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act authorizing a loan not exceeding the sum of twelve million1'of dollars," approved July twentyfirst, eighteen hundred and forty-one, for obtaining said lo.tn, shall be, and the same is hereby, extended for one year from the passage of this act. Ssc. 2. And be it further enacted, That so j mu'-h of said loan as may be obtained after the j passage of this act shall be made reimbursable, ' as shall be agreed upon and determined at the! time ol issuing said Btock, either at the will of the j Secretary of the Treasury, a'tcrsix months' notice, , or at any time not exceeding twenty years from -the first dav of Januarv next. > Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the . certificates hereafter t<? be issued lor said loan ; may, when required, be in such lorm as shall be prescribed bv the Secretary of the Treasury so that the stock niav be transferable by delivery of the i certificate, instead of being assignable on the books , of the Treasury. Sec. 4. And be it further end 'ted, That the | Secretary of the Treasury be, and he hereby is, ; authorized to dispose of the stock hereafter to be ! issued, or any part thereof, at its par value, but no part thereof shall be disposed of under par until the same has been advertised a reasonable time, and proposals for subscription to said loan invited. And the said Secretary i3 hereby authorized to accept such proposals, if he deem it for the interest . c.f the United States so to do, as shall offer the! highest price for said stock or any part thereof; or , to appoint an agent or agents as provided in the third section of the act approved July twenty-first eighteen hundred and forty-onc, before recited, to negotiate the same: Provided, That no stock shall be disposed of at a lower rate than the highest price offered in said proposals. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the moneys arising from duties on goods, wares, and merchandise which may be imported into the United States, or so much thereof as shall be equal to the payment, from time to time, of the interest, and to the ultimate redemption of the principal of the said stock, be, and the same arc hereby, pledged for the payment and redemption of the stock hereafter to be issued under and by virtue of this act and the said act of July twenty-first, eighteen hundred and forty-one, hereby amended ; and so much thereof as may be necessary to pay the in * redeem the snme when H'll dl UU cam okvvH) ? - due, is hereby appropriated to that object, to he first applied by the Secretary of the Treasury to such payments and redemption. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted. That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury . to report to Congress, at the commencement of the next session, tho amount of money borrowed under j this act and the act hereby amended, and of whom i and upon what terms it shall have been obtained, : with an abstract or brief statement of all the pro- ' posals submitted for the same, distinguishing between those accepted and those rejected; and a detailed statement of tho expense of making sueh loans. Sec. 7. And be it further enaeied, That all the provisions of the said act, not hereby modified or changed, shall be and remain in force, and apply to this act. j i Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States is hereby authorized i to borrow an additional sum, not exceeding the urn of five millions of dollars, if, in his opinion the oxigences of the Government may require the j same ; which additional loan shall be made within the time and uccording to the provisions of said - j-fi .j l.. j , act, as moumcu u> uur. . , Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all i Treasury notes heretofore issued under the act entitled 44 An act to authorize the issuing of | Treasury notes," approved the twelfth day of Oc. ( tober, eighteen hundred and thirty-seven, and the j acts subsequent thereto, and now outstanding and | unredeemed, or which may hereafter be issued under and by virtue of the sumo, shall, if due and | unpaid before the fifth day of March, eighteen ( hundred and forty-two, bear interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum from that day ; and when , j they may become due hereafter, or may have be- ; come due since the said fifth day of March, eigh- i teen huudrcd and forty-two, shall bear interest from the day of their so becoming due, at the rate of six per cent, per annum, until they shall be respectively redeemed : Provided, That such interest shall cease at the expiration of sixty days notice, to be given at any time, by the Secretary of the Treasury in one or more of the principal papers published at the 6cat of Govemmont, of a readiness to redeem the same. And the 6aid intercet shall be payable semi-annually at the Treasury of the United States, on the first days of January and July in every year. Approved, April loth, 1612. [IYbljc?No. 26.; AN ACT making appropriations for the r a L ^ current and contingent expenses 01 ino Indian Department, and for fulfilling treaty stipulations with the various Indian tribes, for the year ono thousand eight hundred and forty.two. