countries. It must be remembered, however, that though (he free Slntes furnish part of our exports, yet that which they do afford is scarcely to much as the portion of our own products u hicli goes to thorn for consumption. If, there- ' lore, we were separated, our whole exports to ! v? -I 1 . . . II III me :>ioriii ana toreign conmries generally wouiti : be equal lo ihe sum. Of course we shoud im- : purl us much, and in fact do al (his time con- j isume as much. A duly of thirty per cent, on these imports (and most o! the rates of the pres. i uul tariff law are h'gher) would yield a revenue of nearly forty millions of dollars. As the price ot almost all the manufactured articles are regulated by the production of the great work, shops ot Europe, where the accumulation ol | capital and lalipr keeps down production to the j lowest possible rales, 1 have no doubt but that sum would be raised without any material in- , crease oftho prices which our citizens now pay. ; ??i ?: .1 C. I ?? ! ??ts initio, uiuieiurv, e*['^nu as iimh.i, ?s iiir ; Government of the United Stales ever did in i tinie ol peace up to the beginning of General i Jackson's Administration, and still have on i hand twenty five millions of dollars to devote j to the making of railroads, opening our harbors and rivers, and for other domestic purposes.? Or, by levying only a twenty per cent, duty ; which the Northern manufacturers found ruin- : ousto them, as they said, undty-Mr. Clay's compromise hill, we should he aT?!e to raise some tvveniy-uve millions of dollars. Half of this i sum would he sufficient for the support of our j army, navy, and civil government. The resi- \ due might he devoted to the making of all such improvements as we are now in want of, and , especially checkering our country over with j railroads. JJulyecliiig the goods of the North j to a duty, with those from other foreign coun- ; tries, would at once give a powerful stimulus to ' our own manufactures. We have already suffi- ' cient capital for the purpose. But, if needed, it ! would come in from abroad. English capital* | ists have filled Belgium with factories. Why I" did this occur? Simply because provisions were ; cheaper there and taxes lower than in Eng- j land. The same motives would bring them into the Southern country, since both the rca. sons assigned are much stronger than in our case. It has already been proved that we can ' manufacture some kinds of goods more cheaply j than the North, in New Englond, too, owing ; to her deficient agriculture, everything is di ! reeled to manufacturing, and the system is j oi-ai.w.rl mi i.t .1 miinl which is attended with i ~r ? - i great social disadvantages, so as to retard popu- i Jul ion. In the South it need not be so. The i climate and soil arc very favorable to agrirul. 11 tural pursuits. Our slaves might be chiefly occu j pied on the farms, while the poorer class of our j white population, and a portion of our females. 1 could be advantageously employed in manuluc- < i luring. We should thus have that diversity in !, ...... ...n..!!, which i< most conducive to tho 1 UU1 pUIOUHa " ...v.. -w ...... prosperity and happiness o! a people. , Our carrying trade would tor a time be in , the hands of the English and other foreigners. | 'i'nis, .however, would not he to our disadvan* ! lage, since Northern-shipowners now charge as | much tor freight between New York and New I Orleans as tlrey do for carrying it to Can.on, on the opposite side of the globe. The whole ; a uounl ot the freight on Southern productions, ! received by the Northern ship-owners, has, on i a minute calculation, been set down at forty j millions one hundred and eighty six thousand . seven hundred and twenty-eight dollars ($40,- I 186, 728,). The whole value which the North ; derives from Us Southern connexion tins been j estimated, It}' komio persons most familiar with these statistics, at more than eighty.eigla mil- : lions of dollars. Whoever looks into the con- j dition of the different States prior to the forma ' lion of the Union, and compare it with their I J-:? ..?#? I situation at nrsi, uuucr iow uuuci, up m iM? .. u. t and tariff of 1816, and its successors, highly protractive as they have been, will find the fuels fully sustaining the opinions 1 have expressed. Northern writers of elementary books, made for school children, of course represent things differently, and deceive the careless and ignorant. .My opinions on these points have been settled for a long while past, though 1 have not heretofore been in a position where 1 thought 1 could exert any controlling influence, or effect -i.