The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, December 20, 1850, Image 2
Legislature of South Carolina.
The Committee ??u Colored population to
whom was referred so much of the Governor's
Message as relates to the removal of the Free
Negroes from the State, ask leave to
RCPORT:
That they regard the subject involved in j
this inquiry, as one ol'the very gravest import?
and surrounded by dilhcuitics of great embarrasmenb
It is cnmparitively of novel impression
in our .State, and has never been to any
extent considered by our citizens. To carry
out the recommendations of the Governor,
would involve the existence and recognition of
the principles of the Colonization Society, an
Institution which has never been in any favor
in South Carolina. About twenty years ago
there was a feeble effort made to establish
one of these Societies in the State, it lingered
* j - _ -i l
out a sickly existence, ana 111 a snort umo .
niretl and with it the discussion of the question. ,
it is a fact not to ho overlooked that the spirit
of Abolition at the North first commenced its
operations under the patronage and authority of
Colonizrftien Societies, and most of the advocates
and promoters of those measures are now
violent Abolitionists?so that the public mind
in this State, so far from being directed towards
it, may be said since the agitation of the slavery
question at the North to have been entirely diverted
from its consideration. And the conclusion
very legitimately and justly to be drawn
from these facts is, that there is no settled poli
cy indicated on this subject in this State.
Your Committee are free to admit, that it
would lie much to be desired?that there were
but two classes in a slavehnlding country?the
masters on the one hand, and the slaves on the
other?that an intermediate class possessed of
some legal privileges, besides being nnomolous,
presents a coustant source of discontent to
those who are lower down in the scale; the
slaves seeing the privileges and immunities enjoyed
by the free negroes, long to be elevated
to their condition, and discontent and dissatis
faction ensue in regard to their more senile
conditiou. The only plan to be adopted as a
remedy of this condition of the subject, would
be the dismissal of that entire class of population
; this would operate with peculiar hardship
and injustice on some. Many are the owners
>f. of land and slave, and are bound to the soil by
*? tlwiu ocennintinna ffliniinli iii n less refined
-v ?U1 UIU?, OOOVVIB..VUB -
degree) which characterise the feelings of the
white rnce-we have extended to tiiorii civil and j
legal privileges, which have cultivated and
gtrei gthened these feelings, and suddenly,
without fault on their part, they are to sutler
, : the severest of all punishments, namely; expatriation.
because we have chosen to change our
? policy.
It cannot be denied that there are in the
State many free negroes, who, from bad character,
idleness, and dissolute conduct have become
nuisances to their neighborhoods. These
cases can be met by judicial penal legislation
sufficient to repress the. evil without resorting
to the extreme measure indicated by bis Excellency.
i/_?_ n - ? ..i~~ : r.??A ?,:?k I
x our vuniiuiui't', lire man imjucoovu nmi |
the great difficulties which would arise, as to j
tie mode and measure of the removal of these
pjople. Is it proposed to confiscate their property
to raise the ineaus, ' would the State incur
this excuse i It would require a large
amount of expenditure to effect it properly, and
it is very much to lie doubted, whether our people
are prepared or willing to sustain this expense
at the present time.
In conclusion, your Committee are of opinx
ion, that it would illy comport with the true
character of South Carolina, whilst she was
atruggliug for her rights in the property of the
African race as slaves, that she should be found
imitating the example of a selfish and heartless
people, who, whilst they commit robbery and
plunder of our property, under the pretense of
sympathy and attachment to the African race,
are the perpetrators of the most cruel and unfeeling
conduct to those of the race who have
the misfortune of being a part of their population.
Let us hold out to the world, whilst we
assign them a subordinate position, both in our
political and social arrangepicnts, we regard the
obligation not li-css Viiniliti<r_ to extend to them
nil the protection and countenance, which their
own conduct will admit of; and this we are confident
will not be the less obligatory, because
of its dependence on our own consciences and
sense of duty.
