The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1866-1891, September 24, 1868, Image 2
1 11
?Tl)e Boston
Spfr. saJ,:
^counted on twenty
Pthousanc majority in
ve got eigheen instead.
as a :lear gain of
'V" BPousand on last yar's majoriv
Bpnich was upward of eleven
^Braand. But we arer.ot so sudPlnly
to .forget that ttey have all
through the canvass insisted that last
year's reduced inajorty, reduced
from the 27,000 of 18(0, was not a
fair test of their streigth, because
of the local question o" prohibition.
tuvci lucicsuii ui iast tear s election
became known; there Mas a general
disclaimer on their part of the figures
as indicative of the party strength; it
being maintained that Ae prohibitory
issue scattered their ranks and con1
fused strict party lines. Get that
issue out of^te way, they said, and
we will shtflr our full strength. We
willin^ly'accede to their proposal now
and^ (tnanf tVio cfor.rtaT/1 lliolT Viavo
OtUUUUlU V4IVJ *** '#v
_Jgt up. This is a Congiessional year,
*^^&nd so was Jthat of 1866; let the rei
suits of these two years, therefore, be
compared. If
we hold up the eighteen thousand
Radical majority this year before
the. twenty^seven thousand Radical
majority of 1866, when the election
was general and party lines were
strictly drawn, the difference is very
perceptible. No local causes disturbed
the canvass, but the struggle was
7
an open and fair one between the
party in power and the Democrats
and their Conservative allies. The
advantage in such a contest might
- fairly be regarced as a permanent
one. It amounts to a fixed Democratic
gain of eight or nine thousand
votes. This result, too, has been
achieved only by a hand to hand
fight with an organization that is making
a desperate struggle for existence,
which stands'condemned by
the public conscience and by its own
extorted confessions, and in whose
behalf have been exerted the energies
and efforts of the ablest leaders
it could throw into the field. Persistent
declamation, daily drumming,
the lavish and corrupt (Expenditure of
money, bribery on the one hand and
threats on the other, appeals to p.assionB
that had been slumbering in the
ashes of the past, and a profuse employment
of both State and Federal
patronage, have combined to evoke
from the contest no larger a majority
than the returns this morning
indicate, which in comparison with
j. thej&vdical -majority. p-fifi??-?<*striking
evidences of the fact that the*
Democracy of Maine has come out of
this fight with glory.
Presidential Prospects.?Speculations
upon the result of elections,
as well as other untranspired events,
are attended with more or less uncertainty.
We can only calculate with
i /? r> 1.1
any degree 01 accuracy iromwnac nas
been, the cause? which conspire to
certain results, where the same issues
are likely to produce the same effect
again.
The late elections in Vermont and
Maine are scarcely to be considered
as safe barometers of the November
storm. Outside of New England they
have no significance. For twelve
years the political sentiment of that
section, with -the exception of Connecticut,
has been a consolidated unity
almost against the Democratic
party. The November election will
be virtually settled by the action of
the three great States of Indiana,
Ohio, and Penrsylvania, in October.
With their ifluence cast in the Democratic
scale, Seymour will sweep
the country like a prairie fire. The
struggled waged in these States is a
desperate one. Both parties are contesting
every point with a view to its
influence in the general result.
Omitting the unreconstructed States
of Virginia, Texas and Mississippi,
the electoral vote is 294. Of this
number 149 are necessary to a choice.
New Yoijk33, Connecticut 6, New
^s^_^Jersey 7,T>elaware 3, Pennsylvania
26, "Maryland 7, Kentucky 11, Indlona
13 Ohio 21. Georgia 9. Ala?*
bama 8, California 5, supply the number
(149) necessary to a choice.?
These States may be counted as almost
certain for vSeymour. Others
are not less doumLi), among which
we subjoin MissournW cArkansas 5,
Wisconson 8, West 5, Oregon
3, Nebraska 3, N^jla 3, Illinois
16. This would give Seymour
54 more than the number necessary
to an election. Dropping Illinois,
which is perhaps the most doubtful
of the States named, he would st:Il
have 38 more than enough to elect. The
1. ?Ml J J *i.?
result win uepeuu ujiuu me cueig^
with which the party every where applies
itself to the work before it.?