-:?I.U l.u mvinrr nlli?r!tnP(>Tr) any uesirawc >-j 6 0 them. I?i throwing out these views. Mr. Chairman, I have not sought the utmost degree of precis- 1 ion hut i have no deubt but that all the lacts | will be found on examination not less favorable ' to my conclusion than 1 have stated them. My ; purpose now is simply to present to Northern gentlemen such general views as arc likely to be adopted by the South. Your course ot aggression is already arraying against you all the highest minds of the South?men of high intellect, and higher patriotism, whose utter inditfer cnce to all personal considerations will make 1 them, in the language of my eloquent friend from Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) "devo.o all they have and all they are to this cause." lint gentlemen speak of the dilficulty ofmak- i ing the boundary; and the condition of the border States of Maryland and Kentucky is particularly referred to. Undoubtedly each Slate would huve the right to determine for itself to which section of the Coti/ederacy it would belong. If these two States were to unite wi h the North, then, as it would not be possible for -? : them to change meir tuiiuumu m-uiaiivj willi respect to slavery, it' they ever did, they would, for many years at least, form a barrier against the aggressions of the free Slates, until, in short, the South would have become too great and powerful to need such aid. I lake it however, that their interest would lead thein to prefer an association with the South. With i reterence to fugitive slaves .Maryland would not i be materially worse off than 1 have shown hoi ! to be, it she were not in fact Jess molested. There would, however, he some great counter- j - ! 1 ^ . | vailing advantages, one is in auvance 01 most i of I lie Southern States in manulactures, and a duty on Norlhejn imports would give her for i the time heller prices 011 such things as now come from the North. Baltimore would, perhaps, from its considerable size and its capital, become the New York ol the South. New York itself must at once lose moro more than half its for its foreign trade. Charleston and ; New Orleans would expand rapidly. The like might occur in the cities of Virginia. Even the little towns on the eastern coast of my own State would more than recover the trade which they had prior to the war duties and the tariff of 1616. The northern tier of counties in Kentucky would perhaps bo obliged to remove their slaves to the South. Rut there would he to her advantages in the change similar to those of iYlnry. land. Kentucky supplies the South with live stock to a great extent; Init she has to encouti ter the competition of Ohio and other Noithwestern States. If the productions of these were subjected to a duty, she. might for a time have a monopoly in the trade. I would do iu> justice to these two States il I supposed that they would Imj governed solely, or even mainly, hy I*mi] >iinno of interest. Mm-vland and Ken lucky are filled with as courageous, as generous on earth; and, following their hold impulses, they would make common cause with llieir oppressed sisters oI the South, and, if necessary, take their places where the blows might fall thickest in the front of the column, with the same high feelings that animated their ances O O tors on the haltle-fields of the Revolution.? RaihH.rihnn thai tliov should seuarale from us, " ' " "I I think it far more probable that some of the Northwestern free States would find it to their advantage logo with the South. But we have been threatened that the North will take possession of the Lower Mississippi. The British tried that in 1815, but found Andrew' Jack s.mi nnd sonic of i lie Southwestern mililiu men in the way. in the thirty-live years that have since passed, those States have become populous and strong, and would doubtless be able to protect their waters from aggression.? The Southern States, having now a free population ot six millions, and producing in succession such soldiers as Washington, Jaekson, Scott, and Taylor, need have no serious fears . off reign aggression. I submit it, then, .Mr. Chairman, calmly to Northern gentlemen, that they had better make up their mind to give us at once a lair settlement; not cheat us by a mere empty term, without reality, but give something substantial tor the South. We might acquiesce in the Missouri compromise line, i should individually prefer, under all the circumstances, giving up j the whole of California, provided we could have { all on litis bide ot it, up lu about the parallel ot 40 deg. nut lar fruui lite northern line ofthe Stale ol Missouri, rather than its southern? 