~ YsT ~ t - -- -b i i'n 4
--
VOLUME jnI. .SUlYTERVILLE, S. C. JULY11, 1849. .UMJC7
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Political.
Gens. Foote's Letter.
VASm1INrT0N, JUNE 28, 1849.
Hon. Henry A. Wise, Acconac coun
ty, Va:
My DEAR SIR. I wish I could say
that I feel none of that solicitude ex
pressed in youriletter to our mutual
friend Dr. G''"(which has been just
shown to me) in regard to the existing
condition of our public concerns, and
the consequences likely to arise from
,certain movements of one or two of our
leading politicians, to which you have
in ted my atttation. Never in my
life, I assure you, have I felt more sore
ly oppressed with doubt and desponden.
cy, or considered the Union itself in
more danger, than I do at this moment.
Last year, it seemed to be admitted by
ull discerning men that our political
sky was not a little gloomy and menan
cing, but, r.ow, the very blackness of
,darkness appears to have spread like a
funcral pall over the whole firmament.
Had we been able to cffect last winter
some fair and fraternal compromise of
the question of slavery in -tle territo
ties, as at one tfaie was confidently ex
pcetedl, there would have been but little
in the vista of the future to sadden the
hIeart or alarm the fears of the patriot;
but the muachinatious of wicked and
Vrverse men have triumphed over the
straight-foward honesty and manly en
crgy of others; and lo! hope has been
transformed into dismay, and confusion
has taken the place of order; just, too,
as the s_'ason of danger and difficulty
s3emed drawing to a close! For one,
I shall ever look upon the defeat of
the Walker amendment of our last ses
sion as the most nafortunate event of
our history; and I shall be indeed
greably disappointed if those who have
beei heard fiercely to exult over the
succcs of tliei- wicked dexterity, are
sot fated hereafter to lament the suc
cess of their eforts inl sackeltoh and
ashes.
I confoss myself wholly unable to di
vine how anly man, wishing well to the
aministration of Gen. Taylor, and real
ly desirous that the ship o'f State, while
under his guidance, should be favored
with calm weather and tranquil seas,
conl wish, notwithstanding, to keep
this alarming territorial question open
for futuro agitation and excitement; nor
.do I find it a whit less ditlicult to un
derstand how a leading Democratic
Senator from one of the slave States of
the confederacy, coul reconcile it to
his sense of duty to so critical, with the
worst and bitterest foes of our domestic
southern institutions, in preventing the
settlement of a question so full of per
plexity and peril, not to the South on
ly, but to the Union also. And yet
here is the vote in the Senate, on the
1st day of March last, upon thme pr-opos
ed anlinmenit of Mr. Walker, after- it
had been agreed to in committee of the
whole, anid reported-for final action:
AFIRMATIVE VoTE.-IMessrs. At
chison, Bell, Berrien, Butler Calhoun,
.of Mississipni, Davis, Dickinson, D.,dge
,of Iowa, Downs, Fitzpatrick, Foote,
Jn mter, Johnson, of Maryland, Johnson,
of Georgia, Kcing, Mangum, Mason,
Pearce, R~usk; Sturgeon, Turney, Un
der wood, Walker, Westcott, and Yuleo.
INEGAT[VE VoTE-Messrs. Alen,
.Atherton, Baldwin, Blenton, Corwin,
Davis of Massachusetts, Dixance, Up
hanm, and WValcs.
That, after making up his mind to
jo~in in defeating the only plan of com
promise wvhich seemed practicable, Mr.