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of! America in Congress assembled, That the ' following sums be, ani they are hereby, appropriated, for the year ono thousand eight hundred and forty-two, for the pur- I pose of paying the current expenses of, the Indian department, fulfilling treaty stipulations with the various Indian tribes, and contingent expenses, to he paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. Tor the current and contingent expences of the Indian department, viz : For the pay of the superintendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis, and the seve- 1 rai Indian agents, as provided by the acts of June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and thirty-four, und of March third, eighteen hundred and thirty-seven, sixteen thousand five hundred dollars. < For iho pay of sub-agents authorized bv ' the act of June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and thirty-four, thirteen thousand dol-! 1 jars. F??r the pay of interpreters, as author- < ? izocj by tbe same net, cutuu mwuzuuu ~ three hundred dollar1'. For the salary of one clerk in the office f cf the superintendent of Indian .iffairs i south of the Missouri l iver, one thousand dollars. c For the salary of two clerks, in the office I of the (commissioner of Indian affairs, c employed in the business of grants and I reservations under Indian treaties, one thousand five hundred dollars. f !! EBBESBSSSS5BB^EEESHBSS^H """ For the purchase of provisions for Indinr.s, nt the distribution of annuities, while on visits of business with the superintendents nnd agents, and when assembled on public business, eleven thousand eight hundred dollars. For the necessary buildings required ; at the several agencies, and repairs there- j of, two thousand dollars. For postages, rents, stationery, fuel for I offices, and other contingencies of the Indian department, and tor transportation and incidental expenses, thirty.six thousand live hundred dollars. For carrying into effect the stipulations of certain Indian treaties, and the laws connected therewith, viz : For fulfilling treaty with tho Christian '- i: i ,I?iiopo 1 IIUIU IJ9? ll'Ui f 1 U IJUI uuiiuioi , For fulfilling treaties with the Chippe- j was of the Mississippi, thirty, five thousand ' dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Chippewas of Saganaw, five thousand eight hundred dollars. For fulfilling treaty with the Chippewa s, M cnemonics, VYinnebagocs, and New York Indians, one thousand five hundred dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Chippewas; Ottawas, nnd Pottawatornies, thirtythreo thousand eight hundred and ninety dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Choctaws. forty-nine thousand four hundred and fifty dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Creeks, sixty-three thousund nine hundred nnd j forty dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Chickasaw*, six thousand dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Cherokee?, five thousand six hundred and forty j dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Delawares, ten thousand three hundred and forty four dollais. For fulfilling treaties with the Florida Indians, six thousand six hundred and ten dollars. For fulfilling treaty with the Iowns, seven thousand eight hundred and seventy-five dollars. For fulfilling treaty with the Kickapoos, five thousand five hundred dollars. . For fulfilling treaty with the Kaskas- 1 kias and Pcerias, three thousand dollars. For fulfilling treaty with the Kanzas, six thousand and forty dollars. < For fulfilling treaties with tho Miamies, < fifty-1 wo thousand three hundred undnine- \ tv-eight doll irs. ? For fulfilling treaties with tho Eel Ri- 1 vers, (Miamies,) one thousand one hun- l dred dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Mono- 1 monies, thirty-one thousand eight hun- | dred and thirty dollars. For fulfilling treaties with theOmahns, | one thousand four hundred and forty doi- j * lars. For fulfilling treatiei with the Ottowas and Chippewus, sixty-two tuousand three hundred and sixly-five dollars. For Fulfilling treaties with tho Otoes and Missourins, live thousand six hundred and forty-dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Osagf9, ihirtv-four thousand four hundred and six dollars. For fulfilling treaties with the Oltawns, c four thousand three hundred dollars. t For fulfilling treaties with the Potta- t watomies, fifteen thousand two hundred :r dollars. c For fulfilling treaty with the Pottnwa- s loinies of Huron, four hundred dollars. j| For fulfilling treaty with tho Pottnwa- jt tomies