The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, August 23, 1848, Image 2
From the Baltimore Sun.
CONGRESS.
Sknatu, Thursday Night, Aug. 10.
Mr. Borland culled up a resolution offered
some time since, for the purchase of 5000 of
Coil's revolving pistols for the use of the army
of the United States, and made a speech on the
peculiar advantage of these over all others.?
Passed over informally.
The consideration of the Oregon Territorial
hill was then resumed, the question being on
Mr. Foote's motion to lay the whole subject on
the table. The question being taken l>y yeas
and nays, it was decided in the affirmative, 15 to
26.
Mr Mason said the question he understood to
be on the amendment of the Senator from Missouri,
Chairman of the Territorial Committee.
This amendment must mean something or no J
thing. Let those who1 posses the numerical
strength pass it, and take the responsibility.
Mr. Foote w ould not go behind the liice of
the law. He wished it to he with the amendment?for
he understood it to mean the Missouri
Compromise?and he wished the Missouri
Compromise to receive respectful consideration
from the Senate.
Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, was opposed to
the amendment, for it had no bearing in the provisions
of the bill. What then does it mean? It
nny court could establiihed any meaning to it,
it would be the Missouri Compromise. But as
he did not intend to vote for that Compromise,
and was opposed to it, he could not vote for the
i amendment. The "Buffalo Hunt," it was said.
is connected with the two new territories of
' California and New Mexico, and when it had
been determined what was to be the rcsul^f
that hunt, he was ready.t/ariTrtHa, and examine
balance was then fo he struck.
Mr. Downs, Mr. Foote and Mr. Hunter followed.
The latter gentleman concurred with
Iiis colleague. (Mr. Mason,) that the amendment
was delusive, and intended to deceive.
Mr. Johnson, of Louisiana, diff-red from the
gentleman from Virginia, and from his colleague
from Louisiana. In regard to this
amendment, the different members from the
South entertained different amendments. He
looked to the language of the amendment, and
it clearly implied that slavery should he admitted
south of 36 deg. 30 min. The great body
of the people at the South do not wish to see
slavery admitted north of that line. He had
prepared an amendment some time since, which
he now read, [and which is the same as that
some days before presented in the House by
Mr. Kaufman, proposing to denominate the territories
of California and New Mexico by the
names of North and South California, and provide
that slavery therein shall be prohibited
north of 36 deg. 30 min., and may be permitted
south of that line, with the consent of the
inhabitants thereof] He would vote for the
bill with this amendment, hut not without it.
Mr. King had never known an act of greater
disrespect, by the House, on so important a sub.
ject, than in the laying on the table the "com
promise" bill of the Senate.
Mr. Foote thought the Senator from Virginia
had entirely misunderstood the Senator from
Illinois, (Mr, Douglass,) in regard to the
amendment. The latter had simply said that it
was intended to commit no one in regard to
their future action, but not that it was intended
fo etnress the most nrofhiind resoeet for the
Missouri Compromise.
Mr. Douglass said that he had distinctly do*
clared that he was instructed by t.bfi.CumiluUQG
any measure on California and New Mexico,
but left every one to vole for the Missouri Compromise,
which he was in favor of, and which
he desired to support. He not did wish to he understood
as committed to the Wilmot Proviso,
but at liberty to vote lor the Missouri ComproTTiise.
Mr. Hunter,said the Senatorfrorn Loui.-iana,
(Mr. Downs,) bad himselt introduced an
amendment embracing substantially the Missou
ri Compromise?let them put that in the bill,
and he could go for it. But this was not th?
Missouri Compromise?far from it. He had
never said aught against the constilut onality of
that measure?he had never taken a step
against it.
Mr. Douglass said, if the Senators from the
South would vote for the. Missouri Compromise,
he was prepared now to offer itSeveral
voices?Aerced ! asrreed !!
Mr. Hunter was prepared to take it, if it secured
the existence of slavery south of 36 30.
Mr. Douglass read the amendment which he
had prepared embracing the prpcise language
of the 8th section of the act of March G, 1820,
and extending the line, with all its provisions,
?o the Pacific.
Mr. Butler explained that that amendment
could not he applicable now, in the same sense
as then.
Mr. Douglass then proposed the "Missouri
compromise" amendment as a substitute for his
other amendment from the territorial committee,
leaving the remainder of the section, including
the Wilmot Proviso, to stand as it came from
the House.
Mr. Johnson of Maryland?Why not strike
out the rest of the section?
Mr. Walker was surprised at >he views proposed
by the Senator from Illinos. The conntry
hao set TtTrrr(Tnmr at?% frit-iuJ to Oregon.?
And yet the Senator offered this amendment,
when be must know that the effect would be to
deprive Oregon of all government at the present
session.
