* _ ^ . - _ . X . , V . ?v ' ..- -Sr* - K. - ^ -?nr 41V.^
/ VOLUME 11. " (' A M DE X, SOUTH -CARPI JXA, MAR C'H 12,1850. , NUMBER 20.
Political Department.
SPEECH OF IION. J. C. CALHOUN,
ON THE Sl.AYERV QUESTION.
Delivered in the Semite of the. United Slates, March
4th, 18.50.
I have, Senators. Itelieved from the first that the
agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented
by some timely and effective measure, end
in disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I hare, on
all proper occasions, endeavored to call the attention
of the two great parties which divide the country
to induce them to adopt some measure to prevent
so great a disnstcr.but without success. The
1 ?.M. ?i
agitation has ueen peranum 10 jnuicru, mm inmost
no attempt to resist it, until it lias reached a
]>eriod when it can no longer be disguised or denied
that the Union is in danger. You have thus
had forced upon you the greatest and the gravest
question that can'ever come under your consideration
: How can the Union lie preserved ?
To give a satisfactory answer to this mighty
question, it is indispensable to have an accurate
and thorough knowledge of the nature and the
character of the cause by which the Union is endangered.
Without such knowledge it Is impossible
to pronounce, with any certainty, by what
measure it can he saved; just as it would be impossible
for a physician to pronounce in the case
of some dangerous disease, with any certainty, by
what remedy the patient could be saved, without
similar knowledge of the nature and character of
the causae of the disease. The first question, then,
presented for consideration, in the investigation 1
propose to make, in order to obtain such knowledge,
is: What is it that has endangered the Union.'
To this question there can be but one answer:
that the immediate cause is the almost universal
' * -l II
discontent wmcn pervaaes an uir ouuen tumjiu>
ingthe Southern section of the Union. This widely
extended discontent is not of recent origin. It
commenced with the agitation of Hie slavery question,
and has bech increasing ever since. The
next question, going one step farther back, is: What j
has caused this widely dilfuset} and almost universal
discontent ? I
It is a great mistake to suppose, as some have
done, that it originated with demagogues, who excited
the discontent with the intention of aiding
their personal advancement, or with the disap- I
]>ointcd ambition of certain politicians, who resort- j
t*d to it as the means of retrieving their fortunes, j
' "> omitnrv. nil the ereat nolitical influences !
"1' ' - - O I of
the section were arrayed against excitement, and j
exerted to the utmost to keep the people quiet.?
The great mass of the people of the South were divided,
as in the other section, into Whigs and !
Democrats. The leaders and the presses of l>oth
parties in the South were very solicitous to prevent
excitement and to preserve quiet: because it
- - 11 i
was seen ttint the etiecis 01 me iormer wouin necessarily
tend to weaken, if not destroy, the political
ties which united them with their respective
parties iti the other section. Those who know the
strength of party ties will readily appreciate the
immense force which this cause exerted against
agitation, -nd in favor of preserving quiet. But,
as great as it was, it was not sufficiently so to prevent
the wide-spread discontent which now pervades
the section. No: some cause, far deeper
and more powerful, than the one supposed, n. .
exist, to account for discontent so wide and deep.
The question, then, recurs: What is the cause of
this discontent! It will be found in the belief ol
the people of the Southern States, as prevalent as
*!"? .ho?A*?44i?i? iicolf flint llipv rnmtni ri?mniii_ n?s
iiic m^cvuiPiK IWVI., j -
things now are, consistently with honor and safety,
in the Union. The next question to be considered
is: What has caused tins belief?
One of the causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced
to the long-continued agitation of the slave qui stionon
the part of the iNorlh, and the many aggressions
which they have made on the rights of
^"" 1, a>iri(,nr ,l,o llniu I \i-ili lint cmiinurnl,
(11C UUUUi UUlllig MIV - ..... ..W. ....v
them at present, as it will be done hereafter in its
proper place.