Your Committee are of opinion, that the re
commendation of the Governor as to the taking
of a census of this population, should be adopted,
as it would furnish useful and important information,
and may be necessary for future
legislation.
Respectfully submitted,
J. HARLESTON READ, Jr.
Chairman of Committee on Colored Population.
THE COMPROMISE IN MISSISSIPPI.
The Hon. John D. Freeman one of the ablest
rvnAff F tk/v / 'rvnirvrAmien ?-? \'l iccSCCiroti
OU|?j?wntJO VI lll^ vvuipiwuiioc I jvaar?n?aoij/|/ij
recommends the follov ing course of action towards
the North :
?\V
e can withdraw our patronage from the
Northern cities and factories, and refuse to export
and import in Northern ships?we can establish
direct communication with the foreign
markets ol the world?export our own crops in
our own ships and import our own goods and
money in return?establish .Southern manufactories,
encourage Southern mechanics, ami
Southern interests of every description, rnd
make use of the army and navy ot the Union to
nrofpet Sontliorti pntortirise tiiis tiro.
? clamation to the North and execute it with an
energy and determination worthy of so great a
cause, and we shall revolutionize the government
and conquer our Northern enemies without
shedding a drop of fraternal hlood "
We fear Mr. Freeman will not he considered
very orthodox in this city, if he preaches such
doctrines as these. There was nothing like
this said, or even squinted at, in the famous resolutions
at the St. Charles Theatre, and we
question very much if Mr. Freeman would not
have been hissed, hooted and hustled out if he
had been there and broached such opinions.
Mr. Freeman, however, says:
"A declaration of independence and secos- :
sion by Mississippi, will not repeal the Consti- j
tul ion and laws of the United States. The President,
having no opinion, will he compelled to '
enforce them both; ami unless we mako forcible
ami successful resistance, we shall be in the
linion, but not of it. Having abandoned our
position as a State, and withdrawn our representation
from Congress, we shall he reduced
to a territory, and governed as such."
These sentiments would have atoned for the
foregoing, and Mr. Freeman would, doubtless,
have been invited back into the The ttre by the
repentant audience, and been received with
tluee cheers.
Wo should like, however, to know the modus
apenndi of getting at Mississippi, if ever circumstances
force her, in defence of her institutions,
her firesides and her sovereignty, to with ti!c
I i ninn W.i inn imuntiii* ImW
uraw uwiii uiio wiiiviii v vuii iiiit^niw ?.v
the Federal Government might, possibly, annoy
a seaboard State, but how would it proceed
against Mississippi ? She is an interior State.
Of the necessaries of life she produces more
than she consumes, and her exports are indispensable
to the existence of New Orleans, of
Boston, New York, and Liverj>ool. Her great
staple is the lever that regulates the trade and
the peace of the world. She could not therefore
be blockaded. She requires not one do.lar
from the national treasury. She is surrounded
by slaveholding States, of kindred sympathies
and interests. No response on them for militia
to invade Mississippi would be made; not a
man would volunteer, or submit to be drafted;
and no army of federal mercenaries could set
foot on their territories without finding an ambush
and an enemy on every mile of their march.
We cite this instance to show how powerless
the Government would be in an emergency
of this nature, and in the hope that it will
exert all its influence to restrain those who are
menacing and assailing the constitutional rights
of tiie South, gradually forcing on n catastrophe
at which hope and patriotism and humanity
will hang down their heads and weep.
Louisiana Courier.
THE POSITION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
The friends of the South are most anxiously
watching the movement* of the South Carolina
Legislature, and iightly as they speak and affect
to think ofher, the conservators ol the 'glorious"
Union, aic solicitous spectators of the position
which the gallant State is assuming in thiscrisis.
