act authorizing a loan not exceeding the sum of
twelve million1'of dollars," approved July twentyfirst,
eighteen hundred and forty-one, for obtaining
said lo.tn, shall be, and the same is hereby, extended
for one year from the passage of this act.
Ssc. 2. And be it further enacted, That so j
mu'-h of said loan as may be obtained after the j
passage of this act shall be made reimbursable, '
as shall be agreed upon and determined at the!
time ol issuing said Btock, either at the will of the j
Secretary of the Treasury, a'tcrsix months' notice, ,
or at any time not exceeding twenty years from
-the first dav of Januarv next.
>
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the .
certificates hereafter t<? be issued lor said loan ;
may, when required, be in such lorm as shall be
prescribed bv the Secretary of the Treasury so that
the stock niav be transferable by delivery of the i
certificate, instead of being assignable on the books ,
of the Treasury.
Sec. 4. And be it further end 'ted, That the |
Secretary of the Treasury be, and he hereby is, ;
authorized to dispose of the stock hereafter to be !
issued, or any part thereof, at its par value, but no
part thereof shall be disposed of under par until
the same has been advertised a reasonable time,
and proposals for subscription to said loan invited.
And the said Secretary i3 hereby authorized to
accept such proposals, if he deem it for the interest
. c.f the United States so to do, as shall offer the!
highest price for said stock or any part thereof; or ,
to appoint an agent or agents as provided in the
third section of the act approved July twenty-first
eighteen hundred and forty-onc, before recited, to
negotiate the same: Provided, That no stock
shall be disposed of at a lower rate than the highest
price offered in said proposals.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the
moneys arising from duties on goods, wares, and
merchandise which may be imported into the
United States, or so much thereof as shall be equal
to the payment, from time to time, of the interest,
and to the ultimate redemption of the principal of
the said stock, be, and the same arc hereby, pledged
for the payment and redemption of the stock
hereafter to be issued under and by virtue of this
act and the said act of July twenty-first, eighteen
hundred and forty-one, hereby amended ; and so
much thereof as may be necessary to pay the in
* redeem the snme when
H'll dl UU cam okvvH) ? -
due, is hereby appropriated to that object, to he
first applied by the Secretary of the Treasury to
such payments and redemption.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted. That it
shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury .
to report to Congress, at the commencement of the
next session, tho amount of money borrowed under j
this act and the act hereby amended, and of whom i
and upon what terms it shall have been obtained, :
with an abstract or brief statement of all the pro- '
posals submitted for the same, distinguishing between
those accepted and those rejected; and a
detailed statement of tho expense of making sueh
loans.
Sec. 7. And be it further enaeied, That all
the provisions of the said act, not hereby modified
or changed, shall be and remain in force, and apply
to this act. j i
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the
President of the United States is hereby authorized i
to borrow an additional sum, not exceeding the
urn of five millions of dollars, if, in his opinion
the oxigences of the Government may require the j
same ; which additional loan shall be made within
the time and uccording to the provisions of said
- j-fi .j l.. j ,
act, as moumcu u> uur. . ,
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all i
Treasury notes heretofore issued under the act
entitled 44 An act to authorize the issuing of |
Treasury notes," approved the twelfth day of Oc. (
tober, eighteen hundred and thirty-seven, and the j
acts subsequent thereto, and now outstanding and |
unredeemed, or which may hereafter be issued
under and by virtue of the sumo, shall, if due and |
unpaid before the fifth day of March, eighteen (
hundred and forty-two, bear interest at the rate of
six per cent, per annum from that day ; and when , j
they may become due hereafter, or may have be- ;
come due since the said fifth day of March, eigh- i
teen huudrcd and forty-two, shall bear interest
from the day of their so becoming due, at the
rate of six per cent, per annum, until they shall
be respectively redeemed : Provided, That such
interest shall cease at the expiration of sixty days
notice, to be given at any time, by the Secretary
of the Treasury in one or more of the principal papers
published at the 6cat of Govemmont, of a
readiness to redeem the same. And the 6aid intercet
shall be payable semi-annually at the Treasury
of the United States, on the first days of
January and July in every year.
Approved, April loth, 1612.
[IYbljc?No. 26.;
AN ACT making appropriations for the
r a L ^
current and contingent expenses 01 ino
Indian Department, and for fulfilling
treaty stipulations with the various Indian
tribes, for the year ono thousand
eight hundred and forty.two.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of!