There is another lying back of it, with which this
is intimately connected, that may be regarded as
the great and primary cause. It is to l>e found in
the fact that the equilibrium between the two sections
in the Government,as it stood when the Constitution
was ratified and the Government put in
action, has been destroyed. At that time there
was lieariy a perievieijuiui.ii ium ut-n\fen uu- iww,
which afforded ample means to each to protect itself
against die aggression of the other; but, as it
now stands, one section has the exclusive power
of controlling the Government, which leaves the*
other without any adequate means of protecting itself
against its encroachment and oppression. To
place this subject distinctly belore you, I have,
Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement,
showing the relative weight of the two sections in i
the Government under the first census of 171>0 and
the last census of 1810.
According to the former, the population of the
United States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and
Tennessee, which then were in their incipient condition
of becoming States, but were not actually
admitted, amounted to 3,929,8*27. Of this nunilier
the Northern States had 1,977,899, and the Southern
1.952,07*2, making a difference of only 2.1.827
| ill favor of the former States. The number of
I States, including Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee,
were sixteen; of which eight, including
Vermont, belonged to the Northern section, and
eight, including Kentucky and Tennessee, to the
Southern, making an equal division of the States, i
lietween the two sections under the lir.-t census.?
There was a small preponderance in the House of
Representatives, and in the electoral college, in fa- |
?vor of the Northern, owing to the liict that, accord-1
ing to the provisions of the Constitution, in tslimn- ;
J ting federal numbers, five slaves count but three; ;
I but it was too small to affect, sensibly, the perfect \
equilibrium, which, with that exception, existed at ;
the time. Such was the equality of the two sec- :
tions when the States composing them agreed to !
enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equi- ;
libriutn between them lias been greatly disturbed. |
According to the last cesus the aggregate popu- '
lation of the United States amounted to 17,0<i3.3f>7,
of which the Northern section contained 9,728,920,
and the Southern 7,334,437, making a difference,
in round numbers, of2,400,000. The number ofj
States had increased from sixteen to twenty-six,
making an addition of ten State . In the meantime
the position of Delaware ha i l> come doubtful
as to which section she prop' ! nlongs. Con- I
sidering her as neutral, the Nor i r.i States will
^ have thirteen and the Southern r -vs uveive, mata
king a difference in the Senate ?: wo Senators in
I favor oft hp former. According t the apportion1
ment under the census of Ib-tO, iJiere were 223
( 1 members of the House of Keprescntati vee, of which
U^Borthcrn States had 135, and the Southern
(considering Delaware as neutral) 87. niakiitference
in favor of the former in the Home
H^eaentativeri ol its. ine diueronoc in mo
if two member*, added tolhi.=, gi\rB to the
North, in the Electoral College, a majority of 50.
Since the census of 1840, four States have been
added to the Union: Iowa, Wisconsin, Florida and
Texas. They leave the difference in the Senate
as it stood when the census was taken; but add
two to the side of the North in the House, making
1 the present majority in the House in its favor of
1 ? "> ? i -_li rr.a
no, ana 111 me eieciorut coiiege m u*.
The result cf the whole is to give the Northern
section a predominance in every department of the
; Government, and thereby concent)ate in it the two
1 elements which constitute the Federal Govern;
inent: a majority of States, and a majority of the
population, estimated in federal numbers. What!
ever section concentrates the twoin itself, possesj
ses the control of the entire Government.
But we are just at ihe close cf the sixth decade,
I and the commencement of the seventh. The cen!
ens is to be taken this year, which must add great,
ly to the decided preponderance of the North in the
j House of Representatives and in the electora'l coli
. . : ,K_. ?
| lege. HIP .prospeci if, uipii, iiiai a .ikiot^
i will be added to its present preponderance in the
j Senate, during the ]?eriod of the decade, by the addition
of new Stales. Two Territories, Oregon
' and Minesota, are already in progress, and slrenu|
ous efforts are making to bring in tl.r -e additional
; States from the Territory recently conquered from
1 Mexico, which, if successful, will add three other
! States, in a short time, to the Northern section,
making live States ; and increasing the present
I number of its States from fif een to twenty, and of
j its Senators from tliirtv to f -rty. On the contrary,
there is not a single Territory in progress in the
! Southern section, and no certainty that any addi'
tionnl State will he added to it during the decade.