Jhentoni should follow up his treachery
to the South and the Union with fur
thmer movemnents in the same direction,
was to be expcted from the man anid
his position; but that even he should p<
have presumed to turn, without provo- ir
cation, upon those who had been strug- ot
gling ardently for two sessions to save ei
the Union from destruction, and the o1
South from degradation and ruin, and C
accuse them of being traitors aud dis- a1
unionists, was surely not to be anticipa- tc
ted. And yet this is precisely what w
has occured; and, though the intelligent ai
freemen of Missouri appear to take a Y
correct view of his conduct, still the ;Y
fact cannot be concealed, that his de- c
fection has already imparted much con- ri
fidence to our enemies in the North; ci
whilst our friends in that quarter of the a1
Union have been proportionately dis- k
couraged and paralyzed. It now ap- ai
pears manifest that the Wilnot M
Proviso will pass both houses of Conl- is
gress; and if he who saved his country's ui
honor upon the field of B1euna Vista iii
shall be found unwilling to rescue it el
again in the dread hour which is fast al
approaching, God only knows what hor- ot
rid scenes we are to witness. Of one at
consolation, though, the generous sons c(
of the South can never be defrauded: of
no instance has yet been recorded on tli
the page of authentic histury, in which ar
the faithless soldier, who abandoned st
his colors, and stole over to the enemy, in
amidst the heat and confusion ofbattle, cV
ever afterward found himself rewarded mi
according to his hopes by those whose li,
triumph lie had thus become auxiliary.
On reading the speech which Mr.
Benton delivered at Jefferson city a
few weeks since, a copy of which was
sent to you a day or two ago from this
place, you will not fail to be struck a<
with the fact that, whilst lie has taken tu
it upon himself, at the safe distance of pr
a thousand miles or so from the objecrs Pm
if his assailment "Address of the South- fi
arn Delegates in Congress to their Con- le
stituents," of having been found aiding su,
and abetting in a rank disunion plot, yC
lie has done you and your patriotic er
county of Accomac the honor of array
ing you in the very front rank of trea- an
son and rebellion. il
I cannot doubt that you will agree cr
with me in considering this Jast haran- ac
ge of Mr. Benton as One of the most hi
remarkable productions of this remark- of
able age. It would appene to have ki
met with unusual favor in certain vi- A
cinages, and to have called for ith lusty w
commendation from one or two editers, in
who have not been heretofore classed to
as his admirers. Indeed, he is said to st
have been actually nominated for the b;
Presidency itself in several rather ob- di
scure Abolition neighborhoods. And n
yet, for the li''e of nc, I cannot see 01
nothing either in the speech or speaker tc
which should provoke such adini- ft
lation. It is evidently a long medi- a1
tated, laboriously prepared, atnd dili- tli
gently memorized discourse, upon eer- hi
tain national topics of most sui passing ti
interest; and yet do I feel that I can eb- I
serve of it justly, and without the smal- u
lest exaggeration, that its feeble and w
confused reasonings, its tawdry grand- w
iloquence in some places its coarse si
scurrility in others-its awkward and li
clowish attempts at a sort of Ciceroni fi
facetitousness-its unmnanne rly dogma- tI
tismn-its nauseating~ ej'totismi-andl that S
infernal spirit of malignity 'which it ei
breathes throughout, and which iwould oi
have been far betr suited to animate a
the outcries of some "gobfila diined," di
or devil broke loose from hell, than to w
give grace and dignity to aught of hu- S
man mould and temperament-would hi
be sufficient to extinguish the glory and~ a,
blast the faune of the most distingish- hi
ed orator that either ancient or modern ui
times have afforded. I will not weary S
you by dilating further upon a themew
which could not but prove unsavory. TI
You have heard this "mani of head and1( St
intellect" attemplt to grapple with great tI
questions of State, when lie evidently fc
seemed to suppose that a fit of genuine ii
rhetorical imnspiration had come upon p~
him; and you will have no dilliculty in si
appreciating the encomiums which have el
been so lavishly bestowed upon the an- tI
gust deliverer of Calhounias. sl
It is amusing enough to observe with ic
what pertinacity Mr. Bentoni keeps up r
his pursuit of the favorite statesmen of F
South Carolina. The issues which he a
makes in his Jefferson City speech arc p
all made with Mr. Calhoun. His de- b
nunciations are all for him, lIe redi- iil
cules him-he mnaligns himu-without s<
stint or remorse, lie mentions no oth- ci
er signer of the Southern Address by V
name at all. lHe glances, to be sure, a~
furtively, and alnost as if by pure acci- it
dont, once or twice at those who united tk
wvith the dlrauightsmann of the address, p
in thme act of subscribing it; but affects ei
to recognize every mnother's son of them w
as mere "followers" of a sor t of idolized ol
>fitical leader. His reason tor adopt
g this particular course is obvious en
igh; he imagined that there yet lurk
i in the public mind a remnant of that
ice prevalent prejudice against Mr.
