Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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? V ' ' THE CAMDEN JOURNAL. VOLUME 9 _ CAMDEN, SOUTH CAROLINA, AUG. 30, 1848. NUMBER 35. ??? m^rnmmmmkmai*mmmmmmmm***z*anm?anmm*mmnmc i hi i hiihi i?mobm_i_ '.' . *!ul1'1"b " ' ??? |*mm mmmarnmmmmmim PUBLISHKD BVEStV WEDNESDAY MORNINO BYTHOMAS W. PEGU KM. ! TERMS. Three Dollar* perannum in advance, Three Dollars and (Fifty Cent* within sit months, or Four Dollars at the ex pi ration of the year. # Advertisements inserted at 75 cents per square, (fourteen ines or less,) for the first and half that sum for each subsequent insertion. The number of insertions to be noted on all advertisements, or they will be published until ordered to be discontinued, and charged accordingly. Otte Dollar per square for a single insertion. Quarterly . a?d Monthly advertisements will be charged the same as -'ingle insertion, and Semi-monthly the saute as new ones For publishing Citations as the law directs three dollars will be charged. VII Obituary Notices exceeding six lines, and Communications recoinniending^'andidates for public offices of pro fit or trust?or puffing Exhibition* will iw cnargeua.*uu>ertise merits. Vltl letters by mail must be post paid to insure a punctua at ten inn. TO CLUBS. In order to place the Journal within the reach of ^ nil we offer the following reduced rates to Clubs jr^TTrnew subscribers?payment to be made at the /uncij subscribing. For 4 copies for one year, $10 09 For 6 copies for one year, 14 00 For 8 copies for one year, 16 00 For 10 copies for one year, 21 00 For 12 copies for one year, 24 00 Any one ot our present subscribers will be considered as one of cither of the above clubs, by obtaining a sufficient number of new subscribers to I make ?j> with himself, the 4, 6, 8, 10, or 12. ????????? r SPEECH OF JOS. A. WOODARL), OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Iii the House of Representatives, July 3 1848. ^ CONCLUDED. ^ , I must be understood as saving that in ! enacting territorial governments Congress has not in any particular provision violated lite rights of the several Stales, or the pco. pie thereof. ] know that Congress has done this. The power of Congress over its ter- ! ritories cannot be exerted in a manner to i affect injuriously the rights of third parties; | that is the several states or the people thereof. Congress could not do this, and of course no subordinate authority could do it. And accordingly this having been done in the ordi- ; ^ nance of 1787, at the very firi-t session of - Qongress under the new t onstitution, Mr. Madison Iteing preset*? in his seat, a charter of govferwperil for the territory sout'i of the Ohio river was enacted, and a clause inserted disabling the territorial legislature to pass any law excluding citizens who should immigrate with their slaves. And ihe law I believe passed sub siltutio. No controversy grew out of the proposition. It was the mode of executing the first compromise between slave and free States?a compromise acquiesed in by authority, competent to do so. And if this mode be now abandoned, then are the slave Stales depiivcd of the poor privileges left them by the Missouri i ^ compromise, and the principle of (he Wil mot proviso becomes predominant south of I 3Gdeg. 30 mm. as it is north of the same line, by force of that compromise, lie therefore, who is opposed to Congress performr ing the solemn duty to the South of imposing such prohibition upon the territorial legislature; is a proviso man, practic dlv. if not at heart. And the deceptive and delusive maxim of<4non-intervention" will not long disguise its sophistry from the southern people. B it it is contended?you will pardon me, sir, if I say pretended?that, in passing anv law in relation to slavery, Congress would he assuming jurisdiction over the question, i indeed! Sir, do we assume jurisdiction? Jf Congress have not jurisdiction, ought it not I f to say so? And more especially, in institu- I ting a territorial government, which is to ' lakechaige of the constitutional right? of citizen, ought not Congress to disable that legislature from doing what the Constitution i has disabled Congress from doing? A word or two more on this subject presently. I will proceed to show what it is Congress can do and cannot do in this particular. Nobody wanted to be informed that Con-) grcss has no jurisdiction of the question ! of slavery. But gentlemen seem to be in a pcrfccl mist as to the true meaning of this proposition. It moans that Congress can not make the existence of slavery a questionable : P point, and assume jurisdiction to decide that question affirmatively or negatively. The i only issue involved in the question of slavery, i ' is, "to be or not to be;" and lite