America in Congress assembled, That the '
following sums be, ani they are hereby,
appropriated, for the year ono thousand
eight hundred and forty-two, for the pur- I
pose of paying the current expenses of,
the Indian department, fulfilling treaty
stipulations with the various Indian tribes,
and contingent expenses, to he paid out of
any money in the Treasury not otherwise
appropriated.
Tor the current and contingent expences
of the Indian department, viz :
For the pay of the superintendent of
Indian affairs at St. Louis, and the seve- 1
rai Indian agents, as provided by the acts
of June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and
thirty-four, und of March third, eighteen
hundred and thirty-seven, sixteen thousand
five hundred dollars. <
For iho pay of sub-agents authorized bv '
the act of June thirtieth, eighteen hundred
and thirty-four, thirteen thousand dol-! 1
jars.
F??r the pay of interpreters, as author- <
?
izocj by tbe same net, cutuu mwuzuuu ~
three hundred dollar1'.
For the salary of one clerk in the office f
cf the superintendent of Indian .iffairs i
south of the Missouri l iver, one thousand
dollars. c
For the salary of two clerks, in the office I
of the (commissioner of Indian affairs, c
employed in the business of grants and I
reservations under Indian treaties, one
thousand five hundred dollars. f
!! EBBESBSSSS5BB^EEESHBSS^H """
For the purchase of provisions for Indinr.s,
nt the distribution of annuities, while
on visits of business with the superintendents
nnd agents, and when assembled
on public business, eleven thousand eight
hundred dollars.
For the necessary buildings required ;
at the several agencies, and repairs there- j
of, two thousand dollars.
For postages, rents, stationery, fuel for I
offices, and other contingencies of the Indian
department, and tor transportation
and incidental expenses, thirty.six thousand
live hundred dollars.
For carrying into effect the stipulations
of certain Indian treaties, and the laws
connected therewith, viz :
For fulfilling treaty with tho Christian
'- i: i ,I?iiopo
1 IIUIU IJ9? ll'Ui f 1 U IJUI uuiiuioi ,
For fulfilling treaties with the Chippe- j
was of the Mississippi, thirty, five thousand '
dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Chippewas
of Saganaw, five thousand eight hundred
dollars.
For fulfilling treaty with the Chippewa
s, M cnemonics, VYinnebagocs, and
New York Indians, one thousand five
hundred dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Chippewas;
Ottawas, nnd Pottawatornies, thirtythreo
thousand eight hundred and ninety
dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Choctaws.
forty-nine thousand four hundred
and fifty dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Creeks,
sixty-three thousund nine hundred nnd j
forty dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Chickasaw*,
six thousand dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Cherokee?,
five thousand six hundred and forty j
dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Delawares,
ten thousand three hundred and
forty four dollais.
For fulfilling treaties with the Florida
Indians, six thousand six hundred and ten
dollars.
For fulfilling treaty with the Iowns,
seven thousand eight hundred and seventy-five
dollars.
For fulfilling treaty with the Kickapoos,
five thousand five hundred dollars. .
For fulfilling treaty with the Kaskas- 1
kias and Pcerias, three thousand dollars.
For fulfilling treaty with the Kanzas,
six thousand and forty dollars. <
For fulfilling treaties with tho Miamies, <
fifty-1 wo thousand three hundred undnine- \
tv-eight doll irs. ?
For fulfilling treaties with tho Eel Ri- 1
vers, (Miamies,) one thousand one hun- l
dred dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Mono- 1
monies, thirty-one thousand eight hun- |
dred and thirty dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with theOmahns, |
one thousand four hundred and forty doi- j
*
lars.
For fulfilling treatiei with the Ottowas
and Chippewus, sixty-two tuousand three
hundred and sixly-five dollars.
For Fulfilling treaties with tho Otoes
and Missourins, live thousand six hundred
and forty-dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Osagf9,
ihirtv-four thousand four hundred and six
dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with the Oltawns, c
four thousand three hundred dollars. t
For fulfilling treaties with the Potta- t
watomies, fifteen thousand two hundred :r
dollars. c
For fulfilling treaty with the Pottnwa- s
loinies of Huron, four hundred dollars. j|
For fulfilling treaty with tho Pottnwa- jt
tomies of the Prairie, fifteen thousand ' t
four hundred dollars. j j
For fulfilling treaty with tho Pottawa- js
tomies of tho Wabash, twenty thousand j i
dollars. j (
For fulfilling treaty with the Pottawa- 11
tomies of Indiana, seventeen thousand j <
dollars. j I
For fulfilling treaties with the Piankc- :;
shaws, eight hunarccj uoiiars. j
For fulfilling treaty with the Pawnees, ' 1
nine thousand six hundred dollars.