Mr. Douglass said it was rather too late to
mie.stion his friendshin fhr Orefrnn nn.l Iim did
not fear the decision of his constituents on his
present course. It was important that Oregon
should have a government and no argument
which did not exist now, existed in 182U.?
Why not unite then and settle this question now?
He trusted there were some men who yet loved
the Union, and preferred this compromise to the
agitation of the country. The firebrand, if they
agreed to this, would be removed, and they
would pass the bill in one hour. He hail only
delayed, from respect to majorities, from offering
this compromise before.
Mr. Mason returned his thanks to the Senator
from Illinois, for the proposition which he
had now presented, and proceeded to reply to
the remarks of Mr. Walker, and to advocate a
settlement on the line proposed. He referred,
with some severity, to Mr. Webster's remarks
ol to day.
Mr. Webster said the Senator could refer to
him as he chose; he should bo the sam>> man
still. He had referred to him as the leader of
a party of abstractions. That was a term apnlicable
to the South alone. He had charged
him with an intention to break down the representation
of the South. He said no such thing,
and it was indicative ol a condition of weak- j
ness on the part of an opponent, to misrepresent
an opponent. He had said merely that lie ,
would do nothing to extend the area of slavery,
or to increase the slave representation in Congrees
from slave territory. This he had said
ovor and over again. The representation upon
W??B?? M??pq
slave property was an inequality. The Northern
States had no such representation.
He would not consent to increase this inequality,
notwithstanding the gentleman's designations.
The gentleman had never heard him
say more?had never heard him express any
wish to break down the constitution, or deprive
the South of their just representation. He de.
tied any Southern man to say that ever, in the
whole course of his political life, he had manifested
any disposition to trench upon the rights
of the South. He appealed to the candor of the
honorable member from Virginia to answer.
And now, in regard to this Missouri compromise
line he wished to avoid all allusion in this bill
to lines of demarcation?they were unnecessary?out
of place, and should be avoided. He
repeated, by 110 act of his should the area of
slavery lie extended, or the slave representation
lie extended in the other House of Congress.
He would do no act which had a icnuu-iitj
produce such results.
Mr. Mason had no intention in the world to
provoke the honorable Senator from Massachusetts
to words of heat. They were unsuited,
lie had supposed, to his temperament or his age.
Nor had he intended to detract one iota from his
reputation. Any thing that he could say would
not add or take from it one whit. What lie had
said was the just interpretation of his language,
for which he alone was responsible, il it had
been misunderstood. What, he would ask, had
the honorable Senator, or his constituents, to do
with the slaves at the South. What right had
he or thov to interfere.
M, Webster.?Because it affects us voli/icaZ/y.^
jason.?You have no right to express
an opinion in reference to Southern slavery,
much less to legislate upon it. We regard this
description of property as a trust, and not as properly?upon
which the North, the non-slaveholding
States, had no right to right to legislate.
He knew the weight of the honorable Senator's
words, and were lie disposed to ascribe improper
motives to him, he would say that he intended,
designedly, to disparage what he had said.
He had no ambition to be brojght in contest
with that honorable Senator?no one was more
willing to admit his abilities?but if he persisted
in what he understood to be his intention, he
must say to thut honorable Senator that he was
doing what?
Mr. Webster said that the Senator was entirely
mistaken in supposing that he desired to
interfere with southern slavery?southern institutions.
The gentleman was an eminent law.
ver, and lound himself in the predicament
I which they sometimes find themselves, when,
! supposing they stand on one leg; find they really
stand on the other. So it hail been in regard
to his present remarks, or his present understanding
of his (Mr. W's) remarks. He repeated
what he said in regard to slave reprcsentation.
Mr. Berrien also made some remarks in regatd
to allusions made by Mr. Webster to himself
and to the power of the constitution to ac.
quire territory.
Mr. Benton called the Senator from Georgia
to order* He was engaged in a personal disquisition
with the Senator from Massachusetts,
more suitable for a debating society, and entirely
out of place in the Senate?it was wasting
the precious time of thp Senate.
Messrs. Berrien and Johnson, of Md., requested
that the point of order might be reduced
to writing?and it was so ieduced accord
ingly, and read Irom the. Chair, viz
?S*|WM?\7o<ri \ruff rnc"6eiiator troin Mas.
sachu-a'tts, for the sake of victory and not to
promote the despatch of bosiness."
The presiding officer (Mr. Breese) submitted i
the question to the Senate, and Mr. Berrien
was declared to be in order, Mr. Benton's "so
litary and alone," being tlie only vote in support
ol the point raised, and Mr. Berrien concluded, j
Mr. Webster said : A single word, and he
would relieve the Senate forever from the dis- .
cussion. And lie explained some rnisreptesenta-'
? n _.l 4. L!_ / M '
Hons ol .ur. i>erricn in rcgaru 10 ms^ur. ?r sj \
remarks this afternoon. He snid that the pow- j
er of acquisition was a resulting power, from
the circumstances of the case, and not to lie
found in the constitution.