of the Prairie, fifteen thousand ' t four hundred dollars. j j For fulfilling treaty with tho Pottawa- js tomies of tho Wabash, twenty thousand j i dollars. j ( For fulfilling treaty with the Pottawa- 11 tomies of Indiana, seventeen thousand j < dollars. j I For fulfilling treaties with the Piankc- :; shaws, eight hunarccj uoiiars. j For fulfilling treaty with the Pawnees, ' 1 nine thousand six hundred dollars. For fulfilling treaty with the Qua paws, j < four thousand six hundred and sixty d? I i i lars. I 1 For fulfilling treaty with the Six Na- l lions of New York, four thousand five t hundred dollars. j For fulfilling treaty with the Senccas < of New York, six thousand dollars. < For fulfilling treaties with the Sioux, of < the Mississippi, forty thousand fivu hun- 1 dred and ten dollars. For fulfilling treaty with the Yancton If and Santio Sioux, one thousand three : 1 hundred and forty dollars. IJ For fulfilling treaty with the Sacs and ! ' * Foxes of Missouri, seven thousand eight , * hundred and seventy dollars. j * For fulfilling treaties with the Snrs and j t Foxes of Mississippi, forty-eight thousand j > five hundred and forty dollars. c For fulfilling treaties with the Shaw, i nees, seven thousand one hundred and eighty dollars. < For fulfilling treaties with the Senccas a and Shawnees, two thousand and sixty ( dollars. I For fulfilling treaties with the Seneca*, * two thousand six hundred and sixty del- J lars. t For fulfilling treaties with tho Wyan- 1 lots, six thousand eight hundred and for- " ty dollars. I. For fulfilling treaty with tho Wcas, h three thousand dollars. t For fulfilling treaty with the WyanJots, Munsees, and Datawares, one thou- i land dollars. For fulfilling treaties with (he Winnc- f ingoes, ninHy-lwo thousand eight htm- v 1 red and sixty dollars. c For fulfilling treaty with the Miamies ^ if twenty-eighth November, eighteen 11 inndred and forty, three hundred and c ighty-lhree thousand seven hundred and i > t ?? .ll?i ro I \|i II \y uuiiui .-? To enable the Secretary of War to (j Toe u re lueduls to be distributed among 'l the chiefs and leading men of the Indians, *> two thousand five hundred dollars. c To cover expenses incurred by the , n commissioners in holding treaties with the i 1 Sac and Fox, Winnebago and Sioux Indi- j a ans, over and above the sum of five thou- j e sand dollais appropriated last year, and to meet the expenses of further negotia- j t lions with the two former tribes, viz. the 1 Sac and Fox, and Winnebagoes, six thou- '( sand two hundred dollars. s For this sum in addition to the appro-! P priation per act of eighteen hundred and j P thirty-five, for the expenses of treating j 1 with the Camanehesand other wild tribes i h of the Western tribes, eight hundred and js seventy.eight dollars and fifty-five cents: a Provided, That no part of the money ap-1 propriated bv this act, shall be applied to I v the payment of any salary or other com- j 8 pensation to, or on account of, nnv officer ! 1 or office, unless the same has been crca- 0 led by law or treaties, or is specifically K provided lor in the appropriations in this w act: Provided, further, That the com- H mksioners appointed to negotiate treaties b with the Indian tribes shall not be allowed j f1 more than ton cents per mile for travel- j 11 ling cn the most direct route to and from j ll his residence to the place of making the j I treaties, and eight dollars per day while | P engaged in making said treaties. <1 Approved, July 17, 1842. fi From the Rochester Daily Advertiser of Oct. 22. ti IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE. ?< Rochester, Oct. 14, 1842. ^ f[ox. John C. Spencer: Sir?The friends of the Administration | of President Tyler, in Western New York, j a are very desirous to obtain, from some one j ? capable and willing to give it, an expla- j a nation of the course of iho Administra- j P tion, and an exposition of its policy. They | know of no one upon whom they could i C call with so much confidence, as upon j d one who has so long boon identified with i e their interests and their sentiments, and fi who has the means of furnishing the in- b formation they desire. They also feel, [ from long association, a natural interest u in your own position, which has been, as wc conceive, misunderstood and misreprc- | cnted. Learning that you are about to j , visit our state, we would respectfully in- j 1 . J \V vito you to extend your journey to the Western part of it, and then afford us the j w opportunity of hearing the expositions wc : [1 lesire ; or should you be unable to afford js the pleasure of a personal interview, wc should he much gratified to receive a com- w nunication from you on the subject rc- is ferred to. ll We arc, sir, your friends, III LEWIS K. FAULKNER, fa WILLIAM C. STORRS, {\ A. II. JONES, n< ENOS STONE, J,' LEWIS BIX BY, W. A. WELLES, Monroe Countv General Committee. ^ JOSEPH STRONG, w