only decis- ' ion that could be made upon that issue, I would be, yea or nay?slavery shall exist, or shall not exist. Clearly Congress has no such jurisdiction. But, sir, it is a great mistake to suppose that there is any difference, in this respect, between slaves and any other form of property. Neither can Congress assume jurisdiction of the question of the general institution of property. It can , not make that institution a questionable point, and assume to decide the question. It cannot abrogate property, and subs-itutc ? miml, Ina* wrr?c! his nronertv CUIlllHUliiaiii} j.. . out of the hands of the citizen and throw it away. Nor can it assume jurisdiction of the question of any particular species of property; it cannot oruatu l',at cattle, or pouses/or land, shall not be property; these f /patters are aboye the authority of all Icgisjatures, Federal or local. IJut do gentlepnen understand by this that Congress can. pot, within it legitimate sphere, enact conservative laws in relation to the substance, passing by the question of property? Is it pot its solemn duty, wherever it has juris, diction, to make all laws necessary to protect the rights of the citizen in his property of every kind, without any exception? If it can legislate for this District, is it not bound to take care of the rights of property here?negro property, as well ns other kinds? And shall it be permitted to exonerate itself of this solemn obligation, under the sophistrical pretext that it has no jurisdiction over the question of slavery? Sir, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Giddings) ?mi? ?.:?k ("<?? this sr>rt of "non-inter Will gu Willi ;'/u I". ..... vention," both in this District and Territories. Congress may pass laws taxing negro property in a State; it might enact a law that a slave should not be employed to drive a stage coach conveying the United States ^ Mail. But this kind of jurisdiction confers no right to say that negroes shall not be property?it assumes that they are properly. Gentlemen appear to forget the fundamen tal ideas of our polititical institutions. All < legislative power is 'conservative under our | system. The duly of Government is to pro- I tect every right, and meet every guaranty I provided by the Constitution making author- 1 ty. With this authority rest all the guaran- I tees of the Constitution. f And what is the Constitution making authority? It is a Convention. A name dc- I graded of late from its high political sense, > and applied to every species of political ' rendezvous or gathering. Every thing now- I a-day is Convention except Convention in a the true sense. a Convention with us, is a sympathetic and e regulated institution. It is supreme over all c others. It is supposed to be identical with , the people. It is the form of regulated and z instituted sovereignty. It has power to or- t dam Constitutions or change them. It makes e or alters the government in nil departments, s It has in its hands every kind of power legis- r lative, judicial, and executive. It can dis- t tribute them among as many departments of government as it may please to create; a put all in one department, or t<> take back c all if it c hooses. The Constitution it pre- t scribes to the government, the government ( is as absolutely bound to obey as the indi- s vicinal citizen is to obey, the municipal laws h made by the government. The individual c rights of men, and most emphatically per- 'J sonal rights in properly, are the special ob- |, jects of a Constitution. These rights exist p prior to, and independent of, Constitutions; j and even Convention could not violate them 1 without giving cause for popular revolution. c All the powers of government are conscrva- c live: and it has no legitimate right to des- t troy any thing for the sake of which it was ( r instituted. It would be belter to have no { government at all, than a government to c destroy. To say that, because Congress g has authority to make laws in relation to | property, it has a right to destroy property, is just as absurd as to argue, that because a t pilot has authority to conduct a vessel into a port, he may sink Iter to the bottom of the a con- r?r iliat because the watchman is olaced r upon the tlie lower lo guard ihe city, he may a set fire to it, and burn it to the ground. The s member that does not know this much of! s our institutions, had better go home, and let j ri his constituents fill the vacancy. t 1 shall now proceed to apply these views t to the particular question that now agitates t the country. ( But, first, it will be important to point out v an essential distinction. There are two [j sets of guarantees in the Constitution in ref- v erence to slaves. The one consists in the (| obligation of Congress to protect a State