Mr. Walker replied to some of the remarks
of Messrs. Douglass and Mason, and discussed
briefly the general question of slavery in the
territories, taking the view of the free States on
this subject, and in opposition to compromise,
in reference to the newly aquired territories on
the line of .36 30.
Mr. Westcott made a few remarks in oppo.
sition to the. Missouri compromise. He should
not vote for it, and would trust to an overruling
Providence for the result?to the good sense of
the North, when the effects of this excitement
shall have died away. There would be nosecurity
that this compromise would now be ohserved
any more faithfully than that of 1820.
Mr. Bright followed, in explanation of his
understanding of the action of the committee,
[of which he is a member.] It was that the
amendment was nothing more nor less than the
Missouri compromise. It was a proposition
which he had offered six weeks ago, which he
ha I withdrawn to give place to the compromise
hill, which had been rejected by the House,
and he was willing to take the present amendment
again, if it would give peace to the coun
try?stop the agitation by those whose political
existence depended u|w>n agitation?though he
preferred the bill as it came from the House.
Mr. Butler also made some explanations in
regard to the action of the committee. With
the exception of 12th section, (the Wilmot Proviso.)
there had heen no objection by the committee
to the bill, as originally reported by the
Senate committee.
Mr. Dickinson would have been better satisfied
with the bill reported from the compromise
committee, hut if this bill was to take its place
in regard to Oregon, he preferred it as it came
Irom the House, as every one could understand
I it.
The vote was first taken, by yeas and nays,
on the amendment [heretofore given] by the
territorial committee, inserting the preamble to
ihe section containing the Wilmot proviso, that
"inasmuch," &c., and it was decided in the negative,
2 to 52.
The question was then taken on the substitute
offered by Mr. Douglass [the Missouri
compromise, as substantially above given,] and
the question was, by yeas and nays, decided in
the affirmative, 133 to 21.
The other amendments from the committee
[already before given,] were then agreed to, I
without opposition, and
.Mr. Downs read his amendment proposing to j
add all that part of the rejected compromise bill i
relating to California and New Mexico, modified |
in several particulars (as already sent to you and
published in the Sun.) He, however, declined,
upon consideration, offering the amendment, ns
he did not wish to embarrass its passage.
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, preceeded by some
amendments, then proposed to strike out all af- 1
! ter the enacting clause, and to insert the com-1
promise bill oi the Senate as a substitute.
?? ? gnamiMB?M =?
Mr. Berrien opposed the amendmei, and ap- I
pealed to Mr. Davis, as a southen man, to j
withdraw the amendment?as fatal ?the pur. I
pose which all contemplated.
Mr. Davis said he had proposed ths from his
own conviction of right, and becauj he he- i
lieved it stood a better chance than te bill before
the Senate, as amended.
Mr. Metcalfe was surprised that an southern
man, under the circumstances, shuld have
made such a proposition. He wouldiot appeal
to the Senator from Mississippi to whdraw it,
but he would appeal to his soulhernfriends to
reject it.
Mr. Davis finally consented to wit draw his
amendment, and,
Mr. Fitzgerald made fcfew remark explanatory
of the reasons whiel would indir.e hint to
* - - ...? rt 1 _l . ,
vote lor the bill, nc (liaso to settle the question.
though he had little opo that sich would
he the result. He had vo?d for the substitute
for the amendment of the tentorial committee,
J hut he must confess that hehad regretted it after
the proposition made hjlm Senator from
Mississippi, and he. regretledhat he had withdrawn
that proposition.
The vote was then taken o.jhe passage of
the hili, as amended, and it wavjeci.led in the
affirmative 33 to 22, as follows;
yt,as?Messrs. Atchinson, Bau?r, Bell, Benton,
Berrien, Borland, Brnesc, i-ight, Butler,
Cameron. Davis, of Mississipp, Dickinson,
Douglass, Downs, Fitzgerald, Foo'tHannegan,
Houston, Huntsr, Johnson, of Md.Johnson of
Louisiana, King, Lewis, Mangurr.dason. Metcalfe,
Pearce, Sahastian, Spruanc, Sturgeon,
Turney, Underwood?33
Nays?Messrs. Alien, Atherlo, Baldwin,
Bradbury, Calhoun, Clarke, Corwfi, Davis, of
Massachusetts, Dayton, I)ix, Ddge, Felch,
Greene, Hamlin, Hale, Miller, Nes, Phelps,
Upham, Walker, Webster, Westco?22.
And then the Senate, at quartr pa?t ten
o'clock adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTVIVES.
