petitions of the most objectionable character, and inost insulting to the South, continued to be presented in greater numbers than ev er ;.and so great was the excitement produced by them, and the consequent mterruption of business, that the House was compelled, at the session of 1889-'40, to adopt the celebrated 21st rule, which excluded the reception of petitions upon the subject of slavery. This resolution was adopted by' the unanimous vote of the Southern mem bers, and twenty-eight Northern Dema ocrats ; all the Whig memhers from the free States voting against them-. except one. Thus, at that time, the whole, ahgprty of the: Nerth had abandon dthinterests of the, South and: come i~on the side of the Abolitionist ; is ~ovagthe. South and a devoted band rherxn Democrats to fight the ~atps of Ahe South against the incon (jrs;~ ho were endeavoring to light l&t'trl.ofrinsurroction and servile war hnietoy bosom. .Af atIi ea~r d4emonetiationtht h South hiid nohg td Whigs of the*Noh, had fope from, tha'eodi~i proved to be her true a'4stead.fit ricnds, what couise ou hta s tdA 1' e. ursued ? The voie rio, AlMai10 :ommon sense a'i , )tlH t4ii Iave stood by het* troe frsif 66 *ree States, the Denwdici- di Mvili yourse did she take ? TiVIbq d )f the South -contnimid to po Northern friendsof the South Whigs of the South -deeted ih After this demonstration ,df 'divIset imeng the politicians a#6poplo of tug South, and the alliance 6! the Souithei Whigs with the Norther6 -Wliigs whif vas the course' of. the ,latter? The )ccamo open*an I avotdd-Abolitionisis. they 'passed resolutionsagainst slavef ry, not only in their populat cosin ,ions, but, in their State Logielat ind permitted no opportuiity'to pas to inflame the popular thind agamat 3lavery. And in Congtess, Whig lM' resentatives from the Noith voted [ll occasions and on all qgestions against thoe South. At ho'me tiY a ged incessant war against the Deio rats who. had maintaimedtheirightWf the South. They joined with thiAb litionists in hunting down and detfof ing politically every Northern manwho Jared to stand up in defeuce f tIh constitutional rights of the. Soith. And while these Whig enemiesof"iie' South Were engaged in this -nfaiious wvork of huntirig down the i true friends >f the South. Southern Whigs nidil .hem and encouraged them, exaltig vith them over every victim-whom they 2ad prostrated and destroyed. Soutli !rn Whigs rejoiced in -every -victor shich their Northern Abolition allift gained over the. Democracy of: thb North, upon whom alone theBn outh sould rely for the defence of her tightd. When the Democracy of New Ham'p ihire was temporarily bioken down end lefeated by the treachery of Half Southern Whigs, both orators and presses, were loud' in their rejoicingg it the event. .They exulted .at the Aection of Hale to the Senat, and 'gain in the' election of Wilson- and Luck (Abolitionists) to the Houised These are 4tacts which clxanot wioih truth bq denied or gain-sayed. ettt not-be denied that so far back as th doption of the twenty.frst rule 19ter Northern. Democrats were 4IN 6odly friends which the South had ipthe North. Nor can it be denied thatfeoni that day to this, Northern Whigs, aid ed and abetted by Southern '-hi have= been constantly hunting thiA down, making this very friendship o the South and support of" Southern rights the pretext and cause of accusa tion against them.' But these are not all the facts: gm-oin to show the treachery of southrz Whigs to southern interests-conUie which has tended more than all"' lli muses to alienate the DeiogbA iends of the South, and to, thrw he ;reat interests at the mercy of Nrth& rn Abolitionism. In the sessiona'f t 843-'44 the 21st rule was -repiiledi It was accomplished by the unanimoid vote of Northern Whigs, a portioneof Northern Democrats, and'"gerent Southern Whigs-Stanley of North arolina, and Botta of Virginig, being among them. Here is an megtend i which Southern Whigs not only deert. ed the true* friends- of the' South frobi' the North, hut the~y deserted'the Sotitis en cause itself. After such a tta al of Southern interests by the Sout. erni Whigs, could the South lfoot16le ger even to thie northen Democrat. dr sympathy and support. We appeal t all candid Southern men of all ptwJ ties, and conjure them to ponder 'thi* :uestion. ' Bit this is notl, The teW' etoral question came up,. and was'd bated in Congress. Norhers tem rats desired that the question h~~ji ~ be setiled.' b. Clayton'a con c i* bill was offerect; and wLhileint aNeyt - ertn. Whig voted for it, noig '4d Northoril Demogatin ed eet did, to insure -its Southern Whigs '~~ luding, Stephens o P~endletoiubf dfeati t and ti# iereiter~ de in d eih era mtre~ isnt b 'ji .'.