alhon as the expounder of nulification
id dupposed that if he could manage
connect our movement last winter
ith the noted measures of State resist
ice adopted by South Carolina a few
ars since, his triumph in the contest
heh he has sought would be quite an
Lsy one. ]Bosides, he had but little
ght to expect that Mr. Calhoun would
ane into arena at all with such an
itagonist as himself, as he is well
iown very seldom indeed to notice
iy thing which chances to full from
:r. Benton in the Senate, and to cher
Li for him only a sentiment of immens
-able contempt. By cautiously avoid
g any special allusion to other sign
s of the address, lie expected to be
ic to assail them thus inti ectly, with
it affording them a pretext for retali
ing his hostility. I regret to feel
mpelled to disappoint this anticipation
impunity. Representing, asI have
e honor to do, a valiant, a i atriotic,
d Union-loving constituency-a con
Atuency who, upon all questions which
volvo the honor of the nation, or their
-n domestic security, are united to a
an-a constituency firm, discreet, en
;htened; who
"-- - -Their dutirs know,
Put know their rights, and kiuwauag, dture
umnint ain;
Prevenit the longj nim1ed blow,
And crush the tyrut. when Ilse/ rend the
chain;"
ting by the authority of such a consti
ence, in a high place, 1 dare not
ove recreant before their enemies, or
tiently permit my standing and good
ith as a trusted functionar y to be cal
liin question by any inflafed and pre
mptuous lemigogue that has ever
.t crushed the republic with his pres
ee.
I respect Mr. Calhoun very highly,
A believe that few better, purer, aiil
are patriotic men have ever lived on
rth; but whilst I am not ashamed to
knowledge my high reverence for
3 mind and character, I am not afraid
being regarded by any man who
tows me as his obsequious follower.
few days will determine, whether lie
*o has been set forth as our leader,
ay not, in spite of his known aversion
controversial strite, and the feebl6
ate of his physical health, prompted
r the peculiar perils of the hour, a
,ep and swelling sense of long accu
ulating wrongs, and this last vandalie
itrage upon his feelings and charac
r. snatch the sword of vengeance
om the scabbard where it reposes; i
ad wield it with a giant's strength for
C destruction of such monsters ag
tve seldom appeared in the world since
e old days of Mythical renown.
erJ-rupit Acheronta Ierculeus labor:
itil lie shall consider his assailants
orthy of death at his own hands, it
Dul ill-become one wholly uncoinis
Lned fIr the purpose to presume to
.t lance in his defence. I shall con
ie myself to points 'which involve alike
e honor of all who subscribed the
authiern Address. W~hat are the cir
imstances connected with the origin
'this much censured document? They
-e easily stated, and as easily coinpre
md6 be bor-ne in mind that
lien the metig ' ~gi of thel
outhern members of Congress n
Ild in the Capitol last winter varicud
riession~s of a most serious character
id from time to time beCen committed
wou the peculiar instittutioiis of the
1)uth; a graphic delineatioin of which
htiehi will be foumnd in the address itself.
hese aggressionis must have been most
rius and alarming as all will adiit
at the outrages perpetirated withini a
wV years past hare ben grosser andtl
ore vital than any hieretofojre emn
ainied of; amid since Mr. Bentomn him
If, who iiow has the elroter'y to dec
are, in his J elTerson City speech,
at lie "'has seen no dlanger- to the
ave property of aiiy State in this tUn
n from the action of Congress;'" thein
noteen years ago, ini his speech oin
oote's resolutions, averred, with every
pcarance of deliberation, that the
ussage of a general emancipation law
.' Coiigress was not only "hr no imeans
p1robable,"' but, ''on the. contrar y ab
lutely cei tain, in the eveiit of theinue
~ss of certain measures then on foot.''
hien we held our meeting in the Sen
e) Chamber, a resolution had bee
troduced into the Ihouse of Represen
tiyes, the object of which was to re
mal all acts oir par-ts of acts which -
giiise the existence of slavetv, oi
hiieh authorise the selling ordipsn
Celumbia; andi alnost eniough votes
had been cast in support of this I-esolu.
tion to carry it triumphantly through.
