The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, June 06, 1840, Image 2
POLITIC AX. EXTRACTS
From tho Circular of the Hon. W. T. Colquitt, to
the State Rights Party of Georgia.
' I cannot give him ((.Jen. Harrison) my
Snpptfrt, because he is a Federalist, that he
supported the b/uck-cockade administration
of the eld-.') Adams; that he supported the
tulminislr jtwn cf the younger "Adams; that
kg never changed his Federal principles;
mat he is still a Federalist; and must derive
his main support from that party.
No matter how little the establishment
of those charges may operate upon the
minds of others, I trust they will be sufficient
to screen mc fromtthcir sneers. It is
a thing so easy for a rtian to be branded as
a deserter from his party?for his name to
be subjected to infamy?that-very many
choose rather to float.with the tide of public
opinion, tha? invesfgate their position
and resist its current; but if I am enabled
to. prove that Gen. Harrison is a Federalist,
has always acted with that party and is
now tkcii* candidate, we have always professed
vainly in Georgia, if we give him
our support. This I will now proceed to
do in a plain and intelligent manner;
nor will I leave room for a doubt on the
mind of any unprejudiced man.
My fellow-citizens will remember that
while John Adams the elder was ..President
of the United States, during Ins administration,
the Federal party passed the
Alien and Sedition Laws% which gave rise
to the Kentucky and Virginia Kesoiutions
of 1798, and '99. During these years
there were no neutrals in public life; it was
a time of severe party conflict, and party
lines were distinctly drawn. I have before?
me the first volume of "Executive
Journal," where, at page 282, it-is recorded,
that on the ,20th of June, of that ever
memorable year, 1798, John Adams, the
then President of the United States, conferred
upon General Harrison the office
of "Secretary of the territory north west
of the river Ohio." Would not this appointment
itselfafford strong presumptive
proof that General Harrison was a member
of the Federal party? Take into con
sideration the year, the" time, ana me circumstances,
the proof would be sufficient
to shift the onus at least. But the proof
shall proceed: General Harrison was a
delegate from the North-western Territory,
to the House of Representatives of the
United States, during the sesions of 1799
and 1S39; during the session of that Cortgrcss,
and befifcte its close, he was appoint-.
otLhy. John Adams, the President, Gover;
nor of the Territory of Indiana. (See
Executive Journal, vol. 1, p. 553.
Now. when we remember that the election
for President took place that same year
(!800,) and when we recollect the great
excitement that prevailed between the parties,
and how bitterly Jefferson was de
_ ti i ^c /]atv
nouncea Dy me I'encruusus u? mai uaj,
and the uncompromising spirit that prevailed,
where is the man that would dare
believe that John Adams, who had bestowed
on Harrison a prior appointment, and
who was now enabled to judge of his
friendship by his acts while at Congress,
until his appointment on the 12th of May
of that session, would have made him Governor
of Indiana, if he had not been his
friend, a member of kis 'party, opposed to
Mr. Jefferson and his partij? No man
can doubt it J But be it further remembered,
that a majority of the Senate were Federal,
who had to ratify the appointment;
and this too, when universal proscription
was the order of the day, and the celebra%
*7 1 '"Of Ka Korlrrn nf
tetl OlCLCK.-COCliU.lM; w as uiu uuugv .... *. wv?w - |
al dcvotioD.
I will beg leave to present another subject
to your consideration, worthy of your
serious regard?a subject of vital importance
to the whole south?I mean the subject
of Abolition. It is the blindness of
stupidity or the madness of party, for any
man to doubt that the nomination of Gen.
Harrison was made with the view and for
the purpose of obtaining strength by procuring
the votes of Abolitionists. The
friends of General Harrison say that he
was nominated because it was thought he
could obtain the most votes. Of this I
l^ave no doubt; but the reason for believing
that he could procure a better vote
than Henry Clay, was, that lie might get
- the strength and influence of this support,
which Clay could not. There arc some
facts which I know, and a few others to
which I will refer upon this subject. I
know that no petition having for its object
the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia, in the States or Territories, has
been presented this session but by a Whig.