For fulfilling treaty with the Qua paws, j <
four thousand six hundred and sixty d? I i i
lars. I 1
For fulfilling treaty with the Six Na- l
lions of New York, four thousand five t
hundred dollars. j
For fulfilling treaty with the Senccas <
of New York, six thousand dollars. <
For fulfilling treaties with the Sioux, of <
the Mississippi, forty thousand fivu hun- 1
dred and ten dollars. For
fulfilling treaty with the Yancton If
and Santio Sioux, one thousand three : 1
hundred and forty dollars. IJ
For fulfilling treaty with the Sacs and ! '
*
Foxes of Missouri, seven thousand eight , *
hundred and seventy dollars. j *
For fulfilling treaties with the Snrs and j t
Foxes of Mississippi, forty-eight thousand j >
five hundred and forty dollars. c
For fulfilling treaties with the Shaw, i
nees, seven thousand one hundred and
eighty dollars. <
For fulfilling treaties with the Senccas a
and Shawnees, two thousand and sixty (
dollars. I
For fulfilling treaties with the Seneca*, *
two thousand six hundred and sixty del- J
lars. t
For fulfilling treaties with tho Wyan- 1
lots, six thousand eight hundred and for- "
ty dollars. I.
For fulfilling treaty with tho Wcas, h
three thousand dollars. t
For fulfilling treaty with the WyanJots,
Munsees, and Datawares, one thou- i
land dollars.
For fulfilling treaties with (he Winnc- f
ingoes, ninHy-lwo thousand eight htm- v
1 red and sixty dollars. c
For fulfilling treaty with the Miamies ^
if twenty-eighth November, eighteen 11
inndred and forty, three hundred and c
ighty-lhree thousand seven hundred and
i > t ?? .ll?i ro I \|i
II \y uuiiui .-?
To enable the Secretary of War to (j
Toe u re lueduls to be distributed among 'l
the chiefs and leading men of the Indians, *>
two thousand five hundred dollars. c
To cover expenses incurred by the , n
commissioners in holding treaties with the i 1
Sac and Fox, Winnebago and Sioux Indi- j a
ans, over and above the sum of five thou- j e
sand dollais appropriated last year, and
to meet the expenses of further negotia- j t
lions with the two former tribes, viz. the 1
Sac and Fox, and Winnebagoes, six thou- '(
sand two hundred dollars. s
For this sum in addition to the appro-! P
priation per act of eighteen hundred and j P
thirty-five, for the expenses of treating j 1
with the Camanehesand other wild tribes i h
of the Western tribes, eight hundred and js
seventy.eight dollars and fifty-five cents: a
Provided, That no part of the money ap-1
propriated bv this act, shall be applied to I v
the payment of any salary or other com- j 8
pensation to, or on account of, nnv officer ! 1
or office, unless the same has been crca- 0
led by law or treaties, or is specifically K
provided lor in the appropriations in this w
act: Provided, further, That the com- H
mksioners appointed to negotiate treaties b
with the Indian tribes shall not be allowed j f1
more than ton cents per mile for travel- j 11
ling cn the most direct route to and from j ll
his residence to the place of making the j I
treaties, and eight dollars per day while | P
engaged in making said treaties. <1
Approved, July 17, 1842. fi
From the Rochester Daily Advertiser of Oct. 22. ti
IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE. ?<
Rochester, Oct. 14, 1842. ^
f[ox. John C. Spencer:
Sir?The friends of the Administration |
of President Tyler, in Western New York, j a
are very desirous to obtain, from some one j ?