a- n gainst insurrection; the other secures the u private individual in his rights of property, z and the surrenderor fugitive slaves. The first ti regards slavery as a public institution, and in-1 <> volvcs a question of State rights; the second (| contemplates individual slaves as private M property, and involves a questioi of private f, personal right, having no reference to any ,v matter of Slate right. Now, a law com- M polling an emigrant to the public lands lo j emancipate his slaves, would violate the lat- (: ter right; that is, the private right, and not L the Slate right. This is, sc!f-evident, and 1 t may proceed with my argument. iThe rights of property in a slave are re- x cognised by the Constitution of the United States. More than this, sir, they are guar- t antied by that instrument. A slave cscap- t ing from on State to another, is required, , bv the Constitution to be delivered up to j j the person entitled to his service; and Con- ( gross has ever acknowledged itself b und to j enforce tins injunction of the Constitution. ^ There is, therefore, not only a recognition r but a guarantee in the Constitution, lint , the Constitution goes still further. Before f the Union of the States, a slave escaping . from one State to another could not, by the * comity of nations, he demanded back; lie be-: j came free. The ' onslitution, therefore, in l requiring fugitive slaves to he delivered up, ; enlarged the rights of the master, and dimin-! | ished the rights of the slave. Bel'or the ! j Constitution the dominion of a master was i limited to a single Slate, it was afterwards, j | by the affirmative action of the Constitution , extended to the whole Union? the entire < sphere of the action of the General Govern | ment. The constitution, therefore not only i guarantied and enforced, but enlarged the rights of the master. The rights of the mas- 1 ter, therefore, are co-extensive in space with j j the constitution. i i This recognition, guarantee, and enlargei Oirmt rlupa Hot nnnlv srilelv to tl|C slaVC ' States, but to every part of the United < States. Any State may establish slavery: I i and if Massachusetts should think proper in I do so to morrow, her citizens would become ! entitled to all the guarantees of the consli, tution in relation t<> slaves; and a slave esI caping fnun her jurisdiction into Vermont i would have to lie delivered up. The con: would stand ready to restore the proj pcrtv to its owner, anu 10 take from the slave his usurped liberty; slavery therclni'C, is ' national, and exists by recognition and guar-1 I nntcc every where. The institution is legally possible in every region covered by the constitution. If the States should all abolish slavery to-day, and a hundred years hence restore it. the constitution would be found ready to guaranty and sustain it. 1 shall hardly be required to prove what your courts have uniformly decider!, that the obligation imposed on local authorities to deliver up fugitive slaves rests upon the Fed. cral Government, wherever it has 'ocal juris diction; that is, in the District of Columbia, territories, and on board of ships at sea.? Surely it will not be pretended that (Jon. I gress is not bound to do what it is bound to 1 require every one else to do. To say so i i-i ol.cMir/l ?i? in sunnose that j WfJUlU ui; juai ao uvouiu ( the Supreme Being, in enjoining right and justice upon the moral creatures of the universe, resorved to himself the privilege and monopoly of doing wrong. These guarantees arc not for the benefit of Slates, as such but private citizens, individuals. The <Sftatc is not the owner of slaves, it is the citizen that owns them; and he docs not own them officially, or in a public capacity, but in his private individual capacity. The relation oetween master and slave is not a public, out a private, personal relation; and this private right of the citizen the Constitution guaranties. And this brings me to another oart of my argument. All the guarantees of the Constitution in "avor of persons are absolute, and exist .vhereverthe Constitution is the supreme law tf the land. The guarantees to persons tave no reference to the Federal idea. Tri.1 Kv inrv pnmniilsnrv nrnress to romnel j-*.'? - r i - , ittendance of witnesses; exemption of prop:rty from seizure for public use, except for mmpciisalioi), are immunities, not of States >ut citizens, and they apply not only to nitidis but to aliens. A Chinese who had first ouched our soil but yesterday, would be ntiticd to these privileges: and if the Conlitulion be the Constitution of the Tcrritoics, as none will deny, lie would be entitled j o them in the Territories The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Petlit,) j isked my colleague (i\Ir. Riielt) whether a atizen of South Carolina emigrating to a crritorv remained still a citizen of South Carolina, and retained his immunities as uch. It was a nugatory question; for, as 1 1 icforc said, citizenship is not necessary to ntitle one to the privileges in question. If a Turk should land on our shores to morrow, ie would be entitled to purchase a slave, ami urchasing him, he would at once be entiled to all the guarantees of the Constitution. 