Every Democrat, from Maine to Gal
ifornia, should work as though th<
result depended on his own exertions
The prospect is certainly encoura
ging than it was in 1856 for Bu
chanan.?Atlanta Constitution.
The Grant tanners of Chicago hav<
refused to employ negroes.
Have the Slaves Themselves
been .Benefitted by Emancipation
??W. Richardson, Esq., one of
the propoietors and editors of the
Galveston Daily News, whose recent
visit to Charleston, and his adopted
State, has been before referred to by
us,'writes as follows concerning the
effects of emancipation on the negroes
themselves, in one of his letters written
during }ii$ sojourn in our city :
But whtip^ehc whole country has
/** i t ?? . i
suncreu sa much trom the suuaen
emancipation of nearly four millions
of slaves have the slaves themselves
been benefitted ? For if they have, this
niiglrt be some* justification, for a
measure so unprecedented in the his*
tory of the world. But instead of
being benefitted it is universally admitted,
even by Northern men who
knew anything of their former condition,
that they are at this moment
much worse off than when slaves, not
only physically but morally.* I have
made enouiries in everv nlaee where
I lwive stopped, and the answer given
me is always the same, namely: that
the freedmen'are suffering for want of
food, clothing, and shelter; and also
when sick for want of proper medicines
and care, while the old and decrepid,*
and their helpless children,
owing to neglect, are dying to an extent
heretofore unknown. In all the
towns where mortuary repofts are
published, the mortality among them
is always much greater than among
the whites, and often two or three
times as great in proportion to numbers.
In this city the deaths
among the colored people as
reported officially, have been, some
weeks, five times as many as among
the white population, and this is readily
explained to any one who will
take the trouble to examine through
the portions and suburbs of the city,
and witness the miserable and filthy
condition in which they live. But
without going into details, it is sufficient
to say that the evidences of the
suffering and degraded condition of
the freedmen are so abundant that I
believe no respectable man pretends
to deny it, nor is it denied that the
whole race is rapidly diminishing in
numbers from vear to year, while in
the condition ofslavery their increase
was v considerably greater than the
whites, and far greater than any other
laboring class in the world.. This,
I believo, is shown by the statistics of
the country. So much for the physical
condition of the freedmen; and as
regards their moral condition I find
.Jtlxo arnmiivl-n?iti-o nm... . I ^ 3?
have been, namely: that whatever
may be the religious professions of
the freedmen, ^Jiey seem to think it
perfectly right for them to take the
property of their former masters
Whenever they can do so. The prostitution
among their females is notoriously
ten fold worse than it was
ever known in the time of slavery.?
Indeed, there is scarcely a town in
the South, wherever I have been,
where this demoralized* condition of
the colored females is not a subject
of common complaint.
Charleston Courier.
General Howard in Mississippi.?A
correspondent from Missisisippi
writes : On Saturday, General 0.
0. Howard visited Jackson. The
General has a theory that the rising
generation of negroes, with all the
blessings of liberty, education and
the freedmen's bureau, must be rising
up far superior to their slave born
ancestors, and he is travelling to collect
facts to support his theory. In
pursuance of this object, the General
waited upon the Mayor of Jackson,
who, being a military appointee, it
was presumed would be found reliable
and Republican. That functionary
received the chief of the bureau with
all courtesy.
"I have called," said the General,
"for information as to' the condition
of the freed people of this district?I
mean as to their morals and general
conduct."
"Bad, sir; very bad."
"I mean the younger people," remarked
the General.
"Bad, sir; d d bad," returned
the civil Falstaff.
"In what respect do you mean, Mr.
Mayor?"
"The men are all thieves, and the
women are all no better than they
should be."
"You mean the older women, do
you not? asked the General, arixiouslv.
"No general, I don't. I mean
.from twelve years old upwards."
General Howard, left by the next
: cars for Vicksburg. A mass meeting
was being gotten up for him by the
. negro leaders, but he did not wait
. for it.
There is one matter which General
J Howard, with much advantage, might
. have investigated, but which he did
- not touch. The malaria caused by
- recent heavy rains has given unusual
prevalence to malarial levers in and
around Jackson, and the disease has
q assumed a fatal congestive type.?
