The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, April 30, 1850, Image 1
* ' * 'j
%
? ..waj'vtri * > j- y-'j*~ ' , .'pyr^fiS^^vC
?l)c Camden Journal.
VOLUME 11. ^ ^CiOIDEN^SOUTH-CAEOLK^^
$)octica( Department.
For the Camden Journal.
Tis at the silent noon of night, ?
When starbeams dance upon?the ware,
The heart can call the feejings hWk
Which love in earlier hours^aT<v
When raem'ry gently sw^ps ^he h^grt,
Ae zephyrs o'er the harp's light string,
As soft as moonlight on the skies, #
Or tones which melody can bring,
Who would not at this mystic hour,
When floats the glitl?ring moonbeam by,
.Recall each look?rehear those tones
Wiikh hi the clime of mem'ry lie ?
For ah there's not a moonlight hour,
But what has somethiug bright its own,
, As not a star in yon sweet heaven,
But what can say, " I too have shone
There's not a mem'ry of the past
That dwells within the soul's deep shrine,
But what can claim seme pleasure too,
And say, " that meulal gem was mine.''
Then I must love the memorized past,
So soft, so beautiful, and bright,
And live tviunn its lanciea reaim,
This mezzotinted noon of night.
Camden, S. C. CONSTANCY.
iHtsrcllancous Department.
A* Old Beau.?**li* men sneer, as our habit
is, at the artifices of an old beauty, at tier paint,
perfumes, ringlets, at those innumerable, and to
us unknown, stratagems with which she is said
to remedy the ravages ot time ana reconstruct
the cbaruis whereof years have bereft her; the
ladies, it is to be presumed, arc not on their side
altogether ignorant that men are vuiii as well
as they, and that the toilet of old bucks a-e to
the full as elaborate as their own. How is it
that old Hlushington keeps that constant little
rose-tint on his cheeks; and where does old
Blonde! get the preparation which makes his
silver hair pass for golden? Have you ever
seen Lord Hotspnr, get oil' his horse where he
thinks nobody is looking ? Take out ol Ins stu-rops,
his shiny boots can hardly totter up the
steps of Hotspur House. He is a dashing
Young nobleman still as you see the back oi
him in Rotten Row, when you behold him o.i
foot, what an old fellow I Did you ever form
to yourself any idea of Dick Lacy. (Dick has
beeu Dick these si^ty years) in a natural shite,
and without his stays ! All these men arc objects
whom the observer of human life and manners
may contemplate with us much profit as
the roost eaeriy uergruviau vi-uus, ur nnw.ate
Mayfair JezebeL An old reprobate daddy
long legs, wbo has never said his prayers (except
perhaps in public) these fifty years: an old
buek wbo still clings to as many of the habits of
youth as hi* feeble grasp of health can hold by;
who has given op the bottle but tits with young
fellows over it, and tells naughty stories upon
toast and water?who has given up beauty, but
still talks about it as wickedly as the youngest
roue in company?such an old fellow, 1 say,
if any parson in Pimlieo or St James' were to
order the beadles to bring him iuio the middle
isle, and (here set him in an arm-chair, and make
a text of biro, and preach about him to the congregation,
eonld be turned to a wholesome use
for once in his life, and might 4>e surprised to
find that some good thoughts came of out of hiui.
Thackeray.
* Whatcaxbb doxr on onr acbr of ground!
?The editor of the Maine Cultivator published
a few days ago, bis management of one acre of
nf irrotmd frnm whir.h we rather the followillST
results: One-third of an acre in corn usually
produces, thirty bushels of sound corn for grinding,
besides some refuse. This quantity was
sufficient for family use, and for fattening one
large or two small hogs. From the same ground
he obtained two or three hundred pumpkins,
and bis-family supply of beans. From a bed of
six rods square, he usually abtainedsixtv bushels
of OBions; these he had sold at one dollar per
bushel aud the amount purchased his flour.?