The prospect then is, that the two sections in the
Sei.ate, should the efforts now made to exclude
the South from the newly acquired Territories succeed,
will stand, before the end of the doende, twenty
Northern States to twelve Southern, (considering
Delaware as neutral.) and forty Korthern Senators
to twenty-four Southern. This great increase
o!'Senators, added to the great increase of members
of the House of Representatives and theelec- I
nn ttio Tinrt ftf tllii N'ftrlll. ll'llirll inllFt I
take place under the next decade, will effectually
and irretrievably destroy the equilibrium which existed
when the Government commenced.
Had this destruction been the operation of time,
without the interference ofGovernment, the south
would have had no reason to complain : but such
1 *1.? A. ? Ta ?? ? ? -1 !.? <lw? Inrriclolinn
was nui me iacu n v. as niuciu mc
of this Government, which was appointed as the
common agent of all, and charged with ihc protection
of the interests and security of all. '1 he legislation
by which it has been effected, maybe classed
under three heads. The first is, that series of
acts by which the south has been excluded from
the common Territory belonging to all ofthe States,
as the members of the Federal Union, and which
have had the effect of extending vastly the portion
allotted to the northern section, ar.d restricting
within narrow limits, ihc portion left the south.?
The next consists in adopting a system of revenue
1 !?* tfhloK or* im/lno tirnmrfinn
rt I If I uisiiuirrmriiin) u> niuva an iiintuv. *iw.?
of the burden of taxation ha? been imposed upon
the south, and an undue proportion of iis proceeds
appropriated to the north: and the last is a system
of political measures by which the original character
of the Government has been radically changed.
I propose to bestow upon each of these, in the or,
der they stand, a few remarks, with the view of
| showing that it is owing to the ac'ion of this GovI
ernmont that the eouilibrum between the two sec
lions has been destroyed, and the whole powers of J
the system centered in a sectional majority.
The first of the series of acts l?v which the eonth
was deprived of its duo share of the Territories,
originated with the Confederacy, which preceded
the existence of this Government. It is to be found
in the provision of'lie Ordinance of 1787. Its effect
was to exclude the south entirely from that
vast and fertile region which lies between the Ohio
and the Mississippi rivers, now embracing five
.States and one Territory. The next of the series
is the Missouri Compromise, which excluded the
tliat lir,rr> nnrtini of Louisiana wliich
.. ? r ~ r - I
lies north of3G (leg. 30 min., excepting v.liat i< included
in the State of Missouri. The last of the I
series excluded the south from th whole of the
Oregon Territory. All these, in the slang of the j
day, were what is railed slave territories, and not
free soil; that is. territories belonging toslnveholding
powers and open to the emigration of masters
willi their slaves. By these several acts the south
was excluded from l,23b,U35 square miles, nnex
- :-l #1.., ?..liro
tem OI ruumrv <cciii.~nunai?n r.v i;rnnig 1U>.
valley of the -Mississippi, To the south was left
the portion of the 'Territory of Louisiana lying
south of 30 deg. HO min? and the- portion north of
it included in the .State of.Missouri. The portion
lying south of 3(1 deg. 30 min.. including the states
of Jjouisiuna and Arkansas, and the territory lying
west of the latter and south of 3(5 deg. 30 min.,
called the Indian country. This, with the Territory
of Florida, now the state, make in tho whole,
283,503 square miles. To this must he added the
territory acquired with Texas. If the whole should
be added to the southern section, it would make an
increase of325,520, which would make the whole
left to the south, (509,023. But a large part of
Texas is still in contest Itetween the two sections,
which leaves it uncertain what will he the real extent
of the portion of territory that may be left to
the south.