JARED NEWELL, u E. 15. WHEELER". w Presiding officers of the late pub- 01 lie meeting in this city. '< ? tf New York, October 19, 1812. pi Gentlemen :?I hnve received your ft inrntnunication of the 14th instant, invi- j); ing me to extend my journey into Wcsem New York?a region hallowed in my (| iffections?to give an explanation of the j :ourse of the administration and an expo- ( iition of its policy ; and to remove misapirchonsion or misrepresentation in roftr. ncc to my own position. When I coniider the state of the public press, one 51 aortion of it employed in continual as- ^ laultsupon the President and many of the M ncasurcs oi his administration, and the In jlhcr portion rendering equivocal defence ol >f some of those meusurrs only and con- hi iemning others, I cannot he surprised sc :hat you and your intelligent fellow citi- c, ions should desire other sources nnu (j( nenus of information to enable them to form an impartial judgment. 0 1 am not aware of any rule of official luty that forbids a compliance with your |j equest, but on the contrary it seems to |. ne congenial to the spirit of our institu- , [ions that those to wnom (he powers of n government are entrusled should on all C( proper occasions, and when it can he sl ione without interference with official j in obligations, he willing to give an account i ti A the execution of their trust to those di .vho usk it in the spirit of fair inquiry.? \lthough it would give mo the greatest tc pleasure to gratify you and myself by a 0( jersonal visit, for the purpose indicated by ; }1; ,ou. yet my duties at the seat of Govern- I g( ncnt forbid an absence so protracted as Q, vould be required to perforin a journey of , ;uch extent. 1 shall endeavor therefore | o comply with the substance of your ! vislies, by a written instead of a personal ! loinmunicaiion ; which, I trust, wilibc'. learly if not quite us acceptable. Ju Trie policy of theadministialion isindi- e; rated by the measures which the President m idopted when the power rested with him, ?l ir has recommended to Congress when i fa egislatton was necessary. Its general < til cope and aitn nave been, equal and exact ' aj ustice to each and every portion and in- J h( ercst of the whole country. He takes S(J hese interests as he finds them, secured tj( ind protected by the constitution and f tiws, and his greatest pleasure consists in | . lis greatest duty, to uphold and maintain | j hat constitution us it was delivered to us ^ >y our fathers, and to execute those laws j n their fair and full force and spirit. The course of the administiation of j c >residont Tyler cannot be understood ; as rithout adverting to the history of its . cr ornmencernent. By a dispensation of th 'rovidenco which plunged the whole na- ! te< ion in grief, the individual who had been i in hosen for the Vice Presidency succeeded i ti< 3 the Presidency. The disappointment di.? 'hich such an event would naturally pro. j \\ uce in the minds of the party who had ! xed their hopes and expectations un mother, the derangement of schemes one ombinaHons which had been formed foi i difleront contingency; and it may be, he want of that confidential intercourse nd unreserved consultation with the lead, rs of tho party which would necessarily xpect with the anticipated Chief Magisrate, placed tho Vice President in a most rving situation. Not having been the c5 racier during the contest, he could not he aid to be tho acknowledged head of the tarty that had attained power. That iost was vacant. As I mean to abstain rorn any mero partisan reductions, I forear to enumerate the actual political con equcnces or such a state of things. liiey re doubtless familiar to you. But the fact, that the actual President /as without an organized party in Cor. res?, was as extraordinary as it was now. t was the first time in our history that an pportunity had hcoa presented to test the trength of our institutions, and ascertain whether the country could be governed imply by moans of the powers conferred y the constitution and laws, or whether he adventitious aid of a Presidential party i Congress was necessary to carry on he government successfully. President "yler has been compelled to try that excriment. The most portentous consc. ucnces depend upon the result. If it ail?, then, will it be deemed settled for II future time, that whoever succeeds to hq Presidency in any of the modes precribed by the constitution, other than a irect election by the people, must make .'rms with one or other of tho parties in Congress, and probably with that which t the time has the majority. Thus Cori. rcss will in fact govern the country, by union of the Legislative and Executive owers. The system which was tried under the Confederation, and was universally conemncd, will he revived; and like powrs will be exercised by Congress in a >rrn the more dangerous, because it will e indirect and irresponsible. I