Thus, from one-thi*-d of an acre and an onion
ino/1 lita KmnriainfFe Tlio i*ncl g\f
*/VUj UV WW! UVU UI0 v?v*k/v?4??? ? tiv l\Oi VI
the ground was appropriated to all sorts of
vegetables, for summer aud winter use; potatoes
beets, parsnips, cabbage, green corn, pease, cucumbers,'melons,
squashes, Arc., with fifty or
sixty bushels of beets and carrots for the food of
one cow. Then he had also a flower garden,
raspberries, currants, and goosberries in great
variety; and a few choice apple, pear, plum,
cberty, peach and quince trees. If a family can
?MA AAMA /if iVMAItn/) 111 MtllllA
mc vuppuiicu uviu viiu aviu wi ? uuuu iij manic
the same can be done in every State and coun?
try in the Union.
?"tD Miss. ?Silicic the rtC?
qoiaition ?f California, an<I l'u6 "flasovcnr of its
rich mines of gold, oar mioou uuuhj navy excited
bat little interest in the public mind. During
the ps?t week, we paid a hasty visit to the
mine named at **>? hea^ thia flrt?cle; which
is dtaiateMn/hnjjnper part yjlt,lis district, on the
2u3sffiefcrd Edgewfitb, Esq., nep?.'Cw ?f
thel^tp #jes Edgeworth tlio English
aqtborcss. ITusVmn'o was jpcc/denHy dis-.covered
aboat two years'ago, i^nc9\\vtiich time,!
at has well rewarded.the labor of the operators.
It is a vein mine, the Vein's of which have been
lioir n rhilo ^TllO jm| | j?; foUlld
IIOV/CU IVI MVVHVUU/l m ?"v. _ 0
in quartz rock, vH^oh nlk> contain* pyrites of
iron, copper, silver and lead The -4.?Id bearing
rock b fotinq in veins of from 01 inch, to
more than one foot in thickness?closely imbedded
in blue and in many places shows
nnmsstakable ovjdencc, of having been subjected
to great hi sat, Thfilpbck yields from five to
twenty-fiv<5pepqyt\v<,'ights of gold in the quick,
per bushel. apparatus ? ,,8e at die mine,
at present, is not the best adapted to a successfa!
operation. The ore after being raised, is
first crashed by the hammer then it is ground in
iron and stone mills with the mercury, and then
washed ouf. By this process, much of the
irolrl passes off with the water in re-wasl ing.? 1
Tacre are but few hands now at work and sedimei
t, the latter of which pays well at this '
mine; tie aggregate yield therefore, is not |
large, but sufficient to pay well for the labor.
Ch r iw Gaz 'tie.
From the National Intelligencer.
A CARr.
Ma. Foote Explains.?The subjoined
' Card" was handed to our reporter yesterday,
explanatory of what took [dace in the Senate
on Wednesday:
In the report of the unhappy occurrence
which took p'aco on yesterday in the Senate,
I regret to pe-divc one or two slight inacuracies,
which I hope you will promptly correct.
The i inivpraces alluded to are not in the re
port of (he debate, which is one of the following
statement:
[ Here Mr. Foote, who occupies a seat in
the outer e? c'o, io foot of the Vice Preside ill's
chai-, rtl-eaiecl bachwjvos down (he aisle, towards
t! e cba'r of the Vice P-'esident, with a
pistol in Ins hand; Mr. Be-iion,a moment before
having sudden'v :seo fom his seat and advnn*
ceJ by the a:?le, ou(s<de the bar towards him, .
fo''owlnjr hi.jj i-ito (he r.is'e down which the
I,.- l'.?... U:nCuea'.,u ! lia<l iatv.ntnr)
Cl'l/illlll JI Will ivu\.uivu}
In a moment n! nost every Senator was on
his feet and ca'Ist'J "o-iler," demards for the
Sergca n t-at - A rms; rcqnests that the Senators .
would take the:r seats, from the Chair and from
iodividnal Senators, were repeatedly made.?
Mr. Denton was followed and a rested by .Mr.
Dodge of Wisconsin, and in the con-"osi j.i and
excrement winch prevailed, he was heard to exclaim.
from ti-ne io tone:"I have no pistols!"