30 deg. 40 mill. We Wuu d thus, by gelling the whole of New Mexico, and having the muunlaing chain and desert on the west, obtain a proper Irontier. We inigiit then acquire, at some future day, whether united or divided, possession ofthe country along the Gulf of Mexico, well suited to be occupied by our slave population. 1 mean, that no restiiclion ought to be imposed by Congress oil this territory, but that alter it has been leit open to all classes lor a proper period, the majority may then, when they make a tilale constitution, determine for themselves whether they will permit slavery or not. The South will acquiesce in any reasonable settlement. But when we ask lor juslice, and to be let alone, we are met by the senseless and insane cry of "Union, Union !" Sir, 1 ain disgusted with it. When it comes Ifisin Ninrlliarii rrunt lonws.i ll'llfl >1 l'l> ullMirk* ..w... ..w........ irig Uit, il tails oa my ear as it would do if a band of robbers bad surrounded a dwelling, and when the inmates attempted to resist, the assailants should raise the shout of "I'eace? union?harmony!" If they will do us justice, we do not need their lectures.- As long us they refuse il, their declarations seem miserable, hypocritical caul. When the-so things come from the Southern men I have even less respect for them. Even the ino?t cowardly men, when .t._ .1 I ?! ... J II.. iiiivuieueu wiui personal injury, uo not usuuuy announce in advance llial lliey mean to nullmil to all die chastisements which an adversary may chooso to inllict. And iliosc persons who seeing (he aggressive altitude of (he North, aHd its numerical power, declare in advance that for their part they intend to submit to whatever the majority may do, aie taking the best course lo aid our assailants, and need not wonder if the country regards litem enemies ol the South. If Northern gentlemen will do us justice on this gicat question, we may consent to submit to lesser evils. We may acquiesce in a most oppressive revenue system. We may tolerate a must unequal distribution oi the puul'C expenditures. We may hear the loss of our fu. gitive slaves, because the Legislatures of the Northern Slates have nullilied essential provisions of the Constitution, without which the Union could not have been formed, because mere pecuniary considerations are not controlling with us. We may even permit such porv.._.i i- .1... tlUIJO VI IIIU 4IUIIIIUJU its UIC UL'2lliUlU Ul proper self respect, to send up here occasionally representative whose sole business seems to be to irritate as much as possible Southern feeling, and pander to the prejudices oflhc worst part of the Northern community. We may allow thul the Northern Stales shall keep up and lostcr in their bosoms abolition societies, whose main purpose is to scatter tire brands throughout the South to incite servile insurrections, and stimulate by licentious pictures, our negroes to invade the persons of our white women. Hut if, in addition to all these wrongs and insults, you intend to degrade and utterly ruin the South, then icc don't go it. We do not lovo you, people of the North, well enough to become your slaves. God has given us the power and I lie will to resist. Our lathers acquired our liberty by the sword, and with it, at every hazard, we will maintain it. But before resorting to that instrument, 1 hold that all constitutional means should be exhausted. It is sir, a wise provision ot Providence, that less torce is required to resist an attack than to make it. The Constitution of the United Slates has been well framed on these principles. While, therefore, a majority is necessary to pass a measure, onc-filth of the members may demand the yeas amfcnays. Ill Sllill!- I )l,?r?'fnr,> i.f i.nu nf r;-? ? "" ""J '? * a majority can make, while this constitutional provision stands, a minority of one filth or more, if firm and sustained hy the people at home, can stop iho wheels of the Government. If it is ascertained that no proper settlement can be gotten ol the territorial question, it would he in the power of the Southern members to defeat all the appropriation bills, and bring the Government to a dead halt. Perhaps it might be well to give such a cup to Northern gentlemen; for 1 well remember that when ttie civil l.III I '? u|>t>iu|'iiaiiuii mil was unuerconsiuerauon, wnn the amendineiit from ttic Senate known as Walker's, which would have settled the question of slavery in the Territories, a number of Northern gentleincq resolved to defeat tho bill, and all other business by constantly calling for the yeas and nays, if they did not succeed in striking out that amendment. 