capable and willing to give it, an expla- j a
nation of the course of iho Administra- j P
tion, and an exposition of its policy. They |
know of no one upon whom they could i C
call with so much confidence, as upon j d
one who has so long boon identified with i e
their interests and their sentiments, and fi
who has the means of furnishing the in- b
formation they desire. They also feel, [
from long association, a natural interest u
in your own position, which has been, as
wc conceive, misunderstood and misreprc- |
cnted. Learning that you are about to j ,
visit our state, we would respectfully in- j
1 . J \V
vito you to extend your journey to the
Western part of it, and then afford us the j w
opportunity of hearing the expositions wc : [1
lesire ; or should you be unable to afford
js the pleasure of a personal interview, wc
should he much gratified to receive a com- w
nunication from you on the subject rc- is
ferred to. ll
We arc, sir, your friends, III
LEWIS K. FAULKNER, fa
WILLIAM C. STORRS, {\
A. II. JONES, n<
ENOS STONE, J,'
LEWIS BIX BY,
W. A. WELLES,
Monroe Countv General Committee. ^
JOSEPH STRONG, w
JARED NEWELL, u
E. 15. WHEELER". w
Presiding officers of the late pub- 01
lie meeting in this city. '<
? tf
New York, October 19, 1812. pi
Gentlemen :?I hnve received your ft
inrntnunication of the 14th instant, invi- j);
ing me to extend my journey into Wcsem
New York?a region hallowed in my (|
iffections?to give an explanation of the j
:ourse of the administration and an expo- (
iition of its policy ; and to remove misapirchonsion
or misrepresentation in roftr. ncc
to my own position. When I coniider
the state of the public press, one 51
aortion of it employed in continual as- ^
laultsupon the President and many of the M
ncasurcs oi his administration, and the In
jlhcr portion rendering equivocal defence ol
>f some of those meusurrs only and con- hi
iemning others, I cannot he surprised sc
:hat you and your intelligent fellow citi- c,
ions should desire other sources nnu (j(
nenus of information to enable them to
form an impartial judgment. 0
1 am not aware of any rule of official
luty that forbids a compliance with your |j
equest, but on the contrary it seems to |.
ne congenial to the spirit of our institu- ,
[ions that those to wnom (he powers of n
government are entrusled should on all C(
proper occasions, and when it can he sl
ione without interference with official j in
obligations, he willing to give an account i ti
A the execution of their trust to those di
.vho usk it in the spirit of fair inquiry.?
\lthough it would give mo the greatest tc
pleasure to gratify you and myself by a 0(
jersonal visit, for the purpose indicated by ; }1;
,ou. yet my duties at the seat of Govern- I g(
ncnt forbid an absence so protracted as Q,
vould be required to perforin a journey of ,
;uch extent. 1 shall endeavor therefore |
o comply with the substance of your !
vislies, by a written instead of a personal !
loinmunicaiion ; which, I trust, wilibc'.
learly if not quite us acceptable. Ju
Trie policy of theadministialion isindi- e;
rated by the measures which the President m
idopted when the power rested with him, ?l
ir has recommended to Congress when i fa
egislatton was necessary. Its general < til
cope and aitn nave been, equal and exact ' aj
ustice to each and every portion and in- J h(
ercst of the whole country. He takes S(J
hese interests as he finds them, secured tj(
ind protected by the constitution and f
tiws, and his greatest pleasure consists in | .
lis greatest duty, to uphold and maintain | j
hat constitution us it was delivered to us ^
>y our fathers, and to execute those laws j
n their fair and full force and spirit.
The course of the administiation of j c
>residont Tyler cannot be understood ; as
rithout adverting to the history of its . cr
ornmencernent. By a dispensation of th
'rovidenco which plunged the whole na- ! te<
ion in grief, the individual who had been i in
hosen for the Vice Presidency succeeded i ti<
3 the Presidency. The disappointment di.?
'hich such an event would naturally pro. j \\
uce in the minds of the party who had !
xed their hopes and expectations un
mother, the derangement of schemes one
ombinaHons which had been formed foi
i difleront contingency; and it may be,
he want of that confidential intercourse
nd unreserved consultation with the lead,
rs of tho party which would necessarily
xpect with the anticipated Chief Magisrate,
placed tho Vice President in a most
rving situation. Not having been the
c5
racier during the contest, he could not he
aid to be tho acknowledged head of the
tarty that had attained power. That
iost was vacant. As I mean to abstain
rorn any mero partisan reductions, I forear
to enumerate the actual political con
equcnces or such a state of things. liiey
re doubtless familiar to you.
But the fact, that the actual President
/as without an organized party in Cor.
res?, was as extraordinary as it was now.
t was the first time in our history that an
pportunity had hcoa presented to test the
trength of our institutions, and ascertain
whether the country could be governed
imply by moans of the powers conferred
y the constitution and laws, or whether
he adventitious aid of a Presidential party
i Congress was necessary to carry on
he government successfully. President
"yler has been compelled to try that excriment.