Since the days of nullificaiioii Smith Carolina
has lieen the object of the bitterest hatred anil
the fiercest opposition of federalism. Her name
has been jeered nt, and envy, hut half concealed
inthegarbof devotion to the Union, has attempted
to point the finger of contempt at the great
men who have lived and battled and died in |
her cause. From the federalist in the Senate '
Chamber lo the meanest sycophant of power
who prates on politics from (lie slump. South
Carolina has been abused, usporsed and misrepiesen'ted;
and all lor the sin of being republican,
all for daring to maintain her rights. It
has been said, and most truly that there are but
two parties in this goverment; the one stand
upon Plymouth Kock in .Massachusetts, the oth.
er tipon the soil of South Carolina. From the
earliest dawn ut this republic till now federalism
und State Rights have been the lwoconflict
ting elements in the Union, and upon these two
opposing ideas have been built all the political
distinctions which have, from that day to this,
divided the country. While he lived, Mr Cab
hoon was the great embodiment of republican,
ism in this country, and though be no longer
lives to counsel, South Carolina yet stands the
firm, unyielding champion of the cause to which
his liie was devoted. To her, it is no new thing
to be arrayed against the usurpation of power
by the General Goverment. She has dared lo
- * ' - . . f_ _
asiwl her right# beture; stie will iioi prove iorgetfui
of what is due to her now.
Whether she will determine to take her cause
into her own hands, or will await the co.operu*
tion of her lister States of the South, has not
jet heen lully indicated. One 'hing is certain,
she will not content herself with empty resolutions
against futuro wrong*. The past is full of
outrage, and she will neither close her eyes to
the fact, nor ingraciously purchase peace for the
future by submitting to the wrongs which have
heen already inflicted. Resistance in some
form will be determined upon, and this whether
the South acts with her, or she stands alone.
As to the mode or measure of that resistance,
we know nolhingjwe only know that some mode
will he adopted, and that it will be. measured
alone hy the wrong which has heen imposed.
The question is frequently asked, if ?>oulli
Carolina secedes, will any htber State unite
with her? Mississippi probably might, hut we
do not Relieve she would. That Georgia would
not, is certain; and it is scarcely doubtful that
neither Florida nor Alabama would. These are
unwelcome truths, but wo believe they are lieverlheless
truths. Our own recent election has
taught us that (here is a 8{?e 11 in party, a charm
in good prices for cotton, and a power in the
cry of "Union," too strong tor the love of right
or devotion to principal- The lesson is hn nil.
iating, but we do not despond under it, for we
know that though the South slumbers now, she
will not s|pep alwavs. Sooner or later she
must awake and act. Lot South Carolina thpn
secede, alone if need be, and the ?lay is not dig.
tant when she wjl form the nucleus of a Confederacy
more glorious than that which she
leaves.
But while we believe that no other State
? .III K.lit Uoe ?* lioliulfn ikllt tlw?n> i?t nnt nno_
from Virginia to Texan, which would not stand
liv her, in arms if neressay, in the exercises of
the right of secession. The first federal gun
which was fired within her limits would he signal
of a rally from the Potomac to the Rio (i rand.
The first federal gun though would never be
fired. If South Carolina choose to go out of
the Union she has the right to do so, and the
(leneral (ioverinent will not ntteni|>l to arrest
her movement.?Columbus (C") Sentinel.
The news from Ohio, is that Gov. Ford will
he elected United States Senator to succeed
Mr. "Solitude" Ewing. Ford, it will be recollected,
was elected Governor in 1818 by
the Abolition vote?receiving the active support
of Giddings, Root, and all their followers.
Their Southern allies, who then rejoiced at the
success of Ford over an anti-abolitionist, will
no doubt hail, with equal delight his election
to the Senate at the present time. A \ irgiilia
Whig paper, now before us, announces the
prospect of his election with evident suliaihction*
/
fll jJOTMMAILo
CAMDEN. S. C.
FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 20, 1850.
Consolidation or Disunion.