Among the old and infirm negroes, it
-v
s
has proved very fatal, for lack of
proper remedies. They are too poor
to btry medicine. The claims on the
charity of the local druggists hai'e
been so excessive, that tney have
beerf compelled to refuse further
gratuitous supplies. Meanwhile the
Freedmen's Bureau, which Congress
for political purpose continued, raises
not a finger in their behalf.
"Why don't you go to the Bureau
doctor ?" T asked an old woman, whom
want and fever had reduced to a living
skeleton. ^
"De boorao ain't no good to me,"
9he said. "Dcy only caves tor dem
dat ken take care of dcmselves."
Negro Inturrection Against
United States Troops.?The*^VV
tional Intelligencer, of Friday, says:
"We invite the attention of thought
ful ,men to the subjoined extracts
from a letter of a gallant officer in ,
the United States service to a friend in
thiscity, in relation to the recqnjjat- ;
tempted hanging of a colored ufhl by
an armed force of negroes on the Cembali
ee. in the State of South Carolinp.
Heaven knows we take no pleas
ure in publishing an account of an
affair which is significant of the state
of feeling existing amongst the col- .
ored population there that is prpg!
nant with mischief to the people of
that unhappy State, and with danger (
to the country at large. This story
it w'll be seen, is told with no tinge 1
ot partisanship, it is a plain, unvarnished
narrative of facts, coming from '
an officer, who having no sinister pur- <
pose to serve, narrates what occurred i
in a direct, soldierly way, exactly as j
it happened: V j
"On Monday, August 23rd, a <
courier arrived at my camp and re- ,
ported that the coloied men on the |
Combahee river were under arms ana j
that th^y had one of their own color ]
whom they were going to hang. I I
referred him to the sheriff of the 1
county, who at once came to me
and begged to suppress the riot, as he 1
was perfectly powerless to do so. J 1
at once started with twenty men of "
my command, and arrived near the '
river a little before daylight next ,
morning. We found the negroes had
pickets posted, who fired their mus- (
kets as we approached, to give warn- y
ing to their comrades. I, therefore, j
waited until daylight, when I pro- \
posed to release their prisoner, and
break up their military organization. {
As daylight approached we moved*
der. The negro whom they called *
'captain' said he wtuld surrender to (
me, but lie never would surrender to i
the civil authorities.
'I released the man whom they i
were going to hang, took the leader 1
of the mob, and started back toward
camp, thinking the affair over, and
had gone about two miles when a
volley was poured into us from the
bushes, slightly wounding one of
my men. The attacking party numbered
about two hundred negroes, '
well armed and equipped. My men ?'
began to use their breech-loaders to
an effect that they killed two and
wounded several and took over one
hundred of them prisoners, among
whom were six whom they called lieutenants,
three captain's, a major and
a chaplain. I released all but the socalled
officers, who are mow in jail
waiting trial by the civil authorities.
I don't think the rioters belonged
to either political party, and the
w hites had no hand in the disturbance
at all. The blacks in that part of the
State number at least fen to one of
whites, and they think it is the same
all over the country.
They said they had been promised
forty acres of land, and they were
going to have it if they had to fight
- * * i i i? J
lor it. 1 askca tnem wny mey nreu
on us, and tlicfy said it was because
they fought for the rights of their
race; and the reason they were going
to hang the man Ilector was because
they thought he ought not to live
any longer. The leaders told me
they were lighting for their race, and
that as the war had begun they
meant to spare neither age nor sex.
I believe their intention was to
sieze the rice crops, drive or kill the
the few whites in that vicinity, and
set up in life for themselves just as we
have seen some of the mexicans do
when they were on the border. 1 feel
confident that but for prompt action
in the matter untold atrocities would
have been committed. The affair
created great ex ci tern cut in cur neighborhood,
and Governor Scott issued
a proclamation calling on the lawabiding
citizens throughout the State
to aid him in putting down armed organizations."
^
If the Democrats in all the States
will ordy do as well in Novcnber as
their friends did in Vermont last
week, and the KadicaJs will do as
poorly, Seymour and lllair will be
triumphantly elected. But we expect
even better than that.