NIGHT SESSION.
The House completed the conrderalion of
the amendments of the Senate to te general
appropriation bill, and concurred in,\llogether.
by about thirty of the ninety.nine. \ committee
of conference will of course, hcnecessny,
unless the Senate recede, which is ot probable.
The bill from the Senate, granti g fo the
State of Alabama, alternate sections o.the pub.
lie lands for the Florida and Alabama nil road,
was taken on, and after cnnsiderahledebate,
; without action, the House, at nearly h If past
I 10, adjourned.
Senate, Saturday Night, Angus 12.
The Senate was in session all night.
Various motions were made immediaely after
the recess, to get up the report of thr Committee
of Conference, on the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses on the army appropriation
hill, and tor that purpose to postpone the consideration
of the Oregon territorial hi 'I, which
the presiding officer (Mr. Niles) had declared
to be first in order. From this decision of the
chair Mr. Yulee finally appealed, and the decision
was reversed, 16 to 39. The report of
the committee of conference was accordingly
taken up, and after debate was finally concurred
in.
The consideration of the Oregon bill was
then resumed?Mr. Johnson, of Ga., having
the floor?but he gave way to Mr. Webster,
who desired to make a few remarks before the
question was taken on the motion of the Senameats.
Mr. Webster was inclined to say but little
further on the question, or protract the debate.
The House had siuit th?m a bill, giving a government
to Oregon, to no part of which the
Senate had objected. Hut the Senate had pro
posed an amendment, the succeeding portion of
which was the ordinance of 1737, so that the
amendment really had nothing whatever to do
with Oregon?no bearing whatever upon Oregon.
It says the line of 38 30 shall be the
linn tn the I'noifie ntul then it rrnee nn to tnv
- ? -I ?? K" - ? ""J
(hat the ordinance of 1787 shall be in force
in Oregon. This amendment has been
attached by a strong majority of the Senate?
sonic 10 or 12?to which he did not object?
they had a right to do so. Hot he had voted
against the amendment, and lie preferred the
easiest method to get rid of it, by receding from
the amendment. If others preferred a commit,
tee of conference, that was all right also. So
much for the parliamentary question.
And now, in regard to the question at issue.
He was glad that it had b.-en proposed to refer
the question to the great judicial tribunal of the
country, as well as the tribunal of the people.
Hut he. desired to say a word on the particular
description of slavery mentioned in the ordinance
nf 1737?it was not the description of
slavery existing in Hungary. &c., but a description
of slavery transferable from baud to hand!
Slavery has existed in the several countries of
Europe, but he had never known that any slavery,
thus transferable, had existed any where
but in American States and Colonies, and perhaps
in some of the West India Islands.
This i lis! i I ill in ll in Ainnriofi cMmlc nnnn thn
constitution, adopted in 1789, at the time of the
adoption of which it had been desired that slavery
should not exist northwest of the Ohio.?
When this constitution was adopted, no person
looked to such a thing as the acquisition ot territory
out ol which to form new Stales. The
territory west of the Ohio wh? looked upon ns
intended to he free, and inasmuch as slavery
was limited, hy these two considerations, it was
agreed that it should continue where it did then
exist, it was a matter of State regulation, over
which Congress had no control whatever.?
'I herefore, these agitations, in regard to slavery.
ho considered entirely out of place. They
had never received any encouragement from
him, and they never would.
Hy foreign acquisition, fivj new slave States
had been added to this Union, and not one Iree
Stale. The Senators from Iowa had not yet
come here?when she did come, the representation
in this chamber would stand as ten to
two, from this foreign acquisition. The slaveholding
interest, therefore, had not been an unfavored
institution in Congress. lie did not
feel any obi:gntions to go further. And yet the
South said you have deprived us of all our rights.
And as the Senators from Georgia had proposed
to leave the question to the highost tribunal, let
us see how the question stands. The gentleman
says that we deprivo them of the opportunity
of going into those newly acquired territo
ries Willi ineir properly. we no not prevent
Ihetn from giving their property, in tho ordinary
.acceptation ol term.
But they have a peculiar law which recognizes
a peculiar property in slaves. And the
complaint is, that they cannot go into these territories
carrying with them this property, recog.
nized by their own local laws. Wherever that
local law does not extend, property in slaves
does not exist. What the North requests is,
that they shall not carry thero any property under
local laws. This is all the inequality which
can exist, if this can be considered an incquali
ty. It is a matter to be proved, when persons
[jo to any part of the globe, that they are not
free, until they are ,,i?/ved to be otherwise.
He contended, that as five slave States bad
been added to the Union from acquired foreign
territory, there was no injustice in limiting its
lurther extension; and he repeated, as he had
the other day, that he should do nothing to extend
the area ol slavery?to increase the slavery
representation in the other branch of Congress.