1 recollect perfectly that, while I was pressing a I'ennsylva ilia member to vote against striking out that amendment, which was the pending motion, a member of high standing from Massachusetts said to me, "You need not give yourself any trouble about this matter; if we do not succeed in changing it, we shall defeat it hv hating the O O 1 ? O yeas and nuys on motions to adjourn, and calls of the House, till the end of the session." From similar declarations made, to me by a number of Northern gentlemen, 1 went through the House, 1 had no doubt but that, as he said, enough had agreed to have enabled them to effect their purpose, if the motion to change the character of the hill hud failed. It is not long since, too, another citizen of Massachusetts (Mr. John Davis) defeated the two million hill then pending in the Senate, by speaking till ihe end of the session. As Northern gentlemen have, therefore, been accustomed to this mode of resistance to such measures as boo rll/l n/il lilra I Inl/M it tlirsf I Kni/ Wiilil/I KoriL ly complain of this kind of retaliation. I tell gentlemen that if we cannot in advance, ? and as noble minded men and women as existed get a lair settlement of this question, 1 should lie pleased to see the civil and diplomatic ap-. proprialiou hill, the army and navy hill, and all oilier appropriations tail. We should thereby make every officer, and evfry expectant of publie money interested in having justice done to the South, it would be far belter to have this temporary inconvenience for a year or two, than that we should have a bloody revolution, or souiethinrr worst'. I hold it Iti hi' the dutv of every Southern Representative to slay here and prevent, till the close of our official tcrin, the passage of*any measures that might force the people to any unjust submission. In the mean time, the Southern Slates could, iu con veution, lake such steps as might be necessary to assert her right to a share iu the public territory. If this interregnum were to continue lung, it might lorce both sections to make provisional governments, to become permanent ones in the end. Hut it is advised in certain portions of the Noilheru ureas that the members of that section ought to expel such at interrupt their proceeding*. Lei them try such an experiment. 1 leu gentlemen that this is our slaveliolding Territory. We do not intend to leave it. It they think they can remove us, it is a proper case lor dial. In the present temper ot the public mind, it is proable that a collision ol the kind might electrify the country, as did the little skirmish at Lexington the Colonies in their then excited stale. Such a struggle, whoever might prove the victors in it, would not leave here a quorum to do business, Gentlemen may call this I reason?high treason?l he higcsl treasuii thai lhe world ever saw. Hut their words are idle. Wo shall defeat their movement against us. Hut even if 1 thought otherwise, 1 would still resist. Sooner than submit to what they propose, 1 would rather see the South, like i'oland, under the iron heel of the conqueror. 1 vvoulJ rather that shn should iind the late of Hungary. It was but the other day, and under our own eyes, I hat the gallant Hungarians asserted their own independence. Though in the midst oi, and struggling against, those two immense empires, that could bring more than a million of armed men into the field, they were successful at first in beating down the power of Austria. It was nut until some of her sons became traitors that Hungary was finally overpowered, borne down and pressed to death by the long columns and gigantic strength of Russia. It necessary, let such be our late. " Hotter do Where llic extinguiblicd Spartans still are free, In their proud charnc! of Tliorinopylte." Rather let the future traveller, as he passes over a blackend and desert waste, at least exclaim, "Here lived and died as noble a race as ever the sun shone upon." If we wore to wait until your measures were consummated and your Cuii, like that of a greut serpent, was completoly around UP, then we might be crushed.? Seeing the danger, we have the wisdom and the courage to meet the attack now, while we have power to resist. We must prove the vietors in this struggle. If we repel the wave of aggression now, wo shall have peace. The * I'.? - thrt n/iilitlrl' Alt iKu .A UOllllOIl IMS, Ut-ICUlCU UUIUIC lilt kUUIIllJ uil IUK main issue, will not have power to molest us. 1 have thus sir, frankly spoken my opinions on this great question, with no purpose to menace, hut only to warn. Gentlemen ol the North ought themselves to see that while sub mission to what they propose would he ruinous to us, it would not in the end he beneficial to their section. Seeing then, the issue in all its hearings, it is for them to decide. They hold in their hands the destiny ol the existing Goveminent. Should circumstances divide us, 1 wish that you may prosper. From all my knowledge of the elements of your society, 1 ,1.