New York World.
%
THE JOURNAL
Thursday, September 24, 186S
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS
FOR PRESIDENT.
HORATIO SEYMOUR,
OF NEW YORK.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
FRANK P. BLAIR,
OF MISSOURI.
For Congress?First District.
HARRIS COVINGTON,
OF MARLBOROUGH.
Slate Electoral Ticket.
J?/,, e/?,t? T T> ,
J. I// (UIP UC UJlU l/L U . A . AI1U1UU3) I
Richland ; J. D. Kennedy, of Keishnw
First Congressional District?It. 5
Graham, of Marion.
Second Congressional District?B. B
Rutledge, of Charleston.
Third Congressional District?A. C
Haskell, of Abbeville.
Fourth Congressional District?E. C
McLure, of Chester.
The Elective Franchise.
To the People of South Carolina:
It was referred to the State Centra
Executive Committee, by the late Dem
Dcratic Convention, to inquire into th
disabilities imposed, by reason of th
war, upon a portion of our people, re
straining them from the exercise of th
elective franchise in South Carolina
and to publish the conclusion attained
for the information of the people of th
State. The committee* in the discharg
af that duty, announce that. they havi
sxn mined ihe subject, and beg to state
1 1, That no such disabilities now ex
ist by or under the Acts of CongTess
known as the Reconstruction Acts, tin
State having been officially declared h
be in the Union.
2. That no such disabilities exist un
der the so-called amendment, knowi
as the fourteenth amendment to tin
Constitution of the United States, th<
disabilities therein expressed 'having
reference to offico-holding and not tx
voting.
3. That no such disabilities exist bi
the so-called State C nstitutionof 1868
jnder which it is claimed that the Stati
laS been reconstructed and restored t<
;he Union.
The undersigned, therefore, announci
hat no such disabilities exist by forci
)?ilnv law, or supposed law, or author
t^WIIUlGvei , BUU'Vuij m^iJ umu miu
J* /* u: ,1 A.!!,,?. ir
iTLO UJbiTU UUI1I0UU lCUUwtiuAouoj xi
jvery part of the State, to exercise theii
right to vote at the coming election foi
President and Vice President, of whicl
right thoy have been so long deprive<
by Military power. By order of th<
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
Patriotism. .
Patriotism, it is often said, begins a
home, l'ke charity. In a certain sens1
it is true, inasmuch as it is justly found
ed on a sentiment of 6elf love. . W
love our country because it is orr coun
try?the country of our ancestors, of ou
family, our friends, our people. W
do not measure our afi'eclion for ances
tors, family, friends or countrymen, b
the value of their services to us. 0
the contrary, afflictions, infirmity, weal?
ness and poverty, while they depriv
us of substantial benefit from ou
friends, always serve to intensify ou
tenderness and affection for them. S
it is with love of country. In t.ime
of prosperity and peace, a good citizei
may leave his country and seek a hotn
elsewhere. But in the day of advers:
tv and trial, when the State is bleed
ing at every pore, her true childre
cling to her with the devotion of son
to the henving breast of a dying moth
or, and would pour out their life bloo
to secure her one hour of healthy es
istence. Genuine patriotism in time
liko these, convert a man, with all hi
affections ard resources, into a livin
sacrifice upou the altar of his country
Such a man, when he dies, leaves
name and an inheritance to his chile
ren, lllustrous, priceless ahd iniperisl
able. His patriotism begins in se
love, but it ends in a god-like spirit i
self sacrifice. Qui capit ilk fc.cit.
The Suffrage Question.
This subject is much discussed in tl
addresses made to the colored peopl
during the present canvass, though i
truth, it is not directly, but only r<
inotely involved in tho issue. The p;
sition which wo occupy is, that tl
present government is the creature i
unnnncfitntinnal enactments bv Coi
gress, and therefore void, and of r
rightful authority, except so far as
may be derived from the necessitii
of the hour. This objection, if it 1
well founded, will remain true and ii
separable, whether tho lladical put
or tho Democratic party succeed in tl
ensuiuir elections. The liadical pari
j. can never make that lawful, which is
- . unconstitutional, and the Democratic
' party cannot make that unconstitution"
; al, which is lawful. So, however, this
canvass may terminate, the present
government of South Carolina only
awaits the decision of a competent
court to declare its unconstitutionality
to vanish into nothingness. "With it
falls negro suffrage, and the State reverts
to its lawful and rightful proprietors,
the white man, whose it is by
occupation, conquest, treaty and law.