He voted upon these propositions :?
1. That when this constitution was adopted,
no one looked to the acquisition of new territory.
2. That there should be no interference with
slavery in the States where it now exists.
3. That as five States have been added from
foreign territory, no injustice would be done in
restricting the further extension of the area of
slavery.
For these reasons it was that he had declared
that by no vote of his would he do anything calculated
to increase the slave representation in
the other House of Congress.
Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, replied briefly to
the remarks of both Messrs. Kenton and Webster.
Those who agreed with him (Mr. J.)
believed that the 14th section contained a provision
authorizing the exercise of an unconstitutional
power, or the unjust exercise of a consti
tulional power, lie examined the provisions
of the bill, referred to the compromise bill,
which had been so unceremoniously laid on
the table by the House, and said that this had
now been tollowed up by rejecting the Missouri
compromise, by a still more decided vote, and
sending the bill back to them as it was originally
passed by them. If the. friends of the bill
were willing to strike out the 14th section, he
was willing to recede from the amendment.?
And if, as it was said, slavery could never exist
in Oregon, that section was of no use, or it was
intended to have a bearing on all other territory
The assumption by the Senator from Massachusetts
(Mr. Webster) that the framers of the
constitution never contemplated any acquisition
of new territory, he considered a reflection upon
the sagacity of those framers, surrounded as the
country then was with foreign territory. He
contended also that the United States had. undei
the constitution, the power by treaty to ac
quire territory, and to govern it, too, undei
the constitution. The assumption thai they
looked only to the creation of a future free StaW
fell with the others, because Louisiana I her
lying on our southern border, n its acquisutor
was contemplated, the creation of slave State!
must have heen contemplated.
It the convention looked to the aequisitior
of no new slave States, then it looked to the
creation of no new free States, except as those
I corning in from the north east territory. S<
far, then, according even to the. Senator's argu
ment, the slave and the (ree Stales stand on tlx
same footing?and the free States possess n<
power to exclude the slave Slates from an equa
participation in it, or the enjoyment of the right:
which they now posses. A lending press o
New Yoik is even now advocating the amend
rnent of the constitution, with a view to thi
very question?the extension of slavery?am
surrender to the power of the North?give u|
this territory?and the power of the South her
is gone?their only source would he resistanci
by lorce. All that the desired was strict regan
to the letter and spirit of the constitution.
The debate was continued by Messrs. Hous
! liin.iUvL.h'H>'Aun up ii ui.iti.. </ aujouio, arm tni
I yeas and nays were ordered, and the Senati
I refused to adjourn?18 to 32.
i\lr. Butler rose to a question of privilege, am
wished that certain resolutions published in thi
New York Herald of to-day, [in reference (<
General Kearney.] which had been oficred ii
executive session, and, by.the publication o
which, he said, the rules of the Senate ha<
been violated by the Senator from Missouri
(Mr. Benton.) fie moved to go intoexecutivr
session, with a view to consider the subject.?
Messrs. Mason and Berrien seconded the mo
tion.
Mr. Bccse denied the right of the Senator W
make the motion, while the Oregon bill wai
pending.
Mr. Benton was in favor of having it procee
ded with, and with op? n doors. He was, to
one, determined to sit here, during the Sahhath
rather than the efforts of those who were talk
ing about a dissolution of the Union should sue
cecd.
Mr. Berrien insisted that the action was it
order, and should he decided.
Mr. Benton thought it not proper that the bus
iness of the Senate should bo interrupted to set
tic a quarrel between two members. For i
the Senator from South Carolina, or any othci
said that he had done anything dishonorable, h<
would get the lie in his throat?yes, he wouli
get the lie in his throat?the lie in his throat
[cries of order, order,] and he would have t<
meet him elsewhere.yes, elsewhere, elsewhere
Mr. Butler was ready to meet him there 01
any where else. [Order, order, order.]
Mr. Benton repeated what ho had befort
said-."4the lie in the throat;" and much conftisior
and excitement prevailed, with cries of order
order, order, from all parts of chamber.
The presiding officer desired Mr. Benton t<
take his seat, which he did accordingly.
Mr. Bell obtained the floor, nnd argued a
some length the question of privilige, contend
ing that the motion was not in order, and inti
mating that it was an effort to defeat the grea
measure before them. Whether he disagree!
with his southern brethren or not, he was dis
posed to do his duty fairly and without flinching
Mr. Benton said that under a pretext for i
secret session, a public motion had been mndt
here, by the Senator Irom South Carolina, di
reeled at him with a view to attract attentior
throughout the country. He quarrelled wit!
no man?he had fought?he fought once 4,t<
the funeral"?"to the death"?but he neve
i quarrelled.
The. presiding officer declared tho motion o
Mr. Butler to ho out of order.