am sure ireed not pursue the considerations hich this topic suggests. Disorder and narchv must follow the destruction of J ny one of the important balances and hecks of the constitution ; and ns we ouhl avoid the horrors which have elseherealtended theabolilion of the Execuve power, wc must endeavor to preserve here, in the last citadel of freedom. Such were the difficulties of his position hen the President assumed the admin. Iralion of the government. Reared at je feet of Jefferson and of Madison in 10 strictest principles of Republican lith, those principles had become a poron of himself, and he could no more deart from them than he could sever him. ;lf from his moral nature. When selected as a candidate by the arty thai elected him, no other pledge as expected or asked, than such as his hole public life afforded. The party as cimiposcd of men of vnrioua creeds, n many points but those profosing the puldicanism of Jefferson are believed ) have constituted a very considerable nrtion, if not a majority. When therc>re he met tho representatives of this arty in Congress, ho had a right to sup;sc that an administration conducted pon his well known principles would at ast receive fair and just, if not ardent ipport. He was soon called to bring lose principles into action. Among icm,and one of the most cherished, was denial of the constitutional power of ongrcssto incorporate a national hank, le admitted its authority as a local legisture to establish a hank in the D.strict f Columbia, and he conceded that such ink would possess the same authority to ;nd agencies and branches into the sevral states, which the Supreme Court had ecided appertained to a state institution ; mt is, with the assent express or implied f those states. This view was distinctly resented in the bill submitted by the mn Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Ew. '* ?? f 1%? rnntinc t i.f tho Senate, was at 111<j ibtjuvu* v. , ir.intuined by the President in all his onimunications, and particularly and iccially noted l>y him on an amendicnt to a hill submitted to his consideraon by a member of Congress during the iscussion of the matter. I do not deem the occasion a fit one (enter into an examination of the varies statements and controversies that ive arisen on this subject. The forening explantion of the immediate oclsion of the open outbreak which ensued :tween the President and the greater )rt;on of the Representatives in Con'essofthe party that elected him, is ;emed sufficient. Rut I should do instice to my own feelings, if I did not (press the deep eonviction produced in y mind from a thorough investigation ' the subject, and from having become miliar with the statements of all parties, at there was much of mistake and niis>prehension between those who were mostly willing to understand each other, me of accidental, and more of intenaiial misrepresentation of the language i the President in the various convcrsa-1 Dii.s lifrld withliim ; and that throughout ; manifested a sincere, honest and steadI st adherence to the great constitutional; jection which he had for years, repeat- j Sly, tn public and in private, announced a fundamental article of his political1 ctd. Nor can I permit myself to doubt, J at if similar frankness had been cxhibi- J d by others, if a spirit of peace and barony had prevailed, and if a small porm of the liberality and forbearanco for sscnting views and opinions, which the higs claimed as the attribute of the rty, Intel been exercised toward the i I President, the violent scones we havo ' witnessed and which have scandalized i free government, would not have occurr^d ; and the relations between the Presi- ! ! d.;nt and the Representatives who had i been elected on the sntne ticket with him, would have been such as to produce a peaceful, vigorous and successful administration of the government, and accomplish ail that the interests of the country ; j required. In proof ol the absence of nil selfish, J interested or ambitious motives on the I part of the President, in tiie course which j ! his convictions of duty prompted, I may j 1 now advert to a fact long known to tnc, j which has promulgated in the newspapers j ' j of the day, vouched for by at least one | Whig editor, stated by a representative ! : in Congress from Massachusetts in a J " J j speech lately delivered at Newburyporf, I ujion authority, and hitherto not denied, j That fact is, that previous to returning I the second bank bill to Congress with his objections, in full view of the assaults to he made upon him, and with the purpose ! of removing .ill cause of agitation, as IO O ' well as to secure himself against unjust imputations, tho President suhmittedjto his then Cabinet, whether he should, in the message then about to be transmitted (o Congress, announce a resolution to re. lire from public life at the expiration of the existing term?and that against his doing so, all