I know that no speech has been made in
favor of Abolitionists this Congress, but
has been made by a Whig. I know that
upon the final vote to exclude, by a rule
of the House, the reception of these petitions,
but one Whig from a non-slavehold
in^ State voted with us, while four Southem
Whigs voted against us, among whom
was John Bell, of Tennessee, the Whig
candidate for Speaker. 'I,know that at
least two of the Democratic party refused
to be made the instruments of presenting
such petitions, and one of them a Sanator
t: from Ohio.anon'slavchoIdingState, where
the Abolitionists are numerous. Mr. Tappan
said: '
"Ohio will do unlo others as she claims
(hat they should do to her. As, she nil
' iiffijjri . v
, not permit any interference with her own
! institntions, so she will not permit her >
' servants to interfere with the institutions j
| of other States. I know her will upon ;
this matter, it is clear and unequivocal. J
| Resolutions of her assembly have repeat-'
: edly declared her sentiments upon the subject
matter of these petitions, and her dejcided
opinion that the attempt making by
i these petitioners "is hostile to the spirit
of the Consttution, nnd destructive of the
harmony of the Union;" and a recent and
J more numerous assemblage of Democratic
delegates in a State Convention than
has ever before met in that State, with but
three dissenting voices, adopted the following
resolutions:
"Resolved, That, in the opinion of
this Convention, Congress ought not, without
the consent of the people of the District,
and of the States of Virginia and
Maryland, to abolish slavery in the Distrie
of Columbia; and that the efToits now
! making for that purpose, by organizing
- * ^ . -- I A* 1 _ 4^
j societies in the tree states, are nusme iu
I the spirit of the Constitution, and destructive
to the harmony of the Union.
"Resolved, That, slavery being a do- mestic
institution recognized by the Constitution
of the United-Stales, we, as citizens
of a free Slate, have no right to interfere
with it; and that the organization
of societies and associations in free Stales,
in opposition to the institutions of sister
"States, while productive of no good, may
be the cause of much mischief; and while
such associations for political purposes
ought to be discountenanced by every
lover of peace and concord, no sound
Democrat will have part or lot with them.
" Resolved, That political Abolitionism
is but ancient Federalism, under a new
guise, and tliat the political action of antislavery
societies is only a device for the
overthrow of Democracy.
"I know, sir, that these resolutions express
the deliberate judgment of the Democracy
of Ohio; as to the sentiments of
the opponent of the Democratic party,
thellarrisonians, I know leeS. Their conduct
is open to observation. But that, it
...?n i n/tun ihni ihnv hold in their fra
IU V* Ml I Aiivnu ? ? ... v ? ... .
tcrnal embrace the entire abolition part of
the population of Ohio." #
These facts have occurred during the
present session of Congress, and yet very
many Southern members shut their eves
fo these stalling truths, and arc glad at
Ifeart that the Northern Democrats will
Io$e strength in their respective Districts
for giving us their aid. Much pains have
been taken to throw poppies over the eyes
of the South by attempting to prove that
General Harrison himself-is not an Abolitionist;
but official letters and speeches
proves this?that he is opposed to slavery
and desires it abolished. As I am writing .
for your candid consideration an unvarnished
tale, I will call to your attention his
circular, which he nublished for the pur
pose of satisfying the Abolitionists;
"Fcllow-citizens: Being called suddenly
home to attend my sick family, I have but
a few moments to answer a few of the J
"calumnies" which arc in circulation con- ,
cerning me. I am accused of being friend- j
ly to slaverj'. From my earliest youth to (
the present time, I have been the ardent (
friend of human liberty. At the age of )
eighteen, I became n member of an Aboli- ,
[ tion Society, established at Richmond, Va.
the object of which was to ameliorate the ;
condition of the slaves, and procure their
freedom by every legal means. My ve- ,
nerablc friend Judge Gatch, of Clermont
... 1 ~.nm^an ftf this SnPlP
COUUty, was aisu a ihciuuk/i u> > ? ^
ty, and has lately given me a certificate .
that I was one. The obligations I then j
came under, I have faithfully performed." t
I This circular proves that he is unfriend- (
Iy to slavery, and that he considered it a ,
calumny to be considered friendly, neces- |
sary for him to repel: and it proves that he ,
was so anxious to retain the friendship of ,
the Abolitionists, that he actually thought ,
it necessary to obtain a certificate that he ,
was a member of an Abolition Society.? !