When the government shall thus be
restored to the lawful citizens of the
i State, the question will come up, what
shall be the status of the colored people ?
Shall they be admitted to any political
privileges ? If to any, to what and upon
what terms ? These questions are now
; eagerly asked by the intelligent colored
man, and hence the suffrage question
is frequently brought under discussion,
at this time. The answer is to be found
' in the resolutions of the Democracy
, adopted in the convention organizing
the party in April last. They hare
said, the colored people shall be recognized
as a part of the body politic, and
that they shall be admitted to suffrage,
,1 upon proper qualifications of property
. and intelligence. It is objected by
e some of them, that this will introduce a
e discrimimition against the colored peopie,
because wo require qualifications
0 of thera, which are not required of the
white man. It is his by a descent of
y
[ generations, acquired by his blood and
onr? fZru1 olnnn nen ro.
0 uvuoui^ uwu vj?vu uxvuu vuu w?w* iw
0 quire him to surrender it. Being his,
e the colored race ask him, the white
man, who alone can grant the great
. boon desired, to admit the colored man
i, to share with him, in this Cod-gifted
0 inheritance, by becoming a voter. "We
3 have the right and wo alone, to bestow
or to withhold it. We therefore have the
t right to impose terms upon any and
9 all seeking admission to citizenship.?
3 We impose terms upon the foreign-born
? white man. Why should we not impose
them upon the co]ored man, who
j asks for this great privilege ? Se^Ao.
tection demands- that we grant omy a
3 limitod suffrage. We are now endu}
ring a state of ruin and anarchy brought
upon us by universal negro suffrage.?
The first use made of this power, unlawfully
conferred, was to lay it at th?
J ding it is blindly wielded to our injury
and the utter ruin ,of the colored people.
With this experience before them,
the citizens of this State would be madj
men, to grant moro to the present generation
of colored men, than what the
j
April convention offered, a qualified and
limited right of suffrage. As this is
fhe only form in which they can lawt
fully receive this right, they can choose
0 between this and a total exclusion,
when t'.e lawless dream of carpet-bag
e ascendency shall have been swept away
. by the breath of constitutional law.
I
Thanks.
e .
Mr Thos. B. Lke, will please accept
our thanks for the New York Daily Exn
press, two days in advance of the mail,
from which we obtain valuable informa?
tion.
e
r A Curiosity.
'r Dick Pcice, a freedman has left at
0 our office, quite a curiosity. It consists
s of an ear of corn of good size, surrounda
ed by seven sinuller ones, each ear hav6
ingitsown cob, with grains perfectly
matured.
n From Illinois
s We have been permitted to make
i- the following extract from a letter red
ceived by a gentleman in Camden,
> from a soldier in Sn f.g jus's army, who,
's during the raid of that General passed
is through this town : '
g "I received the papers you sent me,
jr. and thank yon for them, will send you
a more copies of the Chicago Timet, It is
^ the paper I support. The Demncratic
party just here, are small, but we call"
culate to do all we can to elect Skvlf
moub and Blair this fall. 'We have a
af Oluh just organized of one hundred
and fifty members. The Democratic
party is gaining ground in this State
every day, and I believe we will carry
the State of Illinois in November by a
m lurge majority. The Republican party
e, aro doing their best to come out ahead,
n but I think thoy will fall far behind,
j Wo hope so, for they aro becoming too
corrupt to be in power. 1 have never
voted with them, and never will, they
ie are think, that because I was in the
0f army. I ought to vote for Grant, but I
i cau't see it in that light. I have seen
! enough of Grant, not to voto for him.