The most portentous consc.
ucnces depend upon the result. If it
ail?, then, will it be deemed settled for
II future time, that whoever succeeds to
hq Presidency in any of the modes precribed
by the constitution, other than a
irect election by the people, must make
.'rms with one or other of tho parties in
Congress, and probably with that which
t the time has the majority. Thus Cori.
rcss will in fact govern the country, by
union of the Legislative and Executive
owers.
The system which was tried under the
Confederation, and was universally conemncd,
will he revived; and like powrs
will be exercised by Congress in a
>rrn the more dangerous, because it will
e indirect and irresponsible. I am sure
ireed not pursue the considerations
hich this topic suggests. Disorder and
narchv must follow the destruction of
J
ny one of the important balances and
hecks of the constitution ; and ns we
ouhl avoid the horrors which have elseherealtended
theabolilion of the Execuve
power, wc must endeavor to preserve
here, in the last citadel of freedom.
Such were the difficulties of his position
hen the President assumed the admin.
Iralion of the government. Reared at
je feet of Jefferson and of Madison in
10 strictest principles of Republican
lith, those principles had become a poron
of himself, and he could no more deart
from them than he could sever him.
;lf from his moral nature.
When selected as a candidate by the
arty thai elected him, no other pledge
as expected or asked, than such as his
hole public life afforded. The party
as cimiposcd of men of vnrioua creeds,
n many points but those profosing the
puldicanism of Jefferson are believed
) have constituted a very considerable
nrtion, if not a majority. When therc>re
he met tho representatives of this
arty in Congress, ho had a right to sup;sc
that an administration conducted
pon his well known principles would at
ast receive fair and just, if not ardent
ipport. He was soon called to bring
lose principles into action. Among
icm,and one of the most cherished, was
denial of the constitutional power of
ongrcssto incorporate a national hank,
le admitted its authority as a local legisture
to establish a hank in the D.strict
f Columbia, and he conceded that such
ink would possess the same authority to
;nd agencies and branches into the sevral
states, which the Supreme Court had
ecided appertained to a state institution ;
mt is, with the assent express or implied
f those states. This view was distinctly
resented in the bill submitted by the
mn Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Ew.
'* ?? f 1%? rnntinc t i.f tho Senate, was
at 111<j ibtjuvu* v. ,
ir.intuined by the President in all his
onimunications, and particularly and
iccially noted l>y him on an amendicnt
to a hill submitted to his consideraon
by a member of Congress during the
iscussion of the matter.
I do not deem the occasion a fit one
(enter into an examination of the varies
statements and controversies that
ive arisen on this subject. The forening
explantion of the immediate oclsion
of the open outbreak which ensued
:tween the President and the greater
)rt;on of the Representatives in Con'essofthe
party that elected him, is
;emed sufficient. Rut I should do instice
to my own feelings, if I did not
(press the deep eonviction produced in
y mind from a thorough investigation
' the subject, and from having become
miliar with the statements of all parties,
at there was much of mistake and niis>prehension
between those who were
mostly willing to understand each other,
me of accidental, and more of intenaiial
misrepresentation of the language i
the President in the various convcrsa-1
Dii.s lifrld withliim ; and that throughout
; manifested a sincere, honest and steadI
st adherence to the great constitutional;
jection which he had for years, repeat- j
Sly, tn public and in private, announced
a fundamental article of his political1
ctd. Nor can I permit myself to doubt, J
at if similar frankness had been cxhibi- J
d by others, if a spirit of peace and barony
had prevailed, and if a small porm
of the liberality and forbearanco for
sscnting views and opinions, which the
higs claimed as the attribute of the
rty, Intel been exercised toward the
i
I President, the violent scones we havo
' witnessed and which have scandalized
i free government, would not have occurr^d
; and the relations between the Presi- !
! d.;nt and the Representatives who had
i been elected on the sntne ticket with him,
would have been such as to produce a
peaceful, vigorous and successful administration
of the government, and accomplish
ail that the interests of the country ;
j required.
In proof ol the absence of nil selfish, J
interested or ambitious motives on the I
part of the President, in tiie course which j
! his convictions of duty prompted, I may j
1 now advert to a fact long known to tnc, j
which has promulgated in the newspapers j
' j of the day, vouched for by at least one |
Whig editor, stated by a representative !
