Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, October 18, 1842, Page 398, Image 2
why this dispute should he settled before j i
the country itself is peopled on the one j I
side or the other. The relations of other I i
State* reqni-e aitention; and many of 11
our citizens have claims of indemnity j
which require prosecution. It becomes ;
the Government of the United Slates, by
u calm and dignified but decisive and 1
vigorous tone, to administer her foreign
affairs so as to ensure a just arrangement
in these respects.
Gentlemen, I am here to-day as a
guest. I was invited by a number of
highly valued friends to partake with
them of a public dinner, for the purpose
of giving them an opportunity to pass the
usual greeting of friends now met after
some absence, to pay their respects to my
public services, and to tender their congratulations
on the result of the negocia- j
tionsjust concluded. It was at my instance
that this festival, from a dinner,
took its present form; and instead of
meeting you at the festive board, I chose,
for obvious reasons, this public manner.
Still, gentlemen, its general character is
preserved, and I am hero as guest. I am
here to receive your salutations and greetings
on particular subjects. I am not
here under an invitation, or an cxpectation,
that 1 should address the gentlemen
who have been pleased to meet me* here
on topics not suggested by yourselves.
It would not befit the occasion, therelore,
in my opinion, that I should use the occasion
lor #ny such purpose ; because,
although I haven desire at some time, not
far distant I hope, to make my sentiments \
known upon the political occurrences of
the country generally, and the political
state of the nation and of parties at the
present moment, vet 1 know well that it
would be improper for me to do so now,
because I know well that the gentlemen
who have written to invite me here on
this occasion, entertain, many of them, !
opinions different from myself; and thev !
might properly say, "we came to great
Mr, Webster, and to extend our congratulations,
on those matters in which we
1 ?- urifh the ex. !
agree ; anu wo uiu iiv/? V.W..V- . r-.- -- ,
pectation that he would use the opportunitv
to discuss questions on which w e differ.
On that account, and for that reason,
I shall forbear, thinking it my duty to do
m : and abstaining from using this occasion
for the purpose of expressing my
own opinions and of stating how far I j
agree with friends with whom I have ac. j
ted for years, and how far lam most re.
luctantly constrained to differ from them,
1 look forward to a future occasion, it
uch should be offered, for an opportunity
of fulfilling this promise.
I will say one thing, gentlemen, because
it lias been alluded to. The Mayor
has been kind enough to say that, in his
judgment, having discharged the duties
of cue Department in which I have acted
in a manner satisfactory to the country, I i
might safely be left to take caro of my
own honor and reputation. I suppose he
meant to say that in the present distracted
state of the Whig party, and in the
contrariety of opinion which prevails, (if
there be a contrariety of opinion) as to the
course proper to be pursued by me?the
decision of that question might bo left to
myself. I am exactly of his opinion.
(Loud and repeated cheers.) I am quite
of this opinion, gentlemen, that, in a
question touching my own honor or the
consistency of my own character, as I am
to bear ail the consequences of the decision,