"Let lem fi.-e "Stand oat of the way!" "I 1
have no pistols!*' "I disdain to carry arms!',
"Stand o'.'t of the way,-and let he (assassin fire." 1
While making iliese exclamations, M Denton '
was b'oeghi liack to Inn seat, hat b-eaking I
away ft><? M r. Dodge of W iscoosin who sooght 1
forcibly to retain him, he advanced again to- I
wa ds M!*. Foote Who stood near the Vice Pre
sident'sc'ia* , on llie ngsit imad s*de, surrounded '
by a nnaiaer of Seoaio s and others not members
of (he Senate. M'\ Dickinson took the j
pist >1 f'Min the hand of M?\ Foote, and locked it '
up in Ins desk, and Mr. Foote, on the advance 1
of Mr. Duller, returned to his seat.] (
Nmv, as to the ' retreat'' spoken of* it was ;
si ?ply a movement in a line; which made something
like a figh angle wilh the_onc which the 1
Senator from Missouri was advancing. On '
see' ig h'-n advancing, 1 dimply glided towards {
Ihe nl'ey lead ?g l-oai tiie Secretary's chair to 1
the door, i ite-id to lake a defensive attitude,
and then awaU any nssn-'U which might be 1
made. I coe'd not have done otherwise, without,
in a certain event, en laagering the Iive3 of
u noli ending |>ersoos. You seem to represent ]
myse'i'ns beng pir-'se'eil by my antagonist down 1
a na -'-ow alley. If you allude to the alley *
along which I walked in order to take my de- 1
feutivo position aMuded to, you a-e ? .? error, as 1
the peoon alluded to did not even reach my 1
seal, nor even get mocihaii sometVog 1'kc ha'f 1
way from If ? seat to mine. The fact is, that I '
neither rot routed from, nor advanced upon, the '
Senator referred to: I s'.iiply advanced to a
coine-nent pos't'on for the purpose ofdrfrnrc. 1
You snv "A1 l):cliinssii look l'ie nistol from the I
ha M^of MFoote." 'J'hh 13 t-ue, but I would '
add, that it was chceriiJ'y bnrrende'vd.on ap- I
p'ieufioii being mr.de To.- il, and upon seeing that 1
1 was do longer in danger of being assaulted 1
I regret lhati have deonvd it necessary to make
tb'S explanation, but 1 d<d not know how to 1
avoid it. '
H. S. FOO'IE. i
Islands of Lake Nicaragua.?From a pa- 1
per, by the Hon. E. (J. Sqnier, read at a recent 1
mceiMig of the iSt'mological Society ot rsew i
York, \vc make the following extract: I
"Perhaps a more singular group of islets can- ]
not be found in the wide wo;ld. As 1 have he- I
fore said, they a'e all of volcanic origin, gener- l
ally conical in shape, and seldom exceeding
th?ee or four nc:,es in area. All arc coverid I
with a cloak of verdure, hut nature is not irl- '
ways success el in b'dmg the black rocks which '
start out in pi tees, as if in disdain of all conceal- I
nu'iit, anil lo tk frowutngly down in the clear I
water, giving an air of wiklness to the otherwise
soft and quiet scenery of the island.? '
Trailing'over these rocks, and drop*y,?g In festoons
from the overhanging trees,' their pliant
tendri's floating in the water, are innumerable
vines, with brght and fragrant flowers of red |
and yellow, mingled with the inverted cone of i
the "gloria de Nicaragua," with its overpower* i
ingodor, with strange and nameless fruits,for* <
nltng nn^ evergreen roof, so dense that even a
tropical sun cannot penetrate. Many of these i
islands have patches of cul ivated ground, and i
o.i such, gciiora"/ crowmog their summits re- j
lieved by a douse green back ground of plan- J
titious. and surrounded by kingly palms, and I
the papaya with its great, golden Iruit, are the
pictu esqueeanejiutsof the inhabitants. Groups
yanked, swarthy children in front?a wiudin"
path leading 'jpncath the great t>eos down to the
wuier's edge?an arbui'd'ke iniirature harbor,
with a eaiioc /ashed to the Bho<-e?a woman naked
to the waist with a purple skirt of true Tyrian
dye, for the famous ipurex is found on the
Pacific shores of Nicaragua, her long, black,
glossy hair fading over neck and breast, reaching
almost to her knees?a flock of noisy parrots
in a congressional squabble among the
trees?a swunii of pa?roquets scarcely less noi?...??