the members of the Cabinet then present pretested, on the ground that , such an annunciation would not have the i effect to produce peace or quiet, but ! j would only change the direction of fac- J ! tion?that no one had a right to expect , < such a step from him, as he had not been [ ! elected President, and no obligation exis. ; toil that should interpose any barrier be ' I> ?V> <* %'! r% /A i f IwV riAA j IWCVJH 11111 ft tlliu U UliCV/l ? Ukv; ?i| mv; |jgv? j p!cIn connection, and yet in contrast with the preceding, is another fact of an extraordinary character, which though known by many, has lately been distinctly pro- ; mitigated. It is shadowed in a letter of ' Mr. Living's, in the statement by him of a proposition having been made to the Pre1 sident, that the majority who had passed ! the lirst bank bill would consent to post. ; pone the second to the next session of Congress, if they could receive assurances that in the meantime no hostile movement would bo made on the part of the President. Tho full moaning of this statement has now been developed by the j dcc'aration of a member of Congress, that ;a message was carried from the Whig leaders in Congress to the President, to the elFect that if he would engage not to disturb any members of his then Cabinet in the enjoyment of their offices, the second hank bill should be postponed. The j answer to such a proposition may be easiI iy conceived. The efleet of that proposij lion was to prove the identity of the memi oers of the Cabinet whose places were j deemed in jeopardy with the hostile mem1 hers of Congress, and if the design was to O ' O j precipitate matters, it was most effectual. You will require no aid to determine which of the actors in these scenes exhibited a lofty disinterested patriotism, and which evinced any tenacity for place or desire for power. These facts arc full cf instruction, and furnish a key to many mysterious tra sections. After the outbreak referred to, the President remodelled his Cabinet, and from tiiat tune his administration may bo said to have commenced. It began and has been continued thus far without the support of any party acknowledging him as its political chief, or hound to him by those political associations, which under every preceding administration had enahied the Executive to look at least for favorable predispositions in a largo portion of the members of Congress to sustain his measures. The same course of events which deprived hitn of this usual and ac, customed aid of an administration, also liberated him from those mere party ini fluonces and party obligations which be! come reciprocal from party service. He ' was at full liberty to consult the interests ! of the whole people, of the great masses, | without reference to the extreme views ol J the ingots of any party. And ho deter tinned to do so. An examination of the > measures adopted by him and of those recommended to Congress, will show how far he has succeeded. He pursued the even tenor of his way amid the conflicts of contending parties, adhering scrupulously to the principles that he had always avowed, so far as they were applicable to the questions that presented themselves. The annual message at the opening of the last session of Congress, and the tnes) sages during that se-is.on, furnish a chart of the measures of the administration, and enable us to discern the policy of the J President from the most authentic and j unquestionable sources. An enumeration of these measures and the fate of the rej commendations by which they were urged ; : upon the attention of Congress, will ena-1 ! hie you to perceive how far that policy j has been earned out, where it tailed, and , the cause of such failure. * ( 1st. The first point to which thePresi. i dent called the intention of Congress in < tiie annual message, was the danger to j i which the country was exposed, by the | 1 want of suitable provisions in our judicial j 1 code to enable this general government to i 1 perform the duties with which it is char, j j gcd of m aintaining peace and preserving j . amicable relations with ail tho nations ot j the earth, and tie suggested the propriety , ( of providing by law for tho removal from ; ^ the State court to the fodcrnl jucicinrr cf; t I decided langungc, nnd declared that it must he resisted. This claim in effect is withdrawn by the British Government, and her Envoy has precluded her from renewing it, by the stipulation in the pub* lished treaty for the employment of vc?sels on the coast of Africa, by the two countries separately and independently, to act under the instructions of their re* spcctivo Governments for the enforce* mcnt of their respective municipal laws only. The very omission of any recog. nition of an authority to visit the vessels of the one country by the officers of tho other, is in itself an exclusion of all such authority, and leaves the matter precisely where the President