At this period, also, a resolution had
rassed the. House, by a vote of 107 to
80, instructing the Committee on Ter
ritories forthwith to report bills provi
ding for the exclusion of slavery from
California and New Mexico. This had
been followed up by a bill providing for
the taking of the votes of their inhabi
tants of the District of Columbia, inclu
sive of slaves anld free negroes, upon
the question whether slavery should not
be abolished twi-rein. A resolution had
passed the House, by a vote of 98 to 88,
directing the Connittee on the District
of Colimbia to report a bill, so soon
as practicable, prohibiting the slave
trade in said District. Upon all these
several questions much exciting debate
had occurred, and the language of re
proach and'menace had been freely and
fiercely employedi by certain abolition
members. Various new recruits, also
had, in the progress of these transac
tions, been seen to take their stand
amid the ranks of our enemies. Mr.
Benton affects to think that there .was
nothing in the least degree alarming in
this state of things; though, I repeat,
he had expressed his fears of the pas
sage of a general emancipation law by
Congress as early as 1810; yea, had
asserted that the passage of such alaw
was "alhay's most absolutely certain in
the event of the success of measures
thenon foot." We of the meeting did
not agree with Mr. Benton. We saw
dangers. in the most appalling form,
about us and around us, and that there
was absolute necessity for looking at
once to our own safety and that of our
constituents. We believed the Union
itself* to be in inninent peril, and we
resolved to dl: all in our power to pre
serve it from destruction. The meet
ing which has been soimuch denounced
was accordingly convoked. No secre
cy whatever was observed or enjoined:
on the contrary, the utmost publicity
was sought to be given to the whole af
fair.
Mr. Denton asserts, in his Jefferson
City speech, that our meeting was got
ten up by Mr. Calhoun. A statement
more groundless could not have been
hazarded. So far as I know or believe,
Mr. Calhoun had no participancy what
ever in getting up this particular meet
in nor do I believe that hie knew it
was to be assembled until most of those
whose presence was desired had been
already summoned. I gave an account
of this meeting, as to its origin and ob
jects on the 22d day of February last,
which no one understood at the time to
call in question, and which I do not
believe that even the redoubtable Sena
tor from Missouri will ever be rash en
ough to denyi in my hearing. In re
ply to Mr. Dayton, of New Jersey,
who had evidently received some mis.
representations in regard to its charac
ter, thins did I express myself:
"Mr. Pr esident. The honorable Sen
ator from New Jersey permitted sever
al allusions to drop from his lips which
have indcluced ine to suppose that lie de
signed to reflect soniewhat upon the
pruceedlings of' a body which lately as
semibled in this city, called the South
era Conventmna. .Now, Mr. Presidenrt
though I can declare, without affecta
tion, that I regard myself as among the
humiblest of those who participa;ted in
the deliberations9 of that A ugust assemn
-- t, as I hadn a very particular con
necton ' and have been made,
f romn aciet usacs more
thme subhject of coarse denune
rufliamily ridhicule than any other mem
ber of' it, I beg leave to avow my whole
resp~onsibility in this affair, and to in
cur all the diseredit to which the putb
lic may judge me entitled by reason of
my acts. I avow, then, sir', (as I find
I amt charged in various newspapers
with doing,) that I did, in conjunction
with a worthy friend of' minec, (also a
meamber of' this body,) enter the han~ll of
Repret'(sntatives, ini order to summonm
the S';ihiern imembaers oif that body to
meet in this ebiamber, ait night, for that
was thme time when such a meeting coiuldl
lie possibly hell,) for' the purpose of' ta
kimg into gr'ave consideration the vari
4)us a ggr'essions upon our1 righite which
hail biehe m erptrated, or which were in
a courtse of bintg perpietrated, by wicked
and userupuhuims maca; and for thme
counmteractionm of' whieb it was obvious
that thme imost prompt and vigoirous mecas
ures wvere necessar'y. Yes, sir, 1 (lid
perifo rm this suibrdiaite miniisterial
part olf smumaninhg the Southeirunmem
lhers of' the l ionso of Riepriesenitatives.