Our choice must be between the two. The tendency
of all power is to run from the hands of the
many to the few?and for Representative forms
of government to gradually change into the con
solidated. This is most forcibly evidenced in our
own government. Every session ofCongress furnishes
a new assumption of power, and that power
the power of a majority. The constitution?in
sjiiril forgotton?and in letter strained to serve
sectional purposes, and a laying down of principles,
upon which hereafter to build a system of op
pressive measures. a jib nunu, wnn uu uvuiwhelming
vote, is already able to direct legislation,
and with her vast mass of political demagogues
and half socialist population?her foreign
emigration and crowds of paupers?she would
gladly hang on to the Union, in order to draw a sustenance
from the South. But it has ever been the
policy of the South to oppose anything like con
solidation?this would express a preference for
small governments, and then comes up the quere,
which is better lor the people, large or small governments?
Large governments it must be recollected
have as their natural tendency, consolidation.
Small ones the reverse. In large governments,
individual excellence and private enterprise
are lost in the mass, and all eyes are turned
to the success of grand governmental schemes,
forgetting that no mountain, however large, but
what is composed of particles?no ocean but what
is made up of drops, and no grand scheme but
owes its success to the correctness of the primary
causes. Ia small governments the reverse is the
case. Individual efTort gains observation; emulation
improves particulars. Each man feels he
has an influence,he is not lost in governmental consolidation
of effort, but he feels himself an active
constituent part of society, who must assist in the
move, and not himself be borne along by the mass.
Thus it was while the Persian Empire was crumbling
beneath its own weight?the smaller and active
States of Sparta and Athens were setting in
the coronet of History the names of Homer, Lyc.-ngus,
Solon, Mihiades, Leonid as, Aristotle and
Plain. A nd throwing in never fading colors UDOn
" D O J
th3 canvass of the past Thermopylae and Marathon.
Our government is too large?lessen it by
disunion. Let the North with her mobocracy and
isms be the Persia of the West, and let us profit
by the past while we may, that the South may
give to the western world an Athens and a Sparta.
Bank of the State.
The following gentlemen were elected officers
of the Bank of the State, on Monday last, by the
Legislature:
President, C. M. Furman. Directors, Thomas
Lehre, J. P. Deveaux. R. G. Stone, G. Robertson,
P. M. Cohen, E. Carson, W. C. Dukes, G. H. Walter,
S. L. Glover, E. W. Matthews, J. L. Gantt,
H. F. Strohecker.
Methodist Church North.
The statistics of the Methodist Church North,
shows the following results: 4,129 travelling preachers,
6,420 local preachers, and 689,682 members,
l>eing an increase as compared with the previous
year of 148 travelling, and 286 local preachers,
and 26,378 members.
The resolution submitted by Mr. Cantey, that
8300,000 be placed at the disposal of the Ordnance
Board for the defence of the State, and
that 850,000 be added to the Governor's con
tingent fund, to be used only in case of actual
hostilities, was passed by die House and sent
to the Senate.
We are glad to see that the Bill above offered
by our Representative, Mr. Cantey, passed the
House?we hope it may the Senate. Prepare
sliouid be our watchword?and this JooKsiiKe uio
right kind of action.
Oeorgia Submission.
Tho following is the patriotic train of Resolutions
passed by the late Georgia convention. The
fir6t as follows:
Be it resolved by the people of Georgia in
Convention assembled, 1st. That we hold the
Amcricnn Union secondary in importance only
to the rights and principles it was designed to
perpetuate. That past associations, present
fruition, and future prospects, will bind us to it
so long as it continues to be the safeguard of
those rights and principles.
Can anything be inoro meaningless. The American
Union secondary only to the Rights and
Principles it was designed to perpetuate. Rights
which it has totally disregarded?and principles
-' -I- j 1 ,l,?
wind) it lias utteny miringeu , urn icimcu mc
safeguard of those rights?it is, as tlie robber is
the safeguard of the property lie has just taken
from you. Hut
Secondly, That if the thirteen original parties
to the contract, bordering the Atlantic in a
narrow belt, while their separate interests were
in embryo, their peculiar tendencies scarcely
peveloped, their revolutionary trials and tri
umphs, still green in memory, found Union impossible
without Compromise, the thirty-one of
this dav, may well yield somewhat, in the con-*
1 --is? * ? IT
fiict Ot opinion aim policy, I" piuocivv uiui
nioii which has extended the sway of Republi- !
can Government over a vast wilderness to another
ocean, and proportionally advanced their
civilization and national greatness.