I have not included the territory recently acquired
by the treaty with Mexico. The North is
making the most strenuous etlorts to appropriate
the whole to herself, by excluding the Suttih from
every loot of it. If she should succeed, it will add
to that from which the South itas already been ex
eluded, 526,U7B square unit's, auti wouui increase
the whole wJiich the .North lias appropriated to
herself to 1,1 <>4,023, not including tlie portion that
she may succeed in excluding lis from in Texas.
To sum up the whole, the United States, since
they declared their independence, have acquired
5*,3*i3,U4W square miles ol territory, from which the
Noith will have excluded the South, if she should
succeed iti monopolizing the newlv acquired ter
.1 ? . -
rnoni's, auuui UllCU-iUUX hid vi mt ???v??V| H-unug
to the South but about one-l'ourth.
Such i? the iirst and great cause that has destroyed
the equilibrium between the two suctions
in the Government.
The next is the system of revenue and disbursements
which has been adopted by the Government.
It is well known that the Government has
derived its revenue mainly from duties 011 imports.
I shall not undertake to show that such duties
' 1 ? ?'mII nu llttt Dvnnptimr
niuru iii'curnain^ iait iimunj v*.? mw v i..
States, and that the South, as the groat exporting
i portion of the Union, has in reality paid vastly
more than her due proportion of the revenue;
because I doetn it unnecessary, as the subject has
on so many occasions been fully discussed. Nor
shall I. f>r the same reason, undertake to showthat
a far greater portion of the revenue has been
disbursed at the North, than its due share; and
I that tno joint effect of these causes has been, to
i transfer a va-t amount from South to North, which,
under an equal system of revenue and disbursements
would not have been lost to her. If to this
he added that many of the duties were imposed,
not for revenue, but for protection?that is, intended
to put money, not into the Treasury, but
directly into the pockets of the manufacturers?
some conception may be formed of the immense
amount which, in the long course of sixty years,
has been transferred from South to North. There
are no data by which it can be estimated with any
certainty; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to
hundreds of millions of dollars. Under the most
moderate estimate, it would be sufficient to add
greatly to the wealth ofthe North, and thus greatly
increase her population by attracting emigra-'
tion from all quarters to that section.
This, combined with the great and primary
cause, amply explains why the North has acquired
a preponderance over every department of
the Government by its disproportionate increase
of population and States. . The former, as has
been shown, has increased in fifty years. 2,400.000
over that of the South. This increase of population,
during so long a period, is satisfactorily accounted
for, by the number of emigrants, and the
iticrease of their descendants, which have been
attracted to the Northern section from Europe and
the South, in consequence of the advantages derived
from the causes assigned. If they had not
existed?if the South had retained all the capital
which has been extracted from her by the fiscal
--i- r* *. j :r;t i..j Uah
action oi uie uovoriiiiiuiii. aim, u n juiu nui ulcii
excluded by the ordinance of'87, and the Missouri
compromise, from the region lying between tire
Ohio and the Mississippi rivers, and between the
Mississippi and the RocJcv Mountains, north of 36
30?it scarcely admits of a doubt, that she would
have divided the emigration with the North, and
by retaining her own people, would have at least
equalled the North in population under the census
of 1840, and probably under that about to be taken.
She would also, if she had her equal rights
in those Territories, maintained an equality in the
number of States with the North, and have preserved
the equilibrium between the two sections
that existed at the commencement of the Govern
rnenL The loss, then, of the equilibrium, is to be
attributed to the action of this Government.
But while these measures were destroying the
equilibrium between the two sections, the action of
the Government was leading to a radical change
in its character, by concentrating all the power of
the system in itself. The occasion will not permit
me to trace the measures by which this great
change has been consummated. If it did, it would
not lw difficult to show that the process commenced
at an early period of the Government; that it
proceeded almost without interruption, step by
step, until it absorbed virtually its entire powers;
but without going through the whole process to
establish the fact, it may be done satisfactorily by
a very short statement.