: in Congress from Massachusetts in a J
" J
j speech lately delivered at Newburyporf,
I ujion authority, and hitherto not denied,
j That fact is, that previous to returning
I the second bank bill to Congress with his
objections, in full view of the assaults to
he made upon him, and with the purpose
! of removing .ill cause of agitation, as
IO O '
well as to secure himself against unjust
imputations, tho President suhmittedjto
his then Cabinet, whether he should, in
the message then about to be transmitted
(o Congress, announce a resolution to re.
lire from public life at the expiration of
the existing term?and that against his
doing so, all the members of the Cabinet
then present pretested, on the ground that
, such an annunciation would not have the
i effect to produce peace or quiet, but !
j would only change the direction of fac- J
! tion?that no one had a right to expect ,
< such a step from him, as he had not been [
! elected President, and no obligation exis.
; toil that should interpose any barrier be
' I> ?V> <* %'! r% /A i f IwV riAA
j IWCVJH 11111 ft tlliu U UliCV/l ? Ukv; ?i| mv; |jgv?
j p!cIn
connection, and yet in contrast with
the preceding, is another fact of an extraordinary
character, which though known
by many, has lately been distinctly pro- ;
mitigated. It is shadowed in a letter of
' Mr. Living's, in the statement by him of
a proposition having been made to the Pre1
sident, that the majority who had passed
! the lirst bank bill would consent to post.
; pone the second to the next session of
Congress, if they could receive assurances
that in the meantime no hostile movement
would bo made on the part of the
President. Tho full moaning of this
statement has now been developed by the
j dcc'aration of a member of Congress, that
;a message was carried from the Whig
leaders in Congress to the President, to
the elFect that if he would engage not to
disturb any members of his then Cabinet
in the enjoyment of their offices, the second
hank bill should be postponed. The
j answer to such a proposition may be easiI
iy conceived. The efleet of that proposij
lion was to prove the identity of the memi
oers of the Cabinet whose places were
j deemed in jeopardy with the hostile mem1
hers of Congress, and if the design was to
O ' O
j precipitate matters, it was most effectual.
You will require no aid to determine
which of the actors in these scenes exhibited
a lofty disinterested patriotism, and
which evinced any tenacity for place or
desire for power. These facts arc full cf
instruction, and furnish a key to many
mysterious tra sections.
After the outbreak referred to, the President
remodelled his Cabinet, and from
tiiat tune his administration may bo said
to have commenced. It began and has
been continued thus far without the support
of any party acknowledging him as
its political chief, or hound to him by
those political associations, which under
every preceding administration had enahied
the Executive to look at least for favorable
predispositions in a largo portion
of the members of Congress to sustain his
measures. The same course of events
which deprived hitn of this usual and ac,
customed aid of an administration, also
liberated him from those mere party ini
fluonces and party obligations which be!
come reciprocal from party service. He
' was at full liberty to consult the interests
! of the whole people, of the great masses,
| without reference to the extreme views ol
J the ingots of any party. And ho deter
tinned to do so. An examination of the >
measures adopted by him and of those recommended
to Congress, will show how
far he has succeeded. He pursued the
even tenor of his way amid the conflicts
of contending parties, adhering scrupulously
to the principles that he had always
avowed, so far as they were applicable to
the questions that presented themselves.
The annual message at the opening of
the last session of Congress, and the tnes)
sages during that se-is.on, furnish a chart
of the measures of the administration,
and enable us to discern the policy of the
J President from the most authentic and
j unquestionable sources. An enumeration
of these measures and the fate of the rej
commendations by which they were urged ;
: upon the attention of Congress, will ena-1
! hie you to perceive how far that policy j
has been earned out, where it tailed, and ,
the cause of such failure. * (
1st. The first point to which thePresi. i
dent called the intention of Congress in <
tiie annual message, was the danger to j i
which the country was exposed, by the | 1
want of suitable provisions in our judicial j 1
code to enable this general government to i 1
perform the duties with which it is char, j j
gcd of m aintaining peace and preserving j .
amicable relations with ail tho nations ot j
the earth, and tie suggested the propriety , (
of providing by law for tho removal from ; ^
the State court to the fodcrnl jucicinrr cf; t
I
decided langungc, nnd declared that it
must he resisted. This claim in effect is
withdrawn by the British Government,
and her Envoy has precluded her from
renewing it, by the stipulation in the pub*
lished treaty for the employment of vc?sels
on the coast of Africa, by the two
countries separately and independently,
to act under the instructions of their re*
spcctivo Governments for the enforce*
mcnt of their respective municipal laws
only. The very omission of any recog.
nition of an authority to visit the vessels
of the one country by the officers of tho
other, is in itself an exclusion of all such
authority, and leaves the matter precisely
where the President had placed it?a to.
tal, absolute and unqualified denial of any
such claim. The insertion of such a denial
in the treaty would have been absurd.