The compromises of the 13 were not-all on one
side, they did not deduct from the Rights of one
portion to lump privileges on the other; it was a
mutual system of compromises. But we deny
that the Union has been carried from ocean to
ocean?the territories of Northern usurpation has
been extended?but the South has not had those
privileges. It is not a union extension, far from it.
Thirdly, That in this spirit the State of Georgia
has maturely considered the action of Congiv."
, "mhracing a series of measures for the
:el - li ornia into the Union, the orga.ii/..aiuu
ui . ciiiioiial governments for Utah
and New Mexico, the establishment of a boun-;
??BH?ME???1M !
dary between the latter and the State of Texas,
the suppression of the slave trade in the District
of Columbia, and the extradition of fugitive
slaves, and (connected with them) the rejection
of propositions to exclude slavery from the
Mexican Territories, and to abolish it in the
District of Columbia, and whilst she does not
wholly approve, will abide by it as a permanent
adjustment of this sectional controversy.
This embraces the gist of the aflair. After considering
the infamous omnibus bill, they consider
as a set-off to these aggressions, the wonderful
concessions of the North in rejecting the propositions
to exclude slavery from New Mexico and
Utah, and to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.
After taking all the territories of worth
from the South, they concede us, as a gracious
rnncessinn. an ential riu-ht to Npav mid
- ^ - "O" " ? ?
Utah, and alter having abolished the slave trade in
the District they concede to not abolish slavery yet
awhile, and the Georgia convention, cringes to its
masters, and grasps the crumbs, which the Robbers
let fall to them while they are devouring the
rich bread of which they have just robbed them.
And then,
Fourthly, That the State of Georgia, in the
judgment of this Convention, will, and ought to
resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of j
every tie which binds her to the Union, any ac- !
tion of Congress upou the subject of slavery in
the District of Columbia, or in places subject to
the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with
the safety, domestic tranquility, the rights and
the honor of the slaveholding States, or any act
suppressing the slave trade between the slaveholding
States, or any refusal to admit as a
State any Territory hereafter applying, because
of the existence of slavery therein, or any act
prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the
Territories of Utah and iNew Mexico, or any
act repealing, or materially modifying the laws
now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.
As if ashamed of their degrading submission,
they squeeze out the expression, "ought to resist,"
if so and so occurs, in which event the tamest
slave would resist; but as far as they can go is
"ought to resist"
Then they come out,
Fifthly, lliat it is the deliberate opinion of
this Convention, that upon the faithful execution
of the Fugitive Slave Law by the proper
n nfli/t mi lirtr flAr.Anrlo flirt rvfAOrt m n f 1 n It A f /till*
UU^UUIIIIUO) UVj'CllUO U1C |/IVOWirauuil VI VUI
much loved Union.
A deliberate opinion, that our much loved Union
depends upon the enforcement of the fugitive slave
bill. What would the repeal of that law be to the
aggressions they have already agreed to submit to,
as nothing?the North know it and know too that
they would submit to that. Well may Greelv head
.his articles in the Jribune, "Georgia all right," it
is right for him/?o far as the convention is concerned.
/
V CoL Chesnut.
The following well merited compliment we extract
liom the correspondence of the Cheraw Gazette.
We understand his policy to be, to wait yet
awhile, for the result of the Southern Congress,
and until then for the co-operation of the other
southern States, but in the event of a failure then,
lor separate oiaie acnon.