That the Government claims, and practically
maintains, the right to decide iri the last resort, as
tft the extent of its powers, will scarcely be denied
by any one conversant with the political history of
the country. That it also claims the right to resort
to force, to maintain whatever power it claims,
against all opposition, is equally certain. Indeed
it is apparent, from what we daily hear, that this
has become the prevailing and li.vt'd opinion of a
great majority of the community. Now, I ask,
what limitation can possibly be placed upon the
powers of a government claiming and exercising
sncli rights? And, if none can be, how can the
separate governments of the States maintain and
protect the "powers reserved to them by the Constitution.
or the people of the several States maintain
those which are reserved to them, and among
others, the sovereign powers by which they ordained
and established, not only their separate
Slate Constitutions and (lovcriunents, but also the
Constitution and (iovermnentofthe United States?
Hut, if they have no constitutional mean* of maintaining
them atrainst the risrhl claimed by this
poverninciil.it necessarily follows, that tlicy hold
thrill at its pleasure and discretion, and that all
the powers of (he system are in reality concentrated
in it. It also follows, that the chaiacter of the
(iuvernmeut has heen changed in consequence,
from a federal Republic, as it originally came from
the hands of its framers. into a great national consolidated
Democracy. It lias indeed, at present,
till the characteristics of the latter, and not one of
1 .-'i : - ..... 1
tlie former, aiuiougn n oil mains i.s umumu
lor 11.
The result of the whole of, these causes coin-'
billed is, that the North has acquired a decided ascendancy
over every department of this government,
and through it a control over all the powers
of the system. A single section, governed by the
will of the numerical majority, has now. in tact,
the control of the Government and the entire
powers of the system. What was once a constm
tutional federal Republic, is now converted, in reality,
into one as absolute as that of the Autocrat
of Russia, and as despotic in its tendency, as any*
absolute government tlitft ever existed.
As then, the North has the absolute control over I
the Government, it is manifest, that on all questions
between ii n lid the Sou ill, where there is a diversity
ol' interests, the interest of the latter will he
saeriliced to the former, however oppressive the
effects may be, as the South possesses no means
by which it can resist, through the action of the
Government. Jhit if there was no question of vital
importance to the South, in reference to which
there was a diversity of views between the two
sections, this state of things might he endured,
without the hazard of destruction to the South.?
But such is not the fact. There is a question of
vital importance to the Southern section, in refer
flirt? to which the views and feelings of the two
sections are as opposite and hostile as they can
possibly be.
Irelerto the relation between the two races in
the Southern section, which constitutes a vital
portion of her social organization. Every portion
of the North entertains views and feelings more or
Iocs hostile to it. Those most nhnosed and hos
tile, regard it as a sin, and consider themselves
under the most sacred obligation to use every rftort
to destroy it. indeed to the extent that they
conceive they have power, they regard themselves
as implicated in the sin, and responsible tor suppressing
it by the use of all and every means.?
Those less opposed and hostile, regard it as a
crime?an offence against humanity, as they call
i?- nnil :ilflimnrli ?nf mm fanatical, feel themselves
bound to u*o all efforts to effect the same object;
while those who are least opposed and hostile, regard
it as a blot and a stain on the character of
what they call the Nation, and feel themselves accordingly
hound to give it no countenance or sup
port. On the contrary, the Southern section regards
the relation as one which cannot be destroyed
without subjecting the two races to the
greatest calamity, and the section to poverty, desolation,
and wretchedness; and accordingly they
feel bound, by every consideration of interest and
safety, to defend it.