^ |Q. nave my uijuijid* i um ?o oumi| uhuwi vor of I'roviiJencc, in all events lake care of our* selves, I have no fears. In conclusion, I have to sa): L>o us justice and we continue to stand with you; attempt to trample 011 us, and we part company. We cannot fail here to acknowledge, and we do it with pride and pleasure, the prompt and noble manner in which Western Virginia has identified herself, by the votes of Iter sons upon this subject, with blastern Virginia and with the South. She has shown that Virginia is "one and indivisible" upon questions connected with slavery institutions, as with all others. She stands by tho side of the East now as aIio did in her contests with foreign foes. Tho warm and generous Southern blood has not been chilled by the mountain breezes. It courses through the veins, and inspires me iienns Governor Johnson. Wo are informed that ' 11 ? .inn liia tlpnlth. the "good oiu mail is recovoin?fc ? and that he is able to be about. Can Union-? can I'inckney congressional district?can South Carolina send us a wiser, a more faithful or better citizen, to the Southern Convention, than David Johnson, should his health permit. Spartan. THUS OTOTHAIL, CAMDEN, S. C. | TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1850. MR."CLINGMAN'S SPEECIT ~ i fIMio VVnohlnnrtnn rnrrponnnrlpnt nf Hip Pliorlpc | ton Courier writes as follows of Mr. Clingman's | speech: "That speech has not been and will not be answered by the Northern men, because they could not answer it in any t^rms but those of a determined defiance?which theV ore not prepared to adopt." Our northern brethren will find, if they prosecute their plans, and still insist upon their aggressive measures, inany more true Cl-ngjnen to the South, who knowing their rights will dare '< maintain them at any and every hazard. We have j already arrived at that point where forbearance j ceases to be a virtue. If the Union can be preserved cpon fair and honorable terms, gladly would , we see it, but "delays, always dangerous, are i sometimes fatal" I THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH. I T. ; f... .. i i . i?. j ii is a mcr, as was reinarKeo u- us ine oiner uay, the Nurth has a great advantage over tht^South, by the immense circulation of newspapers and other publications, such as perio icals and miscellaneous books. These pour in upon us as a flood, to | the exclusion, we fear, in a great measure, of our own, making an easy channel through which their principles may be insidiously conveyed. There is not, we venture the assertiou, a Post Office South where Northern publications are not received in I j some shape or other, which, if not all openly opposed to our institutions, arc, many of them, strongly tinctured with the prejudices of a Northern birth? | of a misguided and misapplied philanthropy, or a wild fanaticism and wicked interference with matters which they have no right to disturb. They do not so much seek to benefit the condition of thos' in whose causo they appear to be deep'y interes* ted, as to secure their own selfish ends. There is ! not a more certain and effectual means by which the seeds of sedition can be sown amongst us at the South, than hy an indiscriminate reception of emanations from the Northern press. Our publications, on the other hand, scarcely reach the north; | We are almost entirely phut out-^the voice of the I Southern press is but faintly heard. Confined to the cities and large towns, and by the time the mass of the people get it, we are misrepresented, ridiculed and villiticd, without the means of selfdefence. We are ourselves, to some extent, to blame for this state of things. Northern Weeklies, Models and Fashions, have been preferred and liberally patronized, whilst Southern enterprise, in this regard, has been suffered to droop and die. A few years only has elapsed since nothing perfect could come only from the North. A glaring mark of our weakness has been the encouragement given to wandering professors, who have found at the sunny South m..ny green spots^ where they have practised their sciences successfully, and afterwards have ridiculed our credulity. We do not ; condemn the whole Northern press?there are a j <** ? knnAPuKIn ovnnntinnc hilt an mo which hnt/P 1 promised to IIerald forth the rights of the South | aro not altogether consistent. With 6ucl., we desire "to part company." THE PANORAMAS. Why