nf vnoifnriitiiKr macaws like floating
aJ " J"*" " O _
fragments of a rainbow?inquisitive monkeys
banging among tlie vines?aciive iguanas scrambling
uj> the Ijanks?long-necked and long-leg
ged cranes in deep soliloquy at the edge ot the
water, their white bodies standing in strong relief
against a background of rock and verdure
?a canoe glancing rapidly and noiselessly across
a vista of water?all this, with a golden
sky above, the purple 6ides of the volcano of
Momobacho overshadowing us, and the distant
shores of Chontales molten in the slanting sunlight?these
were some of the golden elements
of the scenery of the islands; elements constantly
shifting, and forming new and pleasing
combinations."
yolittcal Sjcpartmcut.
SPEECH OF IION. DANIEL WALLACE,
OF SOUTH CAROLINA,
In the House of Representativeit, April 8,1850,
In Committee of the Whole on the state of the
Un:on, on the President's Message, communicating
the Constitution of California.
Mr. Wallace rose and said:
Mr. Chairman : Among the political questions
which now demand our attention, none
a; c more deserving the profound consideration
_! *.!- . A ! 1 . a i it i? __ _ c
m me American peupic man me qnesuons 01
the non-extension, and of the aholiiion, of slavery.
The hill now on your table affords men
lit occasion to express my views on these subjects,
which now so fearfully agitate ihc public
mind. 1 believe I shall be able to show, that
non-extension is but the means by which the
abolition of slavery is intended to be accomplished.
1 shall therefore consider these subjjcts
together, with the view to show the identity
of their object and tendency. e
The agitation of these questions has produced
a state of excitement in the public Jniud, unexampled
in our history. Throughout a large
section of the Union, deep discontent prevails,
and men calmly and sternly deliberate upon the
means of saving themselves and their children
from the intolerable wrongs which are impending
over them. Confidence in tliisGovcrumeiit,
to answer the ends of its formation, is rapidly
jiv i.ig way. We cannot, without being criminally
gui'ly, close our eyes to the fact, that old.
political systems are viewed with profound and
ivell-foitiided distrust, and the advantages of
new ones, formed upon their ruins, openly ami
Dok'i y discussed. i Ins want oi confidence in
established systems, is not confined to Europe.
It is here in our midst also. The human mind
i-serts its freedom, and will no longer bo deluJetl
l>y the sanctity, which the hallowed associations
of the past have thrown around a name.
I'he substance of tilings is now demanded, and
lliis demand must be satisfied. To draw a fail-hail
picture of the state of the Union, in reference
to these questions, is the duty now before
me.
The first step towards the restriction of slavery,
was the enactment of the ordinance of
1787, the sixth article of which reads as follows:
"There shall he neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude in the said territory, otherwise than
in the punishment for crimes, whereof the party
shall have, been duly convicted : Provided
'iltray *, That any jierson escaping in flic same,
irom whom labor or service is lawfully claimed
in any one of the original Slates, such fugitives
may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to
the jiorsou churning his or her labor or service,
m aforesaid."
In the Federal Convention which framed the
Consiitulion, the Southern States prescribed the
terms upon which alone they would agree to
become parties to it. Tliey demanded, that the
proviso in this ordinance, for the surrender of
! - r 11 1 I'l 1 A. _ I*
inguivcs i.oin jauor, snouiu uecomu a part 01
the Constitution.
They also demanded, that persons .held to
service, should lie represented in Congress; and
to effect this ohject, the following clause was
inserted in the Constitution :
"Representatives and direct taxes, shall be
Apportioned among the several States, which
maybe included within this Union, according
to their respective numbers, which shall be determined
by adding to the whole number of free
persons, including those bound to service for a
term of years, ami excluding Indians not taxed,
llirrr.fifths of all of her persons."
These clauses constitute the guaranties which
the Southern States demanded before they
would consent to enter into the Union, and
without which the Union never woidd have been
formed. They are fundamental conditions ui
Lite compact which was lorded between the
North and the Se'uiti, in reference to the great
^Ui-stion now at issue between tliem. ?itli
what fidelity the North have kept that compact,
I will now proceed to show-.