Treaties contain the affirmative stipulations
of parties, not the negations or
protests of either. By refusing any allusion
to the claim, we deny on our part
that it becomes a subject of compact, re*
serving to ourselves the vindication of
our rights (of which fair nnd explicit notice
has been given) whenever they shall
ho assailed. Thus has a pretension
which threatened tho renewal of a practice
that had brought oti one war, been
abnndoned, and the sanctity of our nntionnl
flag sccured:?at the same time the most
effectual means have bben provided
for the utter destruction of the accursed
i +** A*%
II (4UC|
4th. Upon that most difficult and perplexing
topic, a tariff of duties on imports,
the language of the message defines witfv
great accuracy, clearness and precision,* "
the true principles of protection consis.
tent with revenue; after npeaking of the
repugnance of the people to the imposition
of burdens not really necessary to
the support of Government, the President
says :?"In imposing duties, however, for
the purposes of revenue, a right to discriminate
as to the articles on which the
duty shall he laid, as well as the amount,
necessarily and most properly exists."?
After showing that the imposition of duties
indiscriminately on all articles would
defeat the very purpose of obtaining a
revenue, he remarks :?" So also the Government
may be justified in so discriminating,
by reference to other considerations
of domestic policy connected with
our manufactures. So long as the duties
shall be laid with distinct reference to
the wants of the Treasury, no well founded
objection can exist against them,"
and he concludes the remarks on that subject
by urging tho importance of certainty
and permanence in the system which
should l>c adopted.
It is believed that no just man who regards
the various interest of the whole
country, who would not compel that por"
11 ? L-k !? ? nn
tion ot our lotiow citizen* wuu u<>.? ...
manufactures lo pay taxes for the support
of those who have them, without/
any equivalent, and who yet would protect
American industry from foreignchesp
labor in those articles which are essential
to us in peace and in war, and for whichp
wc ought to be dependant on any other
nation, it is believed that no just man who j
will take such an enlarged and patriotic j
view of the subject will hesitate to approve
the principles promulgated in the message* j
? While they arc adverse to prohibitory ]
duties on the one hand, they provide ftff 1
abundant incidental protection on thi I
other. They are those, and those onlj l
ihat will secure harmoHy as well as ju1 I
tice in the adjustment of a matter invol' I
ing so many and such various conflict!/ I
interests, and produce that pcrmanen I
which in this country can be attained on I
jy the general ncquiesceocc"bQhe peop I
n the equity and honesty af nnyS^aieu 1
Ind if the liberality no unusuaON^j I
ivinced by n statesman coming from tilt B
>urt!on of our Union which has no mnnu :*
acturcs, b?reciprocatedand met in th< I
, 1
1
. ]
i V
I nil such causes as might involve the fait^i
fui observance and execution of out inter*
I national obligations. Such a law was
(mssed, and hereafter the relations of
peace and war with other nations will
not be dependent on any other tribunals
than those created by the constitution for
the decision of all cases arising under itf
or under the laws made in pursuance o it.
And thus has been removed a prolific
source of disquiet lietwcen the states and
* i A
the general government, una 01 nazaru
to the peace of the nation.
2d. The next matter referred to in the
message was the affair of the Caroline,
which the President reprobated in terma
becoming the chief magistrate of a free
people; and he insisted that an atonement
should be made for the invasion of
our territory, and a renunciation by the
British Government of the precedent as ft
rule of future action. Without giving or
claiming for the published correspondence
between the Secretary of State and Lord
Ashburton any other authenticity than
what may be inferred from the fact that
its correctness has not been denied, I conceivc
it proper in me to allude to it, as it
is for other citizens to canvass it. By reference
to that correspondence, you wilt
perceive that after a delay of four years,
what the President insisted was due us has
been amply rendered, and that in this matter
the honor of the country has been
vindicated.
3d. Another point in our foreign relations,
which the message brought to the
attention of Congress and the people,
was the claim of the British Government
to visit and detain vessels sailing under
the American flag, for the purpose of executing
their laws and treaties in rotation
to the slave trade. Against this claim -i
the President remonstrated in firm and