don't some of those grand classical Panoramas which have been figuring so largely in o.Iter places, come to Camden? We would like to take a peep at a few, and believe they would bo liberally patronized. "The Union is safe. The Northern members arc backing out from the Wilmot Proviso. At the beginning of tlie session, Root's resolution, or auy resolution carrying out the Wilinot Proviso, would have passed by a large majority. " The delay occasioned by the dilfibulty in ma- ! king a speaker and clerk was a public benefit, by j showing the members that the passage of the proviso will work off entirely the two regular old line ! parties, and substitute sectional parties. About twenty-three Northern members, mostly Whigs, united with the southern members in laying Mr. i Root's resolution on the table. This will quiet the ! matter in the House. Tho northern Whigs are now disposed to favor the Piesident's proposition ; or, in some way, to evade or defer the slavery question. !on." " Ion" should know that the favoring of the Pre sidenl's proposition is by no means a tiling1 to ingratiate the Northern Wlilgs into Southern favor, or to form the Union phalanx stronger. The 1'resident's proposition is all the North could ask?is all the South could lose. Northern cunning has many ways to gain its end. .Y?/r, to save the Union they would make the greatest sacrifices?they would give up their long-r.hcrishcd scheme, the Wilmot Proviso, and fall back?be content?with the President's proposition. What lose they in that proposition 1 A measure wmcn nas in 1010 ior i its effect the deprivation of every Southern right, of principle or interest, bold in its form and flagrant j in every feature, is relinquished?and for what? | For the preservation of Southern rights, ptinciples, ! honor, or interest ? For equality and a right con- I struction of the constitution ? No; but for a mca j sure accomplishing the same effect, embodying ' ; the same principle?with no other recommcnda- j tion than the gloss attached to it in its passage through the White House. A mighty concession i indeed !?the concession of a coward afraid to ! meet you on the field, but who attav ks you while j Bleeping on your couch. We suppose mey win even concede to Clay's resolutions. The entire object is to produce an apathy relative to the Sou. them convention, and after it has passed, to renew again their diabolical acts. Let the South recollect| ?i.a? ?lio haniier of compromise is one on the folds I of which is inscribed " Victory to the North?De- j struction to the South." TO THE FEW PAPERS SOUTH OPPOSED TO A SOUTHERN CONVENTION. 1 1 * t- ? ""mkni. Jo vflfi i fpw Vlllt W e are giau iu ecu mo uumuoi i? how there should be that few, we are at a loss to say. There are always some men willing to say toother men, "thy servant is a dead dog;" but we little supposed such puny souls were found among the editorial corps South. Where, in the shade of reason, do they find an argument against it? Has the time not arrived ? or would you wait and see your house in ashes before endeavoring to extinguish the flames ? Years ago, when first this ?Mwwt?w??ga?atfp???i?p?Mi troubled question was hinted at in the Legislative Halls, a member remarked that on the presentation of Abolition petitions, or a bill to restrict slavery in the District, the South should immediately dissolve the Union, and settle the question where cannon were the orators, ano powder and lead the arguments. Southern members called him fanatic cal, as well as Northern; but bad his counsel been taken, no longer would we have been subject to the unconstitutional insults of the North. And now, when every man in whose veins courses a drop of p trio:ic blooJ, would destroythe Union or Northern aggression,?would to save the finit and appal the last, meet in a Southern Convention,? some Southern editors "see no necessity for a Conveirtion." What!?would you calmly sit still anu seethe constitution, upon which your rights depend, or at least the rights of the South, thrown aside, your liberties destroyed, for which your fa. there fought, and be made the vassals of those who pride themselves in holding in bondage nrifcn as white as themselves! If so, yield l.ke dastards born for a slave mart. The Southern convention, we believe is the surest preservative tor the Union. Let the North see that the South is not so tame as to be their vassals, and that our talk is not all blu*? ter, and the Union may be preserved. But the North has shown her character, and such a broth* erhood wc for one are not anxious long to acknowL edge. HIT Mr, Gnyarre has been nominated to be Secretary of State of Louisiana, and the Senate lia? confirmed the nomination. Mr. Gayarre is widely known as the author of a ' Romance of the History of Ijouisiana," one of the most beautiful ana interesting works of the day. He has also been a member of the House of Representatives from Louisiana. Editorial Gleanings* " You raise my dande*," as the goose said when the boy pulled him throueh the hole by the tail. Camforma Gold at the Mint.?The amount of California gold received at the /Mint in PhiladelI * _ 1 ?1 litIA OiA A?kf> ASA - pira uiiringuie year in*y, was 90,0/0,010; mine New Orleans Mint, ?716,000.