The ordinance of 1787 shadow ed forth the
policy which the North are now pursuing. The
intention is now avowed, to restrict slavey to
its present limits, with the view to ultimate abolition
in the Stat .v.
J he Missouri compromise was another act
in the same drama?the accomplishment of another
part ol the same scheme. In that comthe
North agreed that the line of oO
IJO north latitude should forever divide the slaveholding
from the non-slavehohliug States. This
compromise embraced all the territory acquired
in 1803, by the treaty of Paris. In this territory
slavery prevailed everywhere, but was
abolished north of the compromise line. The
North now repudiate that compromise, anil are
impatient to spread upon the record more conclusive
evidence, if it were wanting, to establisii
the fact, that no constitutions, no cotnpro
mises, no compacts, or solemn engagements,
into which they enter upon this question?no
matter how binding in law or conscience, or
how solemn the form and ceremonial of their
execution - can hind them to the observance of
their obligations any longer than suits their
own purposes.
The ordinance of 1787 provided for the surrender
of fugitives from service. In the Con
stitution this provision was re-affirmed in solemn
form. The same compact was expressly
recognized in the Missouri compromise, as applicable
to free States to be formed out of the
Louisiana territory. Thus has this fundamental
law been three times affirmed, at three successive
epochs in our history,, and as often viola
tea una uisregaruea.
The expression, "delivering up fugitives," is
a technical term in the law of nations, and is
often used in extradition treaties. It is twice
used in the Constitution?once in relation'to
fugitives from justice, and once in relation to fugitives
from labor. In its technical meaning,
it imposes an obligation on the State in which
the fugitive is found, to take active measures
r I A 1* < r / ?.?
ior ins acnvery to ins owner; or u a lugiuve
from justice, to the state having jurisdiction of
the crime tor which he fled. Up to the time of
the Missouri compromise, nearly all the northern
States had passed laws to carry out, in good
faith, the provision of the Constitution, and the
fugitive from labor was provided for in the same
statutes which provided for the delivery up of
fugitives from justice. But as the scheme of
abolition advanced towards the ends to be accomplished,
another policy was to be adopted.
These statutes were repealed, and a large majority
of the northern States have since passed
laws to prevent the redelivery of fugitives from
c/ti'i'l/to 'I hie? ia t Itn nVtAlitntn nnli/ii' ta ti'liink
3VIIIVV* A HIS IO IIIV UUUUIIl/ll jJlMICJ, w tvill^u
the Slates of the North are committed by the
nets of their legislatures, iu open violation to
the Constitution.
I repeat, jjiat a design is now avowed to restrict
slavery to its present limits, with the view
to its final abolition in the States. To show
that proofs are abundant upon this subject, I
call the attention of the committee to a speech
lately delivered here, by a member from Pennsylvania,
(Mr. Stephens.) He first quoles from
a speech of Mr. Meade, of. Virginia, "if," said
Mr. Meade,"we intend to submit to the policy
of confining the slaves within their present limits,
we should commence forthwith the work of
gradual emancipation. It i3 an easier task for
us iliau for our children." The member next
l'Orwvitc n romoelr I'enm ar\mxs?Vi aI \f ? IISI.
I U I V III? I* II VIII I.IIV Oj/VVVU V/l i'lli XXII
I Sard, of Alabama. "We must," said Me. Hilliard,
"make up our minds to resist the interdiction
of the pi-ogress of slavery, or to submit to
an organic change in our institutions." In reolv
to these remarks of Mr. Meade and Mr.
Milliard, the member from Pennsylvania exultingly
exclaims:
" Yes, sir; this admitted result is, to my
mind, one of the most agreeable consequences
of the legitimate restriction of slavery. Confine
this malady within its present limits, sur
round it by a cordon of freemen that it cannot
spread, and in less than twenty-five years every
siaveholding State in this Union will have on
i 1 i r.._ a i.._i i c..?i
us Maiuii' uuui\s a law tut iiiujjiuuuai auu iiaai
extinction of slavery. Then will have been
consummated the fondest wishes ot every patriot's
heart. Then will our fair country be glo
rious indeed; and be to posterity a bright example
of the true principles of government?of
universal freedom.