" We have heard from r.ll quarters, a most
flattering account of the speech delivered this
morning, in tho Homo of Representatives by
iMr. Chesnut, of Camden. The House was in
breathless attention, for he was speaking to
them 'the truth,' like an honest Representative
should?he gave them good souse and sound
argument, and the wind and waves of Buncombe
oratory were stilled. Ho spoke "as unto wise
men," and they heard and appreciated the views
expresseil by him, on the course South Carolina
should take in the present crisis ofher affairs.
He did not rant and rave, nor address himself
ill any maimer 10 me iiiuainaiory leeuugsui me
House, yet ho has won golden opinions of all
who heard him, and has established a character
here, that may well he envied. Mr. Chesnut
was a member of the Nashville Convention, and
is presumed to be acquainted with the subject
It may be his proud boast, that in his speech he
catered not for morbid appetite, but like an honest
physician, administered to his patients, not
the dose they icanled to take, but that which
he knew was best for their health. We heartily
wish that bold and honest Representative,
a lasting place in the memory of the people, and
bespeaking for him the honors Unit the unflinching,
conscientious public servant only deserves
to have. We are informed that he demonstrated.
most conclusively, the expediency of separate
State action, at present, and pointed to
co-operation with other Southern States, as the
only available remedy ; and showed, that this
expectation was by no means ill-founded?that
the other Southern States would be compelled
to co-operate with us, from causes that they
could not control. It is said that the speech
will be published, and, if so, we will venture no
other comments in this place, as our readers
will soon be able to judge for themselves, it
is conceded on all hands, that it has made a
decided impression here, upon members and
spectators; and to hear sonic of them talking
on the subject, they seem to be pleased that
they have viewed both sides, and are now able
to contrast the colors which reason and reflection
throw aroud it, with those created by
tho hasty ebullitions of feeling, and which always
shut out consequences from view.
Singular and Fatal Accidkxt.?A short
time since, Mr. James F. Wclcjk an overseer
at the Atlantic Mills, while on tM\isit to Derry,
N. II., went out on a gunning excursion. In
the course of his rambles, he tound some walnuts
near a stone wall. He gathered a few,
and leaning his fowling piece against the wall,
commenced cracking them with a small stone.
The concussion against the wall caused a stone
to fall, which, sliding along the barrel, turned
the muzzle towards Mr. YVelch, and striking
the trigger, discharged the piece, and the whole
contents entered immediately under his right
arm pit, and came out at the shoulder. The
wound was dreadfully severe, and he lingered
in great agony for a fortnight, when he died.
He left a widow and two children. He was a
most faithful, worthy and true inun.
Lateri nee (.V. H ) Sentinel. |
(&- The Senate on yesterday,- passed the
Rouse Bill providing for the election of delegates
totlio Southern Congress, and ordaining
the meeting of a State Convention. The election
of four delegates, to represent the State at
large in the Southern Congress, will be held to
day, and the election of delegaterby the people
will he held on the second Monday in October
next.
The election for delegates to the Convention
to be held on the second Monday in February.
For tl"e Journal,
TO THE PUBLIC.
It is' a matter deeply to be deplored, that the
South should have been so Jong, and to sncif
an extent, dependent on the North for the instructors
of their children and youth. Not'rti-~
lv our public Institutions of learning, hut the"
greater number of our private schools and-''
academies have hitherto been entrusted to the '
hands of Northern teachers. At any time such*
a state of dependency ought to be regarded by
us, as a matter of reproach. But at such a'
time as this, it is an evil not to to be borne, that
the education of our children must be committed,
of necessity, to a class of teachers, whose'
political sentiments are at war with onr long-cherished
domestic policy,
This dependency owes its existence to the"
fact that education among us has been confined
chiefly to the wealthy class of our citizens, who
shrink from the drudgery of teaching, regarding
it as a sort of menial service ; while the poorer
class who would willingly serve their country
in this useful and pratriotic occupation, are destitute
nftliP nipniia nuinicita (apnn.ililV!iiinl.i'm.
" IVI Vjuuiiijiu^ IUCIU"
selves to become successful teachers.