This hostile feeling on the part of the North to
! wards the social organization of the South, long
| lay dormant, but it only required some cause
which would make the impression on those who
' felt it most intensely, that they were responsible
( for its continuance, to call it into action. The ini
creasing power of this Government, and of the
i control of the Northern section overall itsdepart{
rnents furnished the cause. It was this which
. made an impression on the minds of many, that
j there was little or 110 restraint to prevent the gov|
eminent from doing, whatever it might choose to
do. This was sufficient of itself to put the most
j 1'pnatical portion of the North in action for the pur|
pose of destroying the existing relation between
| the two races in the South.
i The first organized movement towards it com;
menced in 1835. Then, for the first time, societies
1 were organized, presses established, lecturers sent
forth to excite the people of the North, and incen|
diary publications scattered over the whole south,
; through the mail. The south was thoroughly
aroused. Meetings were held everywhere, and
j resolutions adopted, calling upon the north to ap!
ply a remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and
i itlitrltrinrr fIwunculrni; tn nArtr\t monciiroc fnr th#?ir
! own protection, if it was not arrested. At the
i meeting of Congress petitions poured in from the
North, calling upon Congress to abolish slaver)- in
; the District of Columbia, and to prohibit yhattney
callecHhe internal slave trade between the states,
! announcing at the same time, that their ultimate
object was to abolish slavery, not only in the Disj
trict, but in the states, and throughout the Union.
At tliis period, the number engaged in the agitaI
tion was small, and possessed little or no personal
j influence.
Neither party in Congress had, at that time, any
; sympathy with them, or their cause. The mem
uers 01 eacn party presented ineir petitions wiui
J great reluctance. Nevertheless, as small and coni
temptible as the party then wap, both of the great
parties of the North dreaded them. They felt, that
though small, they were organized in reference to
a subject which had a great and commanding influence
over the Northern mind. Each party, on
that account, feared to oppose their petitions, lest
the opposite party should take advantage of the
one who might, by favoring their petitions. The
effect was that both united in insisting that the
i pe'it ions should be received, and that Congress
! should take jurisdiction ot ihe subject for which
! tlinv nrnved To ius'ifv their course, thev took
! the extraordinary ground, that Congress was
bound to receive petitions on every subject, however
objectionable it might be, and whether they
had or had not jurisdiction over the subject. These
views prevailed in the House of Representatives,
and partially in the senate, and thus the party
succeeded in their first movements in gaining
what they proposed?a position in Congress, from
which agitation could be extended over the whole
Union. This was the commencement of the agitation,
which has ever since continued, and which,
as is now acknowledged, lias endangered the
Union itself.
As for myself, I believed, at that early period, if
the party who got up the petitions should succeed
in getting Congress to take jurisdiction, that agitation
would follow, and thai it would in the end,
if not arrested, destroy the Union. I then so expressed
myself in debate, and called upon .ho h
parties to take ground against <tsstiming jurisdiction,
but in vain. Had my voice been heeded,
and had Congress refused to take jurisdiction, by
the united vots of all parties, the agi ation which
followed would have been prevented, and the fanatical
zeal that, gives impulse to the agitation,
and which has brought us to our present perilous
condition, would have become extinguished irotn
the want of something to feed the flame. That
was the time for the north show her devotion to
the Union; hut unfortunately, both of the great
parties of that section were so intent on obtaining
or retainining party ascendancy, that all other
considerations were overlooked or forgotten.
What has since followed are but the natural consequences.
With the success ol their first movement,
this small fanatical party began to acquire
strength ; and with that, to become nn object of
courtship to both the great parties. The necessary
consequence was, a further increase of power, and
a gradual tainting of the opinions of both of the
other parties with their doctrines, until the infection
has extended over both ; and the great mass
of the nnniihtion of the .North, who, whatever may
be their opinion of the original abolition party,
which still preserves its distinctive organization,
hafHly ever fail, when it. comes to acting, to cooperate
in carrying out their measures. With the
increase of their influence, they extended the
sphere of their action. In a short time after the
nuncncemeiit of their liret movement, they
had acquired suflicient influence to induce
tlfb Legislatures of most of the Nor.he'rn
States to pass nets, which in effect abrogated
ihe provision of the Constitution that provides
for %the delivering up of fugitive slaves. Not
long after, petitions followed to abolish slavery in
forts, magazines, and dock yards, and all other pla
ces where Congress had exclusive power iegisia
tion. This was lol.'owed by petitions and resolutions
of Legislatures of the ,Northern Stales and
popular meetings, to exclude tlie Southern States
from all Territories acquired, or to he acquired,
and to prevent the admission ot any State hereafter
into the Lnion, which, by its Constitution, does
not prohibit slavery. And Congress is invoked to
do all this expressly with the view to the linal
[ abolition ol slavery in the States. That lias been
avowed to he the ultimate object from the begin- i
IllUg 01 HIP Hgliawon UIIIII lilt; jirusviu unit;, anu
yet the grout body of both parties of the North,
with the lull knowledge o| the fact, although disavowing
the Abolitionists, have co-opcratod with
^tItem in alnio't all their measures.