10 I like him as a General, but to place
it him at the head of this government ho
es can never get my voto. 1 am not in
J0 favor of the Southern States being
ground under the iron heel of Despol"
tism, nor uiii I in favor of tho almighty
' '? c ? o
y, negro, ruling me ouuiuem uwius.
io 1 Tliu Repulilicanssay you ought to bo
y i ruled by negroes. as the Southern poo
pie are not capable of ruling themselves*.' H
I have seen as intelligent men South) -.1
as I ever saw North, and just as good* fl
men, as they proved. themselves to be"
in the war, '
We must do our best, in the North, |
and you of the South have no cause .ta /
be discouraged. We will come out
victorious."
? ?
The Land We Love,
Tor October, an oxcellent number,'
contains seventeen articles
The leading article, the Battle of ^ ^
Mansfield, is well written, and of stir- ^
ring interest. - The other prose articles . ^ J
are, Chicago, Dancing under Shells,' 4
Gen. Loe at the Wilderness, Mary Ash- \
burton, Westminister Abbey, The Paic \
Mouceaux, Orchards, Our Life in Boohs,1
Mabel, The Future of Young Africa,
Haversack, Editorial and Book ,No- 1
tices.
The Poetry is by Mfe. Bellamy, of ' 1
Alabama, Henry P. Parr, of Memphis,
Tenn., &c. N
PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION l
WPT.n PT.nnrwnr onnf ?
1868. ' ' I
The meeting convened at half past J
11 o'clock A. M., and was tempore- v
rily organized by calling C. D. Evans,.
Esq., of Marion, to the chair, and requesting
Joseph F. Rhame* of Clarendon,
to act as Secretary.
The Chairman briefly explained
that the object of the Convention was
to select a suitable person as candidate
for Representative for the first
Congressional District.
On motion a call Vas made for the* 1
Delegates from the different Districts
to comeforward and enroll theirnames*.
Under that call the following Delegates
came forward and enrolled their
names: #
Chesterfield.?T. W. Duval.
Marlboro'?S. J. Townsend, Harris
Covington, R. J. Tatum and Z. A.
Drake.
Sumter?Col. Thomas B. Fraser,
W. J. Durant, R. M. English, H. D.
r* - ^
9 candidate tor Uongress tor tne^ro
Congressional District, each Judicial
District be allowed to cast as many
votes as it is entitled' to in the- most ^
numerous branch of the Legislature*.
Dr. Ingram then renewed bii mention
for a re<fbss.
On motion of Mr. Townscnd, the?
votes on Dr. Ingram's motion were,
taken by Districts, with the following;
result, viz: Yeas 15?Nays 5; where-,
upon the Convention receded from-,
business. "
The- Convention again met at 2:
o'clock P. M. and was called to order
by the Chairman.
Mr. S. J. Townsend then made,
the following motion, viz : ^
Jiesolved, That in the selection of'
a nominee for Congressional District
that the selection be confined to a ,
man not dinfranchwd by the Constitutional
Amendment called the 14th
Article. #
This motion caused considerable
discussion, and was steadily opposed
by the Clarendon, a portion of the.
Marion and the Georgetown delegation,
but was finally adopted.
Mr. Harvin then moved that a
/.rtr.imiHoo nf ftno frnm oach Judicial
District be appointed to# nominate a v
candidate from first Congressional
District.
On motion of Mr. Gilbert,*tK? fol-.
lowing was substituted for Mr. Har-.
O # #
vin's motion, viz:
That the Convention proceed to.
elect a candidate, tbfe meeting voting^
by Districts, viva voce. ^
The names of the following gentle-,
men were put in nomination: Messrs.
F. F. Warley, Darlington, A. A.
Gilbert of Sumter, Harris Covington
of Marlboro' and Gen. John D. Ken-,
of Kershaw.
After the first ballot, Mr. A. A.. x
Gilbert's name was withdrawn by;
reason of his ineligibility under Mr. *. ?
Townsend's resolution.
On the fourth ballot Mr. Harris;
i Covington of Marlboro' was elected..
On motion of Dr. J. E. Byrd, the.
! election was made unanimous. ^ <4
On motion of Col. Waring it was; f
' made the duty of the nominee of this. 4 \
Convention to canvass every District
of the Congressional District,
On motion of Mr. Townsend, it A
was
Resolved, That at all meetings in '*
this Congressional District, persons \ *
/
y