had placed it?a to. tal, absolute and unqualified denial of any such claim. The insertion of such a denial in the treaty would have been absurd. Treaties contain the affirmative stipulations of parties, not the negations or protests of either. By refusing any allusion to the claim, we deny on our part that it becomes a subject of compact, re* serving to ourselves the vindication of our rights (of which fair nnd explicit notice has been given) whenever they shall ho assailed. Thus has a pretension which threatened tho renewal of a practice that had brought oti one war, been abnndoned, and the sanctity of our nntionnl flag sccured:?at the same time the most effectual means have bben provided for the utter destruction of the accursed i +** A*% II (4UC| 4th. Upon that most difficult and perplexing topic, a tariff of duties on imports, the language of the message defines witfv great accuracy, clearness and precision,* " the true principles of protection consis. tent with revenue; after npeaking of the repugnance of the people to the imposition of burdens not really necessary to the support of Government, the President says :?"In imposing duties, however, for the purposes of revenue, a right to discriminate as to the articles on which the duty shall he laid, as well as the amount, necessarily and most properly exists."? After showing that the imposition of duties indiscriminately on all articles would defeat the very purpose of obtaining a revenue, he remarks :?" So also the Government may be justified in so discriminating, by reference to other considerations of domestic policy connected with our manufactures. So long as the duties shall be laid with distinct reference to the wants of the Treasury, no well founded objection can exist against them," and he concludes the remarks on that subject by urging tho importance of certainty and permanence in the system which should l>c adopted. It is believed that no just man who regards the various interest of the whole country, who would not compel that por" 11 ? L-k !? ? nn tion ot our lotiow citizen* wuu u<>.? ... manufactures lo pay taxes for the support of those who have them, without/ any equivalent, and who yet would protect American industry from foreignchesp labor in those articles which are essential to us in peace and in war, and for whichp wc ought to be dependant on any other nation, it is believed that no just man who j will take such an enlarged and patriotic j view of the subject will hesitate to approve the principles promulgated in the message* j ? While they arc adverse to prohibitory ] duties on the one hand, they provide ftff 1 abundant incidental protection on thi I other. They are those, and those onlj l ihat will secure harmoHy as well as ju1 I tice in the adjustment of a matter invol' I ing so many and such various conflict!/ I interests, and produce that pcrmanen I which in this country can be attained on I jy the general ncquiesceocc"bQhe peop I n the equity and honesty af nnyS^aieu 1 Ind if the liberality no unusuaON^j I ivinced by n statesman coming from tilt B >urt!on of our Union which has no mnnu :* acturcs, b?reciprocatedand met in th< I , 1 1 . ] i V I nil such causes as might involve the fait^i fui observance and execution of out inter* I national obligations. Such a law was (mssed, and hereafter the relations of peace and war with other nations will not be dependent on any other tribunals than those created by the constitution for the decision of all cases arising under itf or under the laws made in pursuance o it. And thus has been removed a prolific source of disquiet lietwcen the states and * i A the general government, una 01 nazaru to the peace of the nation. 2d. The next matter referred to in the message was the affair of the Caroline, which the President reprobated in terma becoming the chief magistrate of a free people; and he insisted that an atonement should be made for the invasion of our territory, and a renunciation by the British Government of the precedent as ft rule of future action. Without giving or claiming for the published correspondence between the Secretary of State and Lord Ashburton any other authenticity than what may be inferred from the fact that its correctness has not been denied, I conceivc it proper in me to allude to it, as it is for other citizens to canvass it. By reference to that correspondence, you wilt perceive that after a delay of four years, what the President insisted was due us has been amply rendered, and that in this matter the honor of the country has been vindicated. 3d. Another point in our foreign relations, which the message brought to the attention of Congress and the people, was the claim of the British Government to visit and detain vessels sailing under the American flag, for the purpose of executing their laws and treaties in rotation to the slave trade. Against this claim -i the President remonstrated in firm and