I smmomoned Whigs anid I summonedl
D.em'cr'ats. I mysel sumoe diect
0y1o indirctlyv, the representatives of
ion. Moreover,. I talked fr.eely-,th
those whose pre'enco I requested, in
explanatioti of the objects of th'eedntem
plated meeting. I could confidently
appeal to them, and each., of them,
whether in all I said, 'I hinted at- disun-:
ion. Well, sir, that convention asseii
bled. Much debate occurr6d,.andl
much division sprang up, chiefly on mi
nor points-uch as the time macst pitp
er for decided action against our adverr
saries, and the mode in which such ac
tion should take place. I maintain
(and defy contridiction) that there was
not a aingle sentiment uttered in that
body that. fairly and dispassionately
considerred, if made known to the
world, could bring'the least discredit
upon the assembly in which it was an
nounced.
"An address was sent forth to the
people of the South, every statement-of
which is true beyond contradiction
every of which is of irresistible cogency
--cverv sentence and line of which is.
marked with high toned patriotism and'
devout regard fbr the Union. This
address. sir, was subscribed by a large
number of the Southern members . of
Congress present. It was not sub
scribed, for different rensons, by others,
whose refusal to subscribe it is, I hope,
capable of satisfoctory explanation to
their respective constituents. I feel
bound to go further, and say, that there
are among those who thought it not po
litic, under all the circumstlances of the
case, to subscribe the address, (as pre
liminary to its publication,) some of the
most worthy men and unquestioned pa
triots to be found in the republic. And
now, sir, the address has gone forth-it
has performed its high office. The
South is roused up to a circumspect and
scrutinising survey-of all the dangers
which threaten her present peace and
future safety. Our 6nemies stand par
alyzed by the moral energy so sudden
ly and so imposingly displayed by
Southern Senators and Representatives,
and the contemporaneous legislative
resolves of nearly all the Southern
States of the conCederacy. Atklast
there is some prospects cf pacification,
of compromise, of the final .settlejment
of the most distracting a:d dangerous
que stion which has been agitated in'our
times. Darkness is fleeing away, and
light is beginning to beam upon us.
Who shall dare to denounce those who
mot in that convention as traitors to the
Constitution and the Union? Who
shall presume to arraign now the sound
intentions of that noble body of South
crn gentlemen and patriots ? Who
among all those that so fraternally .co
opperated for the defence and vindica
tion of southern. rights and southern
honor, will ever cease to be proud that
he was one of that glorious Southern
Convention, the members of which dar
ed, in sj:ite of maledietions, misrepre
sentations, and ridicule, to perform a
high and sacred duty to their consti.u
ents and country, by which those con
stituents mid that country have been,
in all propability rescued from dangers
which could not have been -effectually
warded off save by the means so provi
dentially adopted, and so fearlessly put
in exercise ?"
Mr. Benton complains that lie was
not invited to at tend the meeting c f the
Southern Members of Congress. I
should have thought that a man of his
sagacity would have been able to, account
for this failure to secure his valuable
presence, withont feeling himself com
polled to impute unworthy designs to
those who got up the meceting. I nill
e'ao ~ him thiou' lion this point, I~e
wsntinvt ' resent, because
hewa osio othe f a tll de
fensive measures agis b
Free Soil hostility; because it wvas as
well known then, as it. is nowv, thimt lie
w as a F'ree'Soil man in opinion andl feel
ingr; bieause he was known to be in sc
eret corresponidence with thme enemies
of thme So~uth, and hiad already enteredl
into a compact with certain Abolition
and Free Soil. Managers, to sacrifice
Southern honor and S-mthern p.rosper
ityv upon thme alter of his own political
adlvaneenent. It was known to some
of us at that period, as well -as it now is
from his owi: confession at Jefferson city
that his "personal sentiments were
against slavery." We had perfectly
ascertained, anid I had charged the fact
upon01 him in public dlebate, not when he
was absent, but when prc sent: in sight,
and not ten feet distant-that lie had
openly avowed the Wilmot Proviso faith.