Mr. Butler explained the reasons which hac
induced him to make the motion. He had con
sidered the publication a violation of the rule;
of the Senate to whieli he had felt hound t<
call Ihf ir attention. lie had intended no vio
Intion of the order or decorum of the Senate
and was responsible lor what he had done.
Mr. Benton considered the remarks of th<
Senator from South Carolina no satisfaction fo
ihe attack which had been made upon him lv
that Senator and his two-seconds?[alluding t<
ihe two Senators who had seconded his motion,
lie required indemnity.
Mr. Mason felt bound to appeal from the de
cision of the Chair, and the question on sustain
ing that decision, was decided in the affirma
tivo?30 to 3(1.
The consideration of the Oregon bill wa
then resumed, nnd
The debate was continued by Messrs. Hons
ton, Foote, Butler, Breese, Benton, Bell, Bad
gor, Metcalf, Atchison, Westcott and others
Mr, Wescott had the floor at 0 o'clock, A M.
<??a???liiMa?<????i?w??
on Sunday when this rcpoit was sent to the
post-office.
Sunday, August 13?6, A. M.
Mr. Westcott proceeded, and gave way to a
motion by Mr. Lewis to adjourn. Lost, 6 to
27.
Mr. Westcott therefore continued his re.
marks. If this bill were passed to-day, with
the restriction of slavery in it, he said it would
not be met with the executive veto.
Mr mnu/irl an nriiournment. (20 min
utes past 6,) but the motion was decided in the
negative, 10 to 20.
Mr. Yulee suggested that they might now as
well proceed to a vote on the subject.
Mr Underwood concurred in the suggestion.
They had done all in their power. He had sat
up some eight or ten nights during the time he
was a member of the House, but never had he
seen such a scene as he had witnessed here during
the past night. Ho hoped the practice
would be abandoned, as no good had ever come
from it, nnd that they would amend their rules
so as to put it out of the power of any memher
to defeat or delay the wishes of the majority.
The debate was further continued by Messrs.
Atchison, Dickinson, Fitzgerald, Calhoun. Mangum,
Douglass, Downs, Butler, Jefferson. Davis,
Niles, Foote, Wcstcoltand Walker.
The question was then taken on receding
from the several amendments, and it was decided
in the affirmative. So the bill has passed
both Houses, without the "Missouri Comprom
ise," and with the "Wilrnot Proviso."
The tlist vote was on receding from the
amendment by which the Misouri Compromise
had been inserted, and was as follows:
Ayes-Messrs. Allen, Baldwin, Benton, Bradbury,
Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cleark, Corwin,
Davis, of Massachusetts, Daytan. Dickinson,
Dix, Douglass, Dodge, Felch Fitzgerald,
Greet), Hale, Hamlin, Har.negan, Houston,
Miller, Niles, Phelps, Spruance, Upham, Walker,
Webster?29.
Nays?Messrs- Atchison, Badger, Bell Ber.,,1
n.r'tiHinnn ItavU. nfiMiss.
] rir.ii, jjuiianu, vmw</u?, ...
i Downs, Foole, Hunter, Johnson, o( Md. John
i son. of La., Johnson, of Ga., Lewis, Mangum,
! Mason, Metcalfe, Pearce, Rusk, Sebastian,
Turney, Underwood, Wescott, Yulee?25.
On motion ofMr. Dickinson, a bill granting
r a prnsios to Richard Reynolds, a poor blind man
r who had lost his eyes in the service of his court
! try, was taken up, as Mr. I), said, to give Sen.
i ators an opportunity to do some good on the
i Sahhath day, and passpd unanimously,
s Then, at 20 minutes to 10, the Senate adjourned
to 9 o'clock to morrow Morning.
i
> From the Correspondence of the Charleston Courier.
' Washington, August 12.
' We have reached the last hours of the ses
sion. At ten o'clock on the lant night of the
*' session, the Oregon bill is still under cortsidera
i tion in the Senate. The speeches on that bil
have been more interesting and exciting that
? at any former stage of the session. The de
bate has raged during the whole day. Th<
motion of Mr. Benton, that tlie Senate rcccdu
Irom their amendments?including the Missou
ri compromise amendment, and which th(
1 House had so unceremoniously rejected, produ
" ced much feeling on the part of some of tin
2 Southern Senators. General Houston aloni
took a decided stand in support of Mr. Benton'
motion, though it is said that several Southeri
members arc prepared to vote for it. L ha.*'
j ??? ' ?mu rr u i..c gi iicjaT opin
^ ion, that if the Senate was to take a vote, evei
' .u IJ i ? 1 ?.,.i r\...
iiimy, uic 111'm iw11 \x uiiiii iic o llu iij) ?tiiu uir
, <jon would llius he admitted as free territory
I *
without reference to any settlement of the sla
II very question in California and New Mexico
1 Hut, it appears, that as early as elevei
1 o'clock this morning, an understanding tool
place between the opponents of the bill, to th<
effect that the. question should he talked down
' Mr. Johnson, of Ga., is now on the floor, and
" know of five or six Senators who are prepared ti
speak as long as any one will sit to listen.