" I am opposed to the extension of slavery
into territories now free, for still graver reasons,
because I am opposed to despotism throughout
the world. I admit that this Government, cannot
preach a crusade of liberty into other Suites
.....I ...wl
tiuvi iKuivuo j iimvu <13 cuv uuuvio huuuo anu
tyranny, there she can only mourn over its existence.
Hut when the question of government
is within her own control, and she permits
despotism to exist, and aids its diffusion,
she is responsible for it in the face of the civilized
world, and before the (.lod of Liberty."
In these sentiments, often repeated here, the
end and aim of all this slavery restriction, this
free-soil and abolition agitation, may be clearly
seen. The member from- I'ennsylvani \ sends
forth the rallying cry to the abolition legions of
the IVo.th, to presj lorwar.l to the accomplishment
of this g;,eat scheme of slavery rest.ielion,
with a view to its final .abolition i.i the
Slates. "Surround them with a cordon of freemen,"
savs he, "so that slavery cannot spread,
and in less than twenty-five years every slaveholding
State in this Union will have on its
statute books a law for the gradual and final
extinction of slavery."
Sir, this avowal of the ultimate .'esign of the
Irec-soil scheme, does ?ot disclose to me any
UeW l)haSO. i:. tlin cnnt'nvnrsi' licfwooil \nrtll I
.thI South. I liavt- heretofore warned the people
I represent, that it is the design of the majority
ot the North, to accomplish the end announced
by the member from Pennsylvania;
that is, to surrouud the slave States by a cordon
of free State#?to Confine them to their
present limits; and more still ? to circumscribe
these limits by driving in the outposts of slavery
in the border States, with the view to the
tiual abolition of slavery, and until the South,
hemmed in on nil siitcs, is reduced to the condilion
now exhibited by St. Domingo. This is
the abolition scheme, of which non-extension
is liut the means to accomplish the end.
To obtain the control of every department of
the Covernment, to enable them to effect their
designs, it was lirst necessary to provide for
the nniied action of a majority in both Houses
of Congress, and to elect a President who would
repudiate the veto power. Both these preliminary
slep3 have been accoinplisheil. Gradu*
ally the work of uniting all parties at the North,
up to a well-defined geographical line, has been
going on. Any public functionary who dared
to accord justice to the South, soon found a
political grave. Ex-Presidents luivo entered
! the lists of free-soil, and contended for the
prize ottered i>y the inscriptions upon its oanner,
as did the kings of the East in the Olympic
games. Down with slavery was the battle-cry,
which has rallied the legions of these crusaders.
True, they march to the field of action
under banners slightly differing in device, but
when once there, Whig, Democrat, Abolitionist
and Free-Soilcr, nil unite in one grand army
for the overthrow of slavery. Every aspirant '
for political honors has learned that to denounce'
the South, and preach deliverance to the slave,
is the only road to political distinction. And
however much the different organizations of
party may differ on minor questions of public
policy, upon non-extension they all agree. On
this subject there is but one party and one pol-'
icy. As far, therefore, as this question is concerned,
how does the northern Whig difTcr from
the northern Democrat, or how does the FreeSoiler
and Abolitionist differ from either? rtr?
not all give their aid to the great scheme of ultimate
abolition, by pressing forward tbescheme'
of non-extension? Did not all vote for the'
Wilmot Proviso, with three or four exceptions,
while it was a practical question ? Are uot all
now in favor of the admission of California,
and that, too, for the reason that the Wilmot
Proviso is ingrafted in, and constitutes a part
of her so-called fundamental law, and that her
admission into the Union thus becomes a part
of the seheme of nnn-eytensmn nnrt thnrefXra
of ultimate abolition ? And what is it worth
to us, if some do it reluctantly ?
This Union of incompatible elements, up to '"
the geographical line which divides the North
from the South, accomplishes one esseutial purpose,
which all have in view. It gives the
North a decisive majority in both Houses of
Congress. There is, therefore, but one obstuc'e
in the way of the absolute power of this'
majority; and that is the Constitution. Hut, sir
power is never restrained by written laws.?