If other proof be necessary to show that (
he is opposed to slavery, and wishes it a- (
bolishcd, read again that part of his speech
(a part of which has so frequently been ,
published in his defence) in which he says:
"Should I be asked if there is no way by .
which the General Government can aid
tne cause of emancipaiion, I answer that
thas long been an object near my heart
too see the whole of the surphls revenue
appropriated to that subject." Entertain- \
ing these views so strongly disapprobating ,
slavery; living as he does, in a non-slave- ,
holding state; made the available candi- '
* n 4' *1-.Ms-t*ikaiK mfln. i
date lor tne rresiuuuuy mi 'JUgll LllV^il Ulliu- | I
encc, and warmly supported by Slade, Aams,
Granger, Gates, and other advocates ,
of Abolition in the halls of Congiess* who (
will dare believe if a bill should pass for ,
immediate emancipation, that he .would ,
affix his veto. Whether he is the advo- cate
of the present action of the abolition- ,
ists is very immaterial. His speech at
Vincenncss shows that he did not approve
of the designs of the abolitionists', and his
vote for the admission of Missouri without
restriction, are arguments in his favor.-?
But what is he now? What evidence have ,
we that he is not an abolitionist now? Letters
have been addressed to him upon this
subject, wliich he fails to answer. A committee
have now taken charge of his^ person
and opinions, so far as to stand between
him "and the people of the United States,
I whose confidence he seeks, and refus^o
J give any satisfaction. Will the State, of
j Geoigia, with these facts authenticated",
and staring them in the face, bc^ satisfied
*
with the remarks he made'taany years ago,
upon this subject, especially when they
know how the list of abolitionists have
have swelled in Ohio since his speech at
Vincennes? Will they trust a man who
now refuses to answer any question upon
this topic for their satisfaction? Taking his
abhorrence of slavery, its location, the
manner he has been placed before the people,
the triumphant feelings exhibited by
those who have made speeches in favor of
the Abolitionists, their joy at his nomination,
and prospect of success; take these circumstances
in connexion with his declining
to answer questions upon the subject, and
I ask any dispassionate man if his Vincennes
speech alone entitles him to the suffrages
of the South? Ought not Georgia to
have assurances that the man she supports
for President would veto any bill interfering
with slavery in the District of Columbia
or the States?. For me the well authenticated
fact that he is a Federalist, that
he is their candidate, and supported by
them, and that, if elected, it will be a~Federal
administration, would be sufficient
to prevent me from yielding him nny support
And his position by affiliating with
the abolitionists, as I have shown, would
be of itself a sufficient barrier. It is not
my purpose to abuse Gen. Harrison; far
from it. Nor will I abuse Federalists or
Abolitionists. It is enough that I am not
willing to trust the Government in the
hands of either; and I shall be mistaken if
the people of Georgia arc.
Again: Most of you have long known
that I am opposed to the chartering of a
** - * r? ? i _i x
.National or united ?rates uanK. i ao not
believe either its constitutionality or expediency.
This opinion was expressed to
the people of Georgia before my. election;
I have changed no opinion, but, having devoted
more time to the examination of the
subject, preparatory to giving a vote upon
the bill, which has for its object the separation
of the Government from all banks,
I am the more confirmed in my opposition
to the Bank, and believe it alike dangerous
to our form of Government, and the happiness
of our people.