Such is a brief history of the agitation, as far as
it has yet advmeed. Now t ask, Senators, what
is there to prevent its further progress, until it fulfils
the ultimate end proposed, unless soine de
cisive measure should be adopted to prevent it]
Has any one of the courses, which ban added to
its increase from its original small and contemptible
beginning until it has attained its present
magnitude, diminished in force ! Is the original
cajse ot the movement, that slavery is a sin, and
ought to be suppressed, weaker now than at the
commencement! Or is the Abolition party less
numerous or influential, or have they less influence
fir onnlrnl nviir tho tivn n:irti*>c <>l t hp Nortll ill
elections! Or liau the South greater meat* of influence
or control over the two great parties ol
the Nortli in elections? Or has the South greater
nl* inriiion^iunr its *%, %t\t v?\11 i t\i* IlO mnVfr* mPfltft
MICCMIST >, U.IIUt,1Ul.jiU. v..w
of this Government now, than it had when the agitations
commenced? To all these ?iucstions but
one answer can be given : No, no, no. The very
reverse is true. Instead of being weaker, all the
elements in favor of agitation are stronger now
than they were in 1830, when the agitation first
commenced,.wliilo all tho e'en cuts ol influence on
the partofthe South arc weaker. Unless some
thing decisive is done, I again a6k, what is to stop
tnis agitation, before ihc great and final Object at
which it aims?the abolition of slavery in the States
is consummated? Is it, then, not certain, that if
something decisive is not now done to arrest it,
the Su.th will be forced to choose between abolition
an'! secession? Indeed, as events are notv
moving, it will not require the South to secede to
dissolve the Union. Agitation will of itself effect
it, of which its past history furnishes abandant
proof, as I shall r.exf proceed to show.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion
can be effected by a single blow. The cords '
t- l < l . * -i
wiucri oiM.ua luetic oiaies logetner in one
common Union are far too numerous and powerful
for that. Disunion must be the work of time.
It is only through a long process, and in succession,
that the cords can be snapped, until the whole
fabric falls asunder. Already the agitation of the
slavery question has sjiapped some of the most
important, and has greatly weakened all the others,
as I shall proceed to show.
The cords that bind the States together arc not
only many, but various in character. Some are
spiiitu il or ecclesiastical; some political; other* *
social. Some appertain to tne benefit conferred by
the Union,and others to the feeling of duty and
obligation.
The sTongcBt of those of a spiritual and ecclesiastical
nature, consisted in the unity of the great
religious denominations,- all of which originally
embraced the whole Union. All thee? denominations,
with the exception, perhaps, of the Catholics,
were organized very much upon the principle of ?
our political institutions; beginning with smaller
meetings, corresponding with the political divisions
of the country, their organization terminated in
one great central assemblage, corresponding very
much with the character ol Congress. At these
meetings the principal clergymen and Jay members
of the respective denominations from all parts
of the Union met, to transact business relating to*
their common concerns It was not confined to
what appertaine :o the doctrines and discipline of
Ihe respectwr denominations, but extended to
plans for disseminating the Bible, sending oat missionaries,
distributing tracts, and establishing presses
for the publication of tracts, newspapers and
periodicals, with a view of diffusing religious information,
and for the support of the doctrines and
creed of the denomination. All these combined,
contributed grealy to strengthen the bonds of the
Union. The strong ties which held each denomination
together formed a strong cord to hold the
whole Union together; but, as power's! as they
were, they have not been able to resist the explo.
sive effect of the slavery agitation.