Having secured, the necessary majority, the
next step is, to remove every obstacle, which
: l :J. i!-- r._ji ..i ^
j[ii|H.*ties us action. ror wis purpose, iue umnStiLuiion
must be overthrown, and the will of
t ie majority substituted in its stead.
We have thus arrived at a uew em in our political
history. The time has come, when the
question must be decided, as was said by the
gentleman of Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) how far
written constitutions can protect the rights of a
minority, against the usurpations of a reckless
majority. There must be a veto power somewhere.
If the President refuses to discharge his '
constitutional duties, the minority ofStates must
exercise it for themselves, or their liberty will
be destroyed.
To suit this new political system, a newjvoi*
cabulary is being formed, and a catalogue of
ideas, heretofore unknown, are brought to our
consideration, At one time, it was conceded,
by the highest authority, that a State of this
Confederacy can peaceably secede from it?
Upon this sub ect Mr. Madison said, in the be
batc3 on the Federal Constitution:
" It has been alleged, that the Confederation
having been formed by unanimous consent,
could be dissolved by unanimous consent only.
Does this doctrine result from the nation in the
Article of Confederation? If we consider the
Federal Union as analogous fo' the' ftfndafaeu-tal
compact, by which individuals compose one
society, and which must in its theoretic origin,
at least, have beta the unanimous act of the
component members, it cannot be said, that no
distention of the compact can be effected without
unanimous consent. A breach of the fundamental
principles of the compact, by a part of
the society, would certainly absolve the other
part from their obligations to it. If the breach
of any article by any of the parties does not set
the otliersat liberty, it is because the contrary is
implied in the compact itself, and particularly
tit (lint lour aI If ii*lt!s?li orli'no nti Iit/loliiiifa on.
thorily to the majority to bind the whole in all
c.i8J5 '1 his laiter circiimstaoce shows, that we
are not to consider the Federal Union as
analogous to the social compact of individuals,
for if it wore so, a majority wquld have a rigid
to bind the rest, and even to form a new Constitution
for the whole, which the gentleman
from New Jersey, (Mr. Patterson,) would be
among the last to admit If we consider the-*
Federal Union as analogous, not to the seteial
nntnnnnla ummwr iit^irSiluol mnn lint tn tliA nnn_
ventions among individual States, what is the
doctrines resulting from these conventions???
Clearlv, according to the expositions of the law
of nations, that a breach of any one article by
any one party, leaves all the other parties at
liberty to consider the whole convention as dissolved.
The convention of the State ofVirgina, which
met to ratify the Federal Constitution, in the ,
terms ol ratification, used the following language:
"We, the delegates of the people of Virginia,
idaly elected, in pursuance of a recommendation
from the General Assembly, now met 111 con-,
vention, having fully and freely investigated and
discussed the proceeding of the Federal Convention,
and being prepared, as well as the most
mntu e deliberation hath enabled as, to decide
thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the
i\om\l i t\f Virmnin itnnlAlvt mid ninWn Icnmvil.
W|,.^ ,,, . ..V ~ ? -? ,
that the powers granted under the Constitution
being derived f.oin the people of the United
States, may he resumed by them, whensoever
the the same same shall he jHjrverted to their
injer or oppression, and that every power not
granted thereby, remains with them and at their
will. That therefore, 110 right of an}' denomination
can ho cancelled, abridged, restrained, or
" L -- iL ^ 4.
mouineu, ay mo congress, uy uie ovnaw m
| House of Representatives, acting1 in any capnci!
ty; liy tho President or any other department
| or otlicer of tho United States."
At tho same period of time, a convention of
the State of New York met to ratify the Constitution,
which convention, iu the terms of rat-,
ideation, used the following language:
" We, tho delegates of the jieopio of tho
State of New York, duly elected and met in
convention, having maturely considered the
Constitution for the United States of America,"
"and having also seriously and delilxirately considered
the present situation of the Unitydi
Shites, do declare and make known,
power is originally vested in, (ipd coiv'^gg*'
derived from tlic (f_. .,ilv
11 ..mcot