It is said that Gen. Harrisoi! is against
the Bank, and indeed he lias declared his
belief of its unconstitutionality; but he has
sajd and done enough to satisfy the friends
of the Bank upon this subject. Indeed,
in our own State, we have only to look tp
the men who are giving most aid to the
prospects of General Harrison, to know
know that at least seven-teonths are in favor
of a bank, and that this influence
prompts their action. The leading measure
of the Administration is the one which
nannAnno Ilia aatolJlclimOnt flf .1F1 fflflnnfin
lUO l/Oiawuoiiuiwiii. w. j
dent Treasury. The strength of the Opposition
is based upon their friendship for
a bank. Nor is it deaiing fair with the
country to deny this. An attempt to win
the votes of such persons as are unfriendly
to such an institution, by saying General
Harrison is opposed to the bank is com-'
mitting a fraud upon their suffrage. Eight j
tenths of his supporters are bank men, and
if they believca nc would veto a bill for its
charter, he would unquestionably lose
their support. The bank men of the south
forget another thing?that by placing the
Government in the hands ofHarrison,Clay,
Adams, Webster & Co. they must take
with the bank its legitimate concomitants
?a protective tariff, internal improvement
c nnH pvnrv Federal scheme that
Webster, the "eloquent and satisfactory
expositor" of constitutional law, shall propose.
In the mighty efforts now making
upon the subject of tlie Presidential election,
it requires no far-fetched discernment
to perceive sweeping over the troubled
mirror of the time the shadow of the giant
bank. While I retain one mite of consistency
I must pronounce it unconstitutional
to incorporate a bank. And while I retain
a sacked regard for the rights, virtue,
and happiness of this republic, I must pro-1
nounce such a charter inexpedient and1
dangerous. I will not argue the Bankj
question now, I hope to do it hereafter if,
my health permits; but I may be permitted
to say to tne farmers of my much loved j
State, that much has been said arid done |
to make them believe that the present low
price of cotton is for the want of a bank,
is attributable, to the Government. When
1 speak to you and of your interest, nothing
shall stand between me and a candid
expression of their truth. Nothing is more
uncandid than the attempt to impose upon
you such a belief; if every merchant in
Savannah, Augusta, Macon and Columbus,
were free from embarrassment and
had thousands of dollars at theircommand,
it could not affect the price of cotton one
cent. The merchants that buy purchase
to sell again, and they are regulated by
the price of the article where they sell.?
The prices at Liverpool mainly regulate
the. price of this important staple of the
South; and there they ought to have plen- j
ty of money, as they have the Bank of
? 1 * ... T1?a .L _
England,with itsimmensecupuai. dui inc
truth is just the reverse; tne laboring classes
are m a much worse condition than our
people, as there is abundant evidence to
prove.
From the Pendleton Mestenger.
. If the contest for the Presidency was
between Van Buren and Harrison, as individuals
merely, we should scarcely regard
it as worth a moment's reflection.
But when we consider that they are but
instruments, wielded by the interests raU
lied under their names, without themselves
possessing^ the capacity to resist, it be-'
comes a matler worthy the deepest consideration.
It is admitted, that Van fiuren
possesses principles for which, as State
Rights men, we have contended. He
may be insincere in his professions. But
I his whole party in Congress, in their address
two yefrs ago, based themselves on
those principles; and it is not to he supposed
that they all were insincere. Even
if some of them were so, their triumph
must be the triumph of the principles they
avow, and must ultimately bring the government
to them, and their defeat must
tlio rlnfnnf nf those nrincinles. Alter
an ardent struggle of many years continuance,
"we find ourselves free from a
public debt?from a national bank?in a
fair way to be rid of a corrupt banking
system?free from the tariff almost entirely,
and from internal improvement by
Congress, in a great degree? from the
surplus revenue, the source of incalculable
mischief?and in short, from almost
the whole train of federal and consolidated
legislation. The real issue, in our
opinion, is, whether the work shall be
completed, and the government, restored
to its original simplicity and purity, or
whether we shall go back, and commen,cing
with a national hank, run the same
dangerous round again, by the adoption
of that and oilier measures of policy, not
sanctioned by the constitution, and fraught
with oppression and ruin to at least one
portion of the confederacy. Shall we
abandon our principles, because our long
support of them have given them such
ascendancy that the administration, either
from conviction or policy, ^ias been comI
netted 'In arlnnf itiem? Will it he less eon- !
i ? r- ? --
sistent to give up our opposition to men,
w-hen we find them approximating our doctrines,
than to fall into the ranks of those
who support a protective tariff, a system
of national improvements, and all the
train of implied powers which stand on
the same footing? The tariffites, lite bank
men, the consolidationisls, and abolitionists*
are almost universally, so far as we
can observe, rallied on the side of Harrison.