The first of these cords which snapped, under its
explosive force, was that of the powerful Methodist
Kpiscopa! Church. The numerous and strong ties
which held it together are all broko, and its unity
gone. They now form separate churches; and, instead|Of
that feeling of attachment and devotion to
the interests of the whole Church which-was formerly
felt, they are now arrayed into two hostile
bodies, engaged in litigation about what was
formerly their common property.
The next cord that snapped was that of the Baptists,
one of the largest and most respectable of the
denominations. That of the Presbyterian is not
entirely snapped, but some of its stands have given
away. That of the Episcopal Church is the only
one of the four great Protestant denominations
which remains unbroken and entire.
The strongest cord of a political character, consists
of the many and stror g ties that have held together
the two great parties which have, with nine
modifications, existed irom me Beginning of trie
Government. They botli extended to every por'ion
of the Union and strongly contributed to hold all
its parts together. But this powerful cord has
fared no better than the spiritual. It resisted for
a long time the explosive tendency of the agitation,
hut has finally snapped under its force?if not entirely,
in a great measure. Nor is there ore of
the remaining cords which have not been greatly
weakened. To this extent the Union has already
been destroyed by agitation, in the only way it can
he, by snapping asunder and weakening the cords
which hind ii together.
If the agitation goes on, the some force, acting
with increased intons ty, as has been shown, it will ( finally
snap every cord, when nothing will be left
to hold the states together except force. But,
surely, that-ean, with no propriety of language, be
called a Union, when the only means by which the
weaker is held connected with the stronger portion
is torce. It may, indeed, keep them connected;
but the connection will partake much more of
the character of subjugation, on the part of the
weaker to the s'ronger, than the union of free, independent
and sovereign states, in one Federal \i >
Union, as they stood in the early stages of the Government,
end which only is worthy of the sacred
name of Union. .
Having now, Senators, explained what it is that
endangers the Union, and traced it to its cause, andexplained
its nature and character, the question
again recurs : How can the Union be saved 1 To
tins I answer, there is but one way by which it canbe,
and that is, by adopting such ine>suresas will
satisfy the States belonging to the Southern section
that they can remain in the Un'icn consistently <??
with their honor and their safety. There is again
only one way by which that can be effected, and
that is removing the cause by which this beliel has
been produced. I)o that, and discontent will cease,
harmony and kind feelings between the sections
be restored, and every apprehension of danger to
the Union l?e removed. The question, then, is ; by
what can this be done ? But, before I undertake
to answer this question, I propose to shtnv by what,
the Union cannot be saved
It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the"" '
Union, however splended or numerous. Tbe err
of "Union, Union?the glorious Union!" can no
more prevent disunion than the cry of "Health,
health?glorious health," on the part of the pi.ysi.
cian.cap save a palticnt lying dangerously ill. So
long as the Union, instead of being regarded as a
prntec'or, is regarded as ofthe opposite character, by
not much less than a majority ofthe States, it will
I?a m nun nifpmnt tn rnm'ilmtn tlipni hv nro
1/v; III lain ?v ... - ... ?J I
uouncing eulogies on it.
Besides, this cry of Union comes commonly from
those whom we cannot believe to be sincere. It
usually comes from our assailants. But we cannot
believe them to be sincere; if they love he Union,
they would necessarily be devoted to the t onatitution.
It made the Union, and to destroy the Constitution
would he to destroy the Union. But the
only reliable and certain evidence of devotion to
the Constitution, is. to abstain, on the one hand,
from vio'ating it, and to repel, on the other, all attempts
to violate it. It is only by faithfully performing
these high duties that the Constitution can
be preserved, and with it the Union.
But how stands the profession of devotion to the
Union by our assailants, when brought to the test?
Have they abstained from violating the Constitution
1 Let the many acts passed by the JVorihcrn