General Houston and Mr. Benton made se
; against Mr. Calhoun's course on this questioi
} ?den uncing and ridculing the project of i
? Southern Convention, and all projects tendin?
to disunion.
Mr. Calhoun took occasion, interrupting
r General Houston, to disclaim any attempt a
' ";;ie?ucc" which General Houston had impute<
to him. Mr. Calhoun also explained that
though he would counsel the South to unite ir
resistance to the assumptions of the North, ye
1 he hid declared that they could eftect nothin<
unless they would unite, and he saw that unior
among them did not exist.
I have no doubt, that in conformity with ihi
understanding among the opponents of the hill
r , ?r .t.? ?r m
illlU III LiJU5r<|ui:iii;i; ui iuc pci?iimu njr ui i?n
' Benton, and the oilier friends oi the bill, tlx
Senate will sit till day dawn.
' The galleries and lobbies are crowded bj
1 eager auditors, but the Senators are evidently
" worn with fatigue.
r Both Houses are to meet on Monday mornin<
merely to adjourn. The House had shut it]
1 sho|), and agreed to meet monday, at 10 o'clock
1 A. M., to adjourn.
' But they have set an example of legislativi
j nullification that is unheard of and potentnus
They have, so lar as they are concerned, an
j nulled the Mexican treaty, with all its stipula
i lions. All the bills passed by the Senate fo
i carrying out the stipulations ofthe treaty, were
, by avowed arrangement, smothered.
. | The Kentucky Runaway Slaves.?Th<
. ) Maysville and Lexington papers received las
n i night, contain additional particulars of the slav<
* case, indeed tlio whole State has been throwi
. into an excitement uprecedented, and the Lex
, ington Atlas advertises the banging of the
) whiles leading them, without judge or jury.?
t The Maysville Herald of Wednesday has th<
r followina:
"Intelligence lias reached this city to da;
| that the Fayette gang were in this county
having successfully resisted an attempt to appre
] hend them in Harrison. A large number c
. persons lelt here this morning in pursuit c
s them."
A postscript in the Maysville Herald ofWed
nosduy afternoon says: "We learn that a com
f pany of men from Harrison county, under thi
lead ofGeneral Desha, of that county, had ar
3 rived nt Germantown, in this county, in pur
r | suit ol the runaways, and reported them as en
y j camped on a ridge near Reed's mill on th<
f, North Fork with two white men."
] In another article, the Horald states tha
fourteen negroes, and one white man who wa
- supposed to bo conducting them, had then beei
arrested in the lower end of Mason connty.?
Strong bands of armed men were in pursuit c
others, and although the slaves had divided int
s i small parties to prevent discovery, a confiden
belief was indulged, that few of them could fi
nally escape the vigilance of their pursuers
The river shore was patrolled tor mile*, and i
i. was generally believed that many of the re
, maining had taken the back track.
The Lexington Atlas, of Wednesday last
say*:
"Up to last night, about forty of the runaway
negroes had been apprehended. They are starving
out in the hills of Bracken, and were coon
pelled to come into the settlements and give
up. Several were lodged in jail in this city
yesterday, on suspicion of a design to run off.
Fowler, who was shot by the negroes in Harrison,
was still alive at our last dates from tlier
theatre of action."
THE CAMDEM JOURNAL.
Wednesday Horning, August 23, 1848*
WILLIAM B. JOHNSTON, EDITOR. To
North Carolina Merchants. <Our
branch rail road as it advancos towards completion,
offers great facilities to oar up^oaotry
merchants, for the transportation of their goods^
which arc forwarded trom the Claremont depot on
freight trains when applied for, to the termtnas of
the road, now in 11 miles of this place; in less than a
week the road will reach Swift creek, only 8 miles
from Camden, where another depot will he.established.
We understand the road will he coupleted
by the first of October.
O1 We ere alsc pleased to learn that the favorite
steamer DelCalb will resume her regnlar trips
as early as practicable. This 8 jat during the twopast
seasons, has been as regular and as punctual,
if not more so, than Uncle Sam's mails, and we
trust that she will be liberally patroniiced. Shippers
need not apprehend any delay in the transportation
of their goods by her. , ,
O" We are indebted to Hon, J. A. Woopwjuto
for public documents.
Hon. J. A. Woodward.