1 fes, sir, a convict transported hither for his rimes, fresh from a Biritish penitentiary, mold enjoy the guarantees of the Conshtuion in South Corolina, that gentleman would efusc to the soldiers of the Palmetto regirient, in the country they have helped to onqucr. The nature and extent of the luarantccs in question may be made perfecty plain. Suppose that, instead of sovereign Slates, lir> I Inn hi rfmsKtpd nf denendent urovillCCS. is some desired it should do. And suppose ill the guarantees 1 have enumeratect remain, d the same they now are. as the friends of i consolidated government intended they hould do; for no one desired that the citizen hould be deprived of his rights and iintnulilies, though the States were deprived of heir sovereignty. Js it not plain that no aulioritv could abrogate them, except an auhority competent to alter or amend the Constitution? To wit; a convention of the vholc Union. Now, what is the difference ictwcen the powers of this Government vilhin lite States, and within the territorial iistricts? Within the States it is a fcdcra. ive limited government, and will so continic until the districts become States. A citien in a district bears the same relation to his Government, that the citizens of the hate would all bear were the States reluced to dependencies, in a State the imnunities of the citzen are subject to two >rms of convention: a convention of the hate, and canventions of all the States aclng by a specific majority of three-fourths.? ti a disirict, which has no sovreignty, the ilizen is subjected only to the national form if conventions. There is, therefore, no auhoritv competent to abrogate the private ights of persons in a district, except a con 1 mnrttmnn/l n umiuii in iiiu lasi iiikiiuuiiv.u mi in. It would seem, from what I have just said, hat the co-equality of the States is not necssary to my argument: as State rights are lot involved in the question. Nor does the irgumcnt appear to depend upon the equal iwnership of the people of the Union in the >ublic domain. The true foundation apicars to he equality and universality of civil ights and immunities under the Constitution if the United States, and the equal and unibrm action of that instrument upon all the leoplc of the Union. In regard to all personal guarantees, the Constitution of the United States act upon the people of the | Union as one mass, and the claim of the eitisens to these immunities are directly upon j he United States, and are irrespective and ; iiilependent of State sovereignty. Having shown what arc the rights of all i Tec inhabitants arid citizens of the United Stales m tin: territories, the question arises, I what action is it the duty of this Gove n. incnt to take on the subject in organizing territorial governments? Sir, this question is briefly answered.? 'PI... ,, ..f if in .>1 tl,n I'linirH... r?n I |ir? Cllllllirl Jll l iiu <11,1 ... ...w ? . ....j its first session, and afterwards, under the Constitution, is conclusive. At the very first session of Congress under the present Constitution, in the fourth month of the session, a territorial government for the district south of the Ohio river was provided. In the charter, there was an injunction laid upon the local legislature, to make no law interferring with the rights of emigrants to take their slaves to the territory. This right had been violated by the ordinance of 1787, and the Congress deemed it its duty to prohibit the like for the future, and to see to the faithful exeeution of the Constitution by its subordinate government. The next vear a charter of government was provided for the district I emiessec, and a clause was inserted prohibiting the district legislature from enacting any law "tending to the emancipation of slaves." Some years afterwards a government was provided for the district of Mississippi, with a similar clause. The Constitution had denied the power of interference to Congres, and Congress, therefore, felt it to be its duly to extend the prohibition to its creature government, for whose conduct it ought to he held icsponsi. hie. Thus was the first compromise, which was upon tlio lino of the Ohio river, carried out in good faith hv this government. lint iu process of tune new territory was acquired west of the Mississippi, and the North demanded that a new compromise should be made upon a line far south of the