.Let his own opinions be what they
may, (and recently they are not to b? obtained,)
lie must, if elected, become a
mere instrument in the hands of those,
his ,supporters. Such arc our views of
th^mattcr. For Van Burcn or Harrison,
individually, we core nothing.
The delusion of attributing the present
embarrassments of the country to the subtreasury,
whicH has never been in existence,
we do not think can require refutation
with any who reflect. If it had been in ;
[operation, thiee years ago, we verily be-j
neveit wotuo nave stoppcu me ncavy mans
contracted abroad, and either have pre-'
vented the suspension of the banks, or1
greatly abatedlhe mischief that has re-;
suited. The pecuniary embarrassment is j
in a great measure confined to America!
and England, which have both embarked
j deeply in the banking system; and to this
I the distress is to be mainly attributed. In
(England, not one of the causes to which'
! the Whigs attribute our disasters?the re- (
I inoval of the depnsilcs?the sub-trcasurv
|?or the tampering with the currency,'
I exists, or has>xistcd. On the contrary, j
that country has had the full benefit of!
what the Whigs regard as a perfect cure,
! of all our ills?a great national bank and
! regulator.' The Chamber of. Commerce
at Manchester, in a report published in
December last, lias pointed out, in a clear
and conclusive manner, the cause of pecuniary
embarrassments there, and shown
j that they may all be traced to the expansions
and contractions of the Bank ol Engi
1nn/l * tv a nitwit riM/lno ??/%? in it rwi rnn m
JUWU. ?T C 911Q11 CIIUtatiM ??/ Alt *wii?
for some extracts from the report.
" Bank paper," says a distinguished
statesman, " is to the world of business,
what brandy or whiskey is to the physical
constitution?a high stimulant. Its
expansion is an over-dratight?a debauch,
'sure to be followed by a corresponding:
contraction, which is but the depression J
after the drunken frolic. We have been!
in the former, and no.w in the latter con-|
dition; and like the drunkard, we thirst to I
return to the bottle, which the Whigs tell
us is the only remedy.''
If we should pursue this subject, we!
hope to be able to do it in a spirit of can-'
dor and fairness, as we cannot regard our-;
selves as the parlizan of either candidate, j
though we have fully made up our mind
as to the course which our doctrines of
State Rights and strict construction requires
us to take on the quustian.
From tho Ohio Statesman.
A VOICE FROM THE HERMITAGE.
Below we publish the rrply of the venerable
Hero df New Orlerns, to the letter of
a committee appointed by the last Legislature,
inviting him to join the citizens of
Ohio in celebrating the next anniversary j
of our National Independence:
Hermitage, May 11, 1830.
Gen tlemen: I had the honor to receive,
i by due course of mail, your flattering communication
of the 17th February last, enclosing
the preamble and resolutions adopted
by the Legislation of Ohio, by which
I am invited to unite with them and the
people of that Stale in celebrating the]
approaching anniversary of our National i
Independence.
An answer to this communication has
been deferred thus long, because of my
earnest wish to accept it, should the state
of my health have continued such as to
authorize the hope that I could perform
the journey. But finding that my strength
has not latterly increased, I am constrained
to give.np the agreeable wish, and must
request you to convey to the Legislature
and people of Ohio my sincere regret
that it will not be in rnv power to wait upon
J-,.- I
them in person, and tfiank them for the
very distinguished? honor they have paid
me.
I shall ever feel a, debt of gratitude to
the people of Ohio for the many proofs
they have given me of their respect and
confidence; and it is increased by the cordial
terras in which their Representatives
on this occasion haye been pleased to re*
new their approbation of my cdhdoct
wnust in public service. . In a country
like ours, l'ree anil Intelligent, public opinion
is the great lever by which the Government
is held to its proper functions, and we
are authorized, from all our experience, to
look to it as the best guarantee that our institutions
will be as permanent as they have j
been hitherto glorious to the cause of po- , j
pular liberty. To be assured that my con- 4
duct, when subjected to this exalted test, . t
can bear the fa vorable judgment expressed /
by the Legislatuae of your State, is therefore
an honor of the highest kind, and one
to which I feel that I am indebted more to
their kindness and liberality than any
merit of my otwn, save that of an honest
intention in all my pnbhc acts to pursue
fearlessly whqt I thought would conduco
to the interest of,my country.