Ihis fornmual dleclaration at Jefferson city,
that "it is absurd to dleny' the power to
Congress to legislate as it pleases upon
the subject of slavery in Territores,"
was not at all necessary' to assure us
th at such was his opinion; and, there
foreiwe did-not erceive'an advantage .
which could TOMciefyot Is, prenCe
or coinsels. Indehd Ah& iaoi s 'iat
he wvould not haVeatfendec4 the meeting
had-lid been' iufm~ned;~ Therefdre4
no consequeice,"goodd or 1ad, cotild
haveprioceded frm our. not:inviting
-him.' It is most'evident, noir at lcaest
ifit was not so befor]his late speech
that we could *not have at all peerfite
by his suggestig;' foI does he not;
even in that same speedi', use this anz
guaget "I have seen noid1nger to :tbti
slave property of anytgte in'this ad
tion by the action of Congess, and can.
not contribute to alai'bi the country by
engaging in discussions which asert of
imply danger?". Those are his vety
words; and, 'if since rely spoken, hi
presence among us would-haye been-r
little beheficial as are his- piesriteFet
Soil speeches in Missouri.
But is he sincere in thus 'declating?
I cantiot believe that he is not, and most
approved speech ofhis political life.
Ilude to the one he delvered -i1 the
Senate of the United States dottig the
winter of 1830-nineteen years 6go.
upon Foote's irsolutions. *Then-,therd
was not a single membei'cf either house
of Congress who was ciA open and avow
ed Abolitidnist. IThe Free Soil qncs
tion, in its present terribld form. hai
not been evil heard of. % Wilmot him.
self was a boy; Halo, Seward, and Tack
were, I should suppose, scarcely grown
up to manhood. John Quincy Adams
had not concluded to - figure in the
House of Representatives. Gidtings
had not yet become a, name of fearful
augury. Full six years after the de
livery of this speech, Martin Van Buren,
in his inaugural speech as President,
volntarily pledged himself to veto any
bill providing for the abolition of slavory
in the District of Columbia, if such a
monstrmi horrendom of congressional
legislation should ever dare to show its,
accursed visage 'at the White House,..
Then Mr. Benton-, who now Wses no.
"(langer whatever to the slave property
of any State in.thUnion from the-ac.
tion' of Congres'ijwhilstuldkingg
speechlon the subject of the publie6ands, s
went out of his 'way to express hiinsel
as follows:,
"The'annihillation of the-States,n
der a doctrine which would draw all
their conflicts into the'federal judiciarye.
and make its decisions binding on th
States, and subject to the penalities of'
treason all who resisted the' execution
of those decrees, would produce that
consequence; it would annihilate the
Statesi It would reduce them to the
abject-condition of pr6vin'ces of the, fed"
eral empire. It would enable the 8'
minant party in Congress at any mo-.
ment to execute the most frightful de
signs. Let us suppose a case-one by
no means improbable; on the cointrary,
absolutely certain, in the.cvcnt of cer
ta'n measures now oi foot: The late
Mr. King, of New York, when a mem
ber of the American' Senate, declared
upon this floor that slavery in these
United States, in point of law and right.
did not e.\ist, and could not exist, un
der the nature of our free form of go.v.
ment; and that the Supreme Court.. f_
the United States would thus declaito
it. T.his dedaration was mnde about
Iten years~ago, in the crisis and highest
paroxysm of the aMissouri agitation.
Since then wve, have seen this declara.'
tion repeated and enforced in every
variety of form and shafe, by an organ
ised party in all the nor.-slaveholding
States. Since then we have seen the
principles of the same declaraticn devel
oped in legislative proceedings ' in 'the'
shape of committee reports and publioc
debate in the hlallsof'Ccll . .Since~
Two have had the D
andI a etition-presept4f~
chair-of the. 6 eny .
Mr. John WV. Tavl~
which the total distfuotieno
States that would hot-abandon. elavey
was expressly represented as a subhe~ .
act. With these facts before us, -
myriads of others, which are seen by aUg
tho probability of a federmal legislatevo '
act against slavery rises in the eyeM tof'
the success of certain designs rldy on
foot. So much .fcr, what-may liappenb
'Theu, in 1880, Mr. Benton, the'
present deliverer of Calhounias, said i
the same speech: "
"A geographical party, and chiefly
a political caste, are incessantly at weN
on the subject. !fheir operations per
ations pervade the States, intrude into,
this chamber, display themselves in in
numerable forms, and the thickening of
the signs announces the forthconting of
some extraordinary movement." <
A gain, lie said in the sanme debate:
"I foretee that this subject is to act