first. The South was overborne by a majority or rather, sold bv Presidential aspirants. We submitted; but with many heart burnings, and the blush of shame upon our check. Recently, we have made still another acquisition of territory; and when we ask nothing more than that Congress should execute the Missouri Compromise in good faith how are we answered? We are coolly told that Congress has no right to interfere?no power to protect the Constitution from in fringetnent, or the rights of citizens, under the Constitution, from outrage, by n chartered company of settlers whom Congress itself shall cieate. Sir, what justification could you make for taking from the people of the South their own Constitution, and the rights therein guarantied by solemn oaths, and subjecting thein to the caprice, ignorance, or fanaticism of a chartered corporation in New Mexico or California? The people of the South will not long delay to have an answer to this question. The Congress is now employed in devising a form ol government for Oregon. We arc about to appoint governors and judges for Oregon, as has been uniformly done in every instance from the very first month of the first session ever held. There is a provision in the Oregon bill enjoining it upon the Territorial Legislature not to disturb the lundamcuial rights secured to individuals or persons by the Constitution ot (lie United Stales, right ol habeas corpus, triai by jury, exempt ion ot property from seizure, ol persons from arrest without affidavit of probable cause, &c., And no one imagines that Congress is making a question aboin these rights, or assuming jurisdiction to determine such a question; tint ail can see that it is only executing the Constitution bv imposing upon its creature government what the constitution lias enjoined upon Congress itself. Thus, sir, when the object is to carry out the Missouri Compromise north ot 3(5 degrees 30 minutes and the South demands the benefit of that compromise, it is discovered that Ainnn.ee lino nn nitihiiriiv to interfere in w ...... .... J - - ... ... such matters. "Non-intervention" is the patriotic maxim. There is authority to secure all iinrntnitics but ours. The people oI the territories must not be interfered with, it would be contrary to the Declaration of In dependence; violative of the maxim of selfgovernment. Sir, the territorial council may intervene to destroy us, but our Government and our own constitution cannot in. tcrvene to protect us. The pcop c of the South will have these matters explained. No paternal and protective intervention from our Government and Constitution, to which we have ever been true and faithful! Bui do gentlemen deprecate all intervention? No, sir, no! They invoke the intervention of a motley <pew of Mexicans, Mormons, adventurers, and trespassers upon the public <1 main These inhabitants have been wickedly taught that they have rights paramount to those of the United Stales, and among them the right to exclude slaveholders. Should a slaveholder presume to enter the territory, it would be regarded as inderogation of the rights of the inhabitants, and ihe opinions of distinguished characters in the United Stales would be referred to to prove it- What slaveholder, therefore, couild even penetrate the country without the certainty of encountering a motley mob, enraged at tire idea that some sacred right of i / theirs was encroached upon? The Perry County {Miss.) Tragedies.? Many months have elapsed since we gave our readers a detailed account of a tragedy which occurred in Mississippi, in which Jas. and Washington Bilboes were killed. A man named Brown, and his son in law, Wages, were concerned in it. We need not re-call the particulars, but Wages for a time disappeared. A lew months back Wages rc.appeared in the county, and, with a man named McGrath. got into a difficulty with a young Harvey, upon whom Wages pretended to have some claim. Jlarvcv shot litem both, as has been reported in the Mobile papers and copied by us. Since then the tragedy has deepened in atlrocily, and live more lives have been taken. It appears that the father and the mother of I he Wages shot by Harvey lived in Ala bama, close to tlie line of Pcrrv county, .Miss they harbored the gang of outlaws witl whom their son and J/cGrath were nssocia ted. Tltey swore vengeance upon Harvev and hired a man named Lee to kill linn, giv ing him a thousand dollars for the job. Let took with hint three or four, and proceeded to earn his money. Young Harvey had been cautioned not tr expose himself, and he had remove I Iron the house or cabin upon his farm to his fa liter's, hut was in the habit of visiting hi: farm once or twice daily, to look after it This Lee and his parly found out by prowl ing in the vicinity, and look advantage o