It is particularly gratifying to me, gentlemen,
to be assured by your Legislature
that the grounds on which I rested ray
opposition to the encroachments t?f the.
'money power are regarded with favor by
the people of Ohio. The dangers of that
power, now more evident because they
are brought closer to the observation anil
business concerns of all classes of our citizens,
form, in mv judgment, the only
cloud in our ooliiical horizon. In all ' jb...
other aspects, the influences adverse to
the genius of our institutions seem to have
yielded to the demands of the people, and
such, I doubt not, will be the case with
those wielded by the money power as soon
as the public voice has another opportune
ty of actingjipo%them. All that we have
to do on this subject, is to persevere a little
longer, maintaining the doctrines of
the Constitution and the suggestions of N
common scr.se. We know that our fa- ^
thers who framed the Constitution gave to
Congress no power to charter a Bank, >
and we cannot err, therefore, in saying,
that if our Government had never departed
from their example, wc would have had
lionc of the evils which now afflict us irr
consequence of bank suspensions, and an
irredeemable paper currency. Wc know
that if the Government deposited none of
the money of the people with banks, these
institutions would have no power to eudanger
the safety ol the public treasure,
or to influence, imnrorerlv. ouestions of
' I r v? a
public policy. We know-that banks do
not make money, hot only cireultte their
paper emissions, which most be good or
bad according to their capacity to redeem
them with specie, and hence ihat there
rfanf be no confidence in iheaa as long as
they maintain the right to suspend specii
payments at pleasure.
From such trutns, it appears to me to
be scltcvidcnt, that there is now no relief
f.)r the people but in the wdoplion of the
Independent Treasury recommended by
fhe present Administration fu the General
Government. By this plan, the financial
operations of the Treasury will be simplified,
and the people will have the
strongest guarantee that the money which
is raised from thern by taxation will be
applied according to the requirements of
the Constitution. If, in addition to this
reform in our financial system, Congress .
would, at the same time, pass.a general
bankrupt lav.-, by which the banks which >
are now in existence, or may be hereafter
chartered by the Statps, would be bound
to mnlco an nnuitnhlfi distribution of their
"I*" - - effects
to their creditors when they refuse
to redeem their notes with specie, it cannot
be doubted tliut there would be an end
to the evils of a depreciated ua'per currency.
These measures being^adopted, but
little time would be requisite to enable
those banking institutipns which are sound
to regain the public confidence; and the
labor of the country, the farming, manufacturing.
and mechanic interests would
soon revive: that credit system which is
based on real capital, and which goes hand
in hand with the labor and enterprise of
our citizens, would be enlarged, not diminished,
by the operation of these measures.
Congratulating you, gentlemen, on the
bright prospects which are before us in
respect to the adoption of a proper remedy
for the existing disorders of our currency,
and trusting that our country will |
soon be free from the withering influences J
of a money power which is not recognised fl
by the Constitution or the true interests ^ *
of cur country, I remain, with sentiments
of profound respect and gratitude to the
people and Legislature of your State, and
lo yoursclve?,
Your friend, and fellow-ritizen,
ANDREW JACKSON*.
To Samuel Spangler, Dowty Utter,
John E. Hunt, on behalf of the Senate.
To George H. Flood, Kufus P. SpaL
ding, John If. Blair. Ilenry West EdtvSmith,
on behnlf of the House of Representatives.
WATCH
AND CLOOS BASING.
IT T. CURRIE, Watch and Clock
? MaJcer, from Europe, would res- j
pectfully inform the public generally, that ^
he has commenced business in this place
in the shop formerly occupied by Dr. Reid,
where he will be happy to wait on those . j
who may honor hint with their patronage.
From his long experience and moderate
prices, he feels assured he will be able to j
give general satisfaction.
'