We invite attention to the speech of our able
' representative, which is pronounced by those able
to judge, to be one of the best delivered on tho subj
ct. We perceive that Mr. W. has returned b<-me;
' be can give a good account of his stewardship*
and his constituents can with great propriety >ayt
, "well done, good and faithful servant."
i We hope to have the pleasure of seeing bin
amongst us 6hort y.
D* Our friend of the flew London Chronicle,
will accept cur acknowledgements for the graceful
compliment paid us, in his last paper; we can cor.
diaily reciprocate, and add the expression of our
earnest wish, that all the partizan Journals were
conducted with such decency and fairness, as grace
the columns of the Chronicle. The backnied par
ty slang and abusive epithets, which are too often
1 found, in the papers of both parties, find no favor
' with its accomplished editor; he advocates with
' ability the principles of his party but never disgra*
I ces the profession, by a senseless abuse of his op*
, ponents. Whilst talking, of the Chroncle, we will
, take the liberty of clipping from its columns the
following short extracts, as our Charleston Taylor
> Democrats may need additional light, that they
may see more clearly their very enviable position.
i The editor in rebuking the Whigs, who have frm- *
B ternised with the barnburning democracy says to
8 the recusants :?
II "Are they in favor of free soil and against the
?j tw <ne further
extension ol slavery ? If they arc really so, why
ii don't they blend their energies with those of their
. brethren and make the whig vote certain and over.
, whelming? The whigs as a psrty are contending
. for what they profess to contend for themselves,
and all the differe ce is, that the whigs are seeking
nrnr.timhlp mpana nf r?ffp/*finrr iKa nktAsf mkiU
J.. -W- v>*wv??*g Miv vrwj?*V*f WfNIV
1 they are insisting on impracticable one*, or taking
* the very steps that every man of common sense
i sees must defeat it!"
The Taylor Democrats of South Carolina, must
' certainly see their folly, in blending their energies
5 to bring into power those men "who as a party,"
t are in favor of free soil. The following extract
1 shows General Taylor's position throughout the
^ Northern States, however much confidence Hie
r Southern adherents may have in his natural posi?
tion, as a Southerner and slave holder,
j "Cass and the Proviso?Ourlocofocofriends
t of the press affect to doubt how General Cass will
j act on the VVilmot Proviso. It is a very shallow
affectation on their part, to be sure, but we dare say
' some well disposed democrats have really bad
1 doubts; though we trust they will have them so
1 longpr. The following official rescript from the,
I Washington Union places the matter beyond ail
t cavil. The closing query, is of course easily answered.
Gen-ral Taylor dare not make "such a
> declaration,*" having a lready made a different one."
"At all events we are happy to understand by
' private letters that General Cass firmly stands tM
* ground which he has ta.ten. Being applied to for.
J mally by a man or two of the WHmot stamp, he
declared unhesitatingly, that he adhered to his Ni*
f <-holson letter and to the Baltimore platform; and if
) elected Preside..! he WOULD VETO THE WJLMOT
PROVISO. Dare General Taylor make
r such a declaration !"
s
Public Meeting in Charleston.
a uiccuiig ui ine ciuzena 01 unarteston vu
held on Saturday evening last, which was addressed
by Judge Butler, Mr. Burt and Mr. Calhoan:
We have neither time nor space this week, for a
.* sketch of their remarks, but will publish them
r in our next.
, A meeting ' for the organization of the Democratic
party" was advertised for Monday night,
when the following Resolutions were to be pro*.'
i posed and acted upon?
* 1. Resolved, That it is now expedient for
every Democrat in Charleston District to exer*
i cise his suffrage in the election of President and
- Vice President, and contribute his aid to savn
s the country from Whig misrule; and (bat the '
- maintainance of the Democratic party is at all
* times more important than the adroeacy of any
individual, however eminent may have beaty
his public services or personal character.
'? 2 Resolved, That the great question of equal
* rights under the Constitution, of the Slavelnd.J.
f ing and nonslaveholding States, is now, as ever,
'I* considered by us paramount to all other
but we recognize no stronger claims to our c??n?
* fidence, in this particular, in the Whig nominee,
* | either from his own expressed opinions or the
c associations of party, or from any other caoso,
'* over his Democratic opponent.
3. Resolved, That the Into developments it
Washington, and more particularly the incor*
e poration of the Ordinance of 1787 into the bill
for the government of Oregon, by which the
t Wilmot Proviso so far as that Territory is con*
8 , corned, has become the law of the land, with
n J the formal rejection ofthe principles of the Mis*
- sourt Compromise, by both Houses of Congress,
>f convince us that upon this vital question, we
o can put no trust in Presidents or Party. In
t this matter the South must relv on herself alone.
and we design that no party connections shall
i. ever interfere with our prompt co-operation in
it such measures of defence as may be adopted
i. by our Southern brothren.
1. Resolved, That the property and political