Harvey's absence to enter his cabin. Tltei secured themselves therein, rut loop-hole from which to watch his coming, and arme< with guns, they patiently awaited his arri val. Harvey discovered the preparations madi for his reception anil murder. Joined by; j* : younger brother, he raised a party ut eign or ten men, and all proceeded to his cabin Harvey was recklessly led to attack the n He rushed upon the door and burst it ir but they were prepared, and Lee shot bin directly through the shoulder and breas killing him. His younger brother immed alely shot Leo down, and as the party insid rushed out to escape, he took a flying sh> at them, and killed another man name George Jourdan. Upon receiving the news of his son death, old Harvey determined upon exte initiating the nucleus of the gang?old \V? ges and his wife. A party volunteered I follow him. who proceeded straightway : cross the line into Alabama to the resident of Wages. They found the old folks : home, and seized them at once, and wit ' - -- I,./lcr, |,,ir ropes I alien wiiii u)t:m mi mu jr., them by the neck to the rafters of the lions Wailing an hour or so, till their vieti : were dead, they then left and returned Alabama. It is due to the Ilarvev family to say th they have long been known as honest, r spec table people. They are peaceable ev< to a fault, until roused by the attack uj>< one of their number, and his subsequent | murder. It is estimated that twelve or fifteen lives have now been taken in the tragedies in which the Wages family has been mixed up, directly or indirectly, and our informant assures us that the lives of the old folks will go unavenged. Gaming.?Burgh in his dignity of JIuman Nature sums up the evils of this practice in a single paragraph: "Gaming is an amusement wholly unworthy of rational beings, having neither the pretence of exercising the body, of exerting , ingenuity, or of giving any natural pleasure, i and owing its only entertainment wholly to < | unnatural and vitiated taste; the cause of < infinite loss of time, of enormous destruction of money, irritating the passions, of stirring I up avarice, of innumerable tricks and frauds. < of encouraging idleness, of disgusting people ( against their proper employments, and of 1 sinking and debasing all that is truly great 1 and valuable in the mind." , Let me warn you, then, my young readers; nay, more, let me urge you never to ' enter this dreadful mad. Shun it^as you ! would the road to destruction. 'iaTC? not i the first step-the moment you do, all may be , lost. Say not that you command yourself, , | and stop when you approach the confines j of danger. So thousands have thought as I sincerely as yourselves; and yet they fell, j "The probabilities that we shall fall when i so many have fallen," says Dr. Dwight, 'are millions to one; and the contrary opinion is only the dreain of lunacy.?Doctor Alcotl. Evening.?There are two periods in the life of man in which the evening hour is peculiarly interesting; in youth and old age. In youth we love it for its mellow moon light its million stars, its then and soothing shades, its still serenity; amid these we can commune Willi our loves, or twine the wreathes of frends while there is none to hear us witness but the heavens and the spirits that hold their endless sabba'h there; or look into the bosom of creation, and look and listen till we can almost sec and hear the waving wings and melting songs of other worlds. To youth the evening is delightful; it accords ?,;ii, it,., ft,,11 nf Ins licrlit sniriis. the fervor - J. ' fliis fancy, and the softness of Ins heart. Evening j? also the delight of virtuous age; it : affords hours of undisturbed contemplation; it seems an emblem of the calm and tranj quil close ofbusy life; serene, placid and mild, the imptess of its great creator stamped up. i on it, it spreads its quiet wings over the i grave arid seems to promise that all shall he , peace beyond it. From the Philadelphia F.nqnirer. LI r E AS IT IS. THE COMPLAINING " Who breathes, must snfTcr, And who thinks, must mourn." " If every man's internal care Were written on his brow? How many would our pity share, Who raise our envy now !" A friend stepped into our office a few days since and in a pcevi-h and fretful tone com* plained that he was the most miserable man alive. Another, who happened to he present, inquired as to the sourco of his anxiety and grief, and to his surprise, was informed thai it arose, from a short illness, an illness with which I he lind been troubled only two or three days, and which with reasonable care, would soon disappear. But, he had not been used to sickness, and hence the trifling indisposition had annoyed and troubled him. The other turned ! on him with a smile, half of good nature and half of reproach, and said that, instead ot complaining, he should regard himsell as particulari Iv fortunate?one of the happiest men alive, lie then wont on to detail his own case. Although apparently robust and in good health, he was suffering then, and had been a sufferer : for years. His dis"ase, too, was, he feared, in! j curable. He had already undergone a most I painful operation, but the hope which at first * kindled in his breast, at the probably eradeca| tiou of the malady was fust disappearing. "But . | this,'* he continued, "is not all. The object i I dearest to me of all others on earth?my wife . 