Our State has certainly been /cry remiss in
not making more ample provisions lor the education
of the poor, who might otherwise become
our most useful citizens, it is the deliberate
opinion of him, who now addresses yoo, that
the Legislature should at once provide for the
establishment mid support of schools, both male
and female, whose primary object shall be to
educate promising young persons, expressly for
Teachers, in the absence of sucli provision,
and in view of the imperative necessity for a
supply of native Southern teachers the attention
of the patriotic and liberal fs invited to the subjoined
proposition:
It is nronosed. that threw* of our follow citi
zeti3, who advocate the teaching of native Soothem
teachers, organize themselves into a society
for the purpose of raising funds, for the establishment
and support of such schools, of the kind
alluded to, as shall be conducted agreeably to
their wishes; procure quaiided teachers to superintend
them; seek out, and endeavour to induce
suitable persons to enter those schools;
and appointcoinmilte.es to report to the society
the characters and wants of the schools, and
the success attending these efforts.
The subscriber asks the patronage of the
public to an institution of this sort, to be established
near Russel Place, Kershaw District,.
S. f!.. to fTfi intn nner;itir>ii p.irlv in the ensuinf?
year.
The School will be one of a high order in
which nil the branches of a thorough English
and Classical education will be taught
Being designed for training of teacher*, the
mode of instructing will Ihj somewhat after the
plan of thy Lincasterian and Normal Schools.
As the Institution is intended chiefly for the
education of those whoss means are limited,
it will be conducted on the most economical
plan; the boarding department being so man
aged as merely to cover expenses.
The necessary expenses of such an Institution
will be. the salary of a competent superintendent;
and the erection of a plain building containing
sleeping and eating apartments, and
a recitation room.
Those who may take an interest in such an
enterprize are nequested to address the subscriber
at Russell Place, S. C.
S. DONNELLY,
Dec. 13. 1850.
0^7" Editors friendly to such an enterprise
will oblige the writer by publishing this communication.
"There are no disunionists in the North."
So says the Boston Atlas, an advocate of the
Wilinot Proviso and the repeal of the fugitive
slave law. We believe ihe Atlas. We believe
the North would yield ihe South every Constitutional
right she possesses rather than dissolve
the Union. But we have submissionists in the
SniOti n rti uriHincr til flhide hv the deCreeS
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of Congress, passed with the sanction of a majority,
and who are either too timid or too destitute
of patriotism, to make a demand of our
rights. Such as these have paralysed the arm
of the Soutii, and are willing to acquiesce in
any law Congress may pass unless, forsooth, a
minority should be able to repeal it! This is
as far as they will go.?Memphis Appeal.
Fugitive Slaves at lh?. Northwest.?Mr. John
Calvert, an ngent who was sent to Chiago,
from St. Louis, to recover fugitive slaves, in- (
forms the St. Louis Republican, that while at
Chicago all the letters sent to him were intercepted
and broken open or destroyed, and that
although he sent thirty-two telegraphic despatches
to St. Louis, he could get no answer
to anv of them. He says that there are a
/ t/
large number of fugitive slaves at Chicago, but
that through the activity of the Abolitionists, it
is almost impossible to recover any of them.
One female slave consented to return with him,
but she was forced from him at Bridgewater
by fifty or sixty colored persons. In pursuit
of fugitives, he went to Chatham, in Canada,
where he found a large number of them and many
others constantly arriving from the States.
Lowell Manufactures.?There are in Lowell,
Mass. twelve manufacturing corporations, with,
a capital stock of $13,210,000. The number
of mills is 50; spindles, 319,045; looms, 9,985;
fum sili >s em nl n red. 8.260: males employed, 2,741,
cotton consumed per week, (>53,000 lbs; wool
per week, 60,000 pounds. (
The Mormons and the Utahs.?It is slated I
that the Mormons have formed a treaty, "of- 1
tensive and defensive," with the Utah Indians, J
and further, that many of the Indians have been
baptized in the Mormon faith.