- The gold coinage at t he Mint in Philadelphia city for the year, wu 87,943.1332; silver coinage, 8922,950; copper, 811,934; total, 88,913,256. The first California gold sent to the Mint was in December, 1848, by Mr. Carter of Boston. Human Advancement.?" Resolution," rays writer, " is omnipotent." And if we will but so. lemnly determine to make the most and the best of all our powers and capacities, and will but M seize and improve even the shortest intervals of possible action and effort," we shall find there is no limit to cur advancement. The wild woman of Texas has been seen agaip, and strong forces are engaged in an attempt to capture her. Revivals of religion are going on in all the Methodist Churches in Cincinnati. The Anti Slavery Society passed a resolve, in Faneuil Ilall, Boston, against the poet Longfellow, on aecount of his verses in favor of the Union nf kin llinotro in Vntv Vnrlr is eeiit Ia JJUIIUII) Ui mo mvauv m i?v?r avim) io oaiu tv have made over six thousand dollars by the perfonnanre of the "Serious Family" alone. Deaths in Philadelphia recently for one week, 134?consumption 14. Tha'C were 66 deaths for one week, recentIj in Boston?by consumption 10. A colored man, at tho west end, says he goes for dis union, hit or miss " For the Caindcn Journal. " 11 f n \ OTO.XEi- I1ILL, li\.\UAXTER UISTKILT, f February 4, 1850. J Messrs. Editors: NVo would like to know what has become of the Representatives of our District, as we see the Members of the State Legislature in other Districts have given notice of the pending election on tho first Monday in April next, to elect electors who shall choose delegates to the Southern Convention, accordin "to a resolution at our last session. Yours, Arc. P. T. II. Corresponch-nce of the Dailv Carolinian. Chahlksto.v, Feb. 10, 9 a. m. Gentlemen: Our cotton market yesterday during the fore part seemed to have come to a stand, the weather was bad, and buyers otherwise unwilling to enter the market while later accounts were momentarily looked for, and the transactions, in consequence, up to half past 1 o'clock p. m. amounted to but 126 bales. Immediately after that lime, however, 600 bales changed hands between two parties, the later accounts by the Kuropa possibly known by the* buyer, as they were afterwards published at $ ' 11 * ^ - ? XT aiiio lo if iitet fk* O CIOCKItline FiVtMIIII" n. >. ,.,v the sellers got th-ir previous asking prices, and as it now turns out, perhaps ns much, if not more, than they would have been able to real* ize to-morrow. From what I can learn, the reported advance of 1 4 at Liverpool has not .... i? ,t,? ornnptnfIons of holders, and it i'uiiiu uI' iu ihv *~jx - , was doubted yesterday whether any adranc* would in consequeuce be the result in our mar. Icelj 1'ricos yesterday ranged from 12 to 12 l-4? The following are the particulars ; 8 bales at 12; 80 at 12 1-0; 19 at 12 1-4; 133 at 12 1.2; 463 at 12 2-4. There was but one arrival yesterday?the steamship Republic, from Baltimore. Ther Northerner, for New York, was detained be* yond her regular limo of leaving yesterday af. ternoon on account of the heavy sea on the bar* She left the wharf this morning at 5 o'clock. The Court of Appeals, now sitting in this city, gave its decision yesterday in the case ot the Slate against J. W. SutclifFe, who about a year ago was tried in the Court of Common PJeaa lor arson, and lound guilty. Sulcliffe'a Counsel had fit.si moved for a new trial, which he after wards*abandoned, and instead claimed for his client the benefit of clergy, on the ground ol'a technical omission in the indictment. Thi? omission as far as I was able to ascertain, consisted in the leaving out the word dwelling; tho indictment charging S. only with burning a house, instead of a dwelling house. The Court sustained the ,claim of tho prisoner, and tho sentence, which otherwise would have been death, was commuted to imprisonment and fine. Judge OWeall, in pronouncing sentence on the young man, delivered in n most feeling manner ! one of the most able and impressive addresses