1 ?is also a snfTerer, and likely to be so for years t I to come." He then proceeded to give tlie par. ; ticulars, which is not necessary to detail here. , i Yet he was a chee.rlul, useful, active citizen; I I and apparently contented and happy Our friend | listened with no little interest, nnd at the close I admitted he hud murmured without sufficient cause. His sicknes, was as nothing?merely a 1 passing pain; and while he proffered to the other words of sympathy and hope, he thanked God s he hail linen blessed so eminently and so long. The truth is, there are few who have not their * weaknesses, their infirmities, their secret source f1 of sorrow. It is the lot of poor human nature. ' ?When, therefore after a longcareerof pros, s , perity and health, we experience a short reverse j ?instead of murmuring, complaining, and fan . eying that we have been selected out as the special objects of misfortune, we should re- j g member the many blessings enjoyed, and con j ^ trast our condition with the thousands of the | j lame, the blind, the outcast and tin' wretched, | j to be found among the children of men. A : prevailing error with the multitude is to suppose ' | thai to be rich is to be happy. There never '' ! was a greater mistake. A competency is, of 1 | course very desirable; lint what can eompen ' sate Ibr health and peace of mind? Who that is in the enjoyment of thousands and lens of u thousands, and is yet annoyed liv some tearful I di-ease, would not readily part with every dollar <i of his fortune, for the restoration anil enjoyment of health? There are other evils, too, to which ? 1.1. i?n,| Indolence, iiiteiiiperanc.c, S wenn ii i* <i|?t ... r- and the many vices in their train, are too often j. j tin* accompaniments of the suddenly eniiched. u ! Hut our purpose is to show that, because our neighbor next door or ovm the way, i* apparent: Iv rheerliil and gav, we must not infer that he ^ . is without anxiety and rare. The chances are , ten to one against the exemption of any iiulvi. i ditial from some source of uneasiness. It is ~ thus front eluldliood to old age. The schoolboy L' fancies that he has the weight of the world s upon his shoulders, when lie has a particularly hard lesson to learn. The voting man about to ! enter into active life, i? full o| apprehensions " * l 1 .1 at i lest he should make a talse slop, gei oeninu o- j hand, and become a bankrupt. The ambitious 2ti ' have a perpetual source of anxiety in their own >tl [ breasts. The dream of power and fame al once delights and agitates. J he merchant trembles at the risk he is compelled to encounter, and sometimes starts back appalled, when he sees how sadly his debtors are in arrear* The broker and the money lender live to an element of apprehension, while the capitalist, however careful in his investments, is still feverish and uncertain and watches every movement calculated to affect real estate or stocks, with the keenest anxiety. These be it remembered, in the ordinary affairs of life. Then there are side-incidents, social and family matters, from before which we may not venture wholly to draw the curtain. Yonder, for examnln nrtflQi^c o r?ifi7on whr? lino on Inenmo nf fun thousand dollars per annum. He lives in elegant style, keeps his carriage, and is the husband :>f one of the loveliest women in Philadelphia. He is shrewd in business, is respected for the fairness of his dealings, and his word is regarded as his bond. He, therefore, should, in the ordinary acceptation, be one of ihe happiest of mankind. But he is not. The fiend that annoys him is a phantom of his own brain, the ?green eyed monster." He is jealous, and without the slightest rause! The very youth and loveliness of his wife, and the admiration which every where excites, instead of being to him a source of pleasure, are just the reverse. He did not marry until he was forty, and then he selected for his bride, a fair young creature of sixteen! He was rich and she was poor?he was homely and she was beautiful, and in these contrasts and disparities, he has fomented a source of constant torment. But why give further illustrations! We are too apt to he envious and jealous without cause. If we could only penetrate into the hearts, and know the secrets thoughts and feelings of many to whom we are in the habit of looking np, if not with admiration and wonder, at least with jealotisyand distrust, we would rather pity and commiserate than covet and desire. In brief, let us adopt either the Philosophy of Drydcn or Moore. The former says : "Sinceevery man who lives is born to die, And none can boast sincere felicity, With equal mind what happens let us bear, Nor joy, nor grieve for things beyond our care; Like pilgrims, to th' appointed place we tend, The world's an inn, and dea'h the joumey'e end." Moore indulges in a more clieerful spirit. 1'They may rail at this life?from the hour I began it, I've found it a life full of kindness and bliss: And, un'.il they can show me some happier planet, More social and bright, I'll content me with this." Thimbles.?The manufacture of many articles of daily use is the result of a sprips of labors that would surprise a person who had never given a thought to it. And very few imagine the actual amount of work expended nn such articles. If a lady could see the process through which her thimble passed, from the solid bar of silver to the convenient instrument sl>e uses, she wonld be astonished. The bar of silver is welded into a long ribbon, which is cut into small pieces, each piece to make the barrel of a thimble The top is cut out of another strip of iron or silver. The rim is hammered around a bar of iron and soldered, and after the top is soldered in. the whole thimble is placed on a turning lathe and chiseled inside an outside?it is then marked with the needle holes, by a little roller pressed against if, and finally polished and ornamented by various instruments. We have omitted several of the processes through which it passes. Altogether they cannot be less than twenty, and after all the thimble is sold at a very small advance on the weight of the silver. Getting Alarmed.?General Leslie A. Coombs, addressed a whig meeting in Buffalo, a short time since, and made the following declarations : "T .t-I- ? - < .V,a van, Mr Da* "in ioil, ai mis iiiiic in 11it- jcai, . v.?y was elected President of the United States by over a hundred thousand majority. In November, ire found thai James K. Polk had the most rotes." ' I have travelled through ten States of the Union, and if the irhig party do not arouse themselves, Lcmis Cass will be the next President." From the Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. Washington, August 17th, 1848. The affair between Mr. Benton and Mr. Butler continues to agitate our community, and it is the subject of much remark every where. Various rumors are in circulation as to the proceedings of the parties and the present state of the matter. Some say that Mr. Benton accepted the challenge, which is incorrect, as I am well informed. I will venture to state, without any authority, - ?nv nno rrmnceiod with tlie Dar iii/ui mi* w?w ties in any way. as adversaries or friends, what the course of proceeding has been and what the slate ol the matter now is. General Foote, of Mississippi, first waited on .Mr. Kenton with a message from Mr. Butler. Mr. Benton declined to consider it, for the reason that he and Mr. Foote were not on very friendly terms. Mr. lleverdy Johnson, as the friend of Mr. Bntlcr, then waited on Mr. Benton with a similar message and received no satisfactory reply. Mr. Johnson asked Mr. Benton if lie should report to his principal that lie, Mr. Benton, would refuse the challenge or a clialhrnge. (A direct challenge cannot be ; given or accepted in this district. Mr. Benton 1 was therefore justified in -fating to Judge DunJ lap that no challenge h id lioen sent him.) Mr. i Benton replied that he d d not wish that answer . to lie given. But lie would answer that he was ! not prepared to reply immediately, being much engaged in business consequent on the close of the session, and that he wished time for delibe* i ration. I do not, of course, answer lor words, for I have reason to believe this to be the substance of the reply. Mr. Iteverdy Johnson, after some interval, sent a note to Mr. Benton requsting a reply, and farther stating il no reply should lie made, within a certain time, he should feel it requisite to announce to the public, as the friend of Mr. Butler, that he, Mr. Benton, had refused to fight. No answer was made to this within the time, and Mr. Butler has left the oitv. " * 11 ' - >1 l/SQ _ The next thing will protmmv oe ? tion in the newspapers, from Mr. Butler's friends. I understand, further, that an effort was made, in the first place, to brine about a recon. ciliation, which was an utter failure. i There are now about four thousand five huni drcd men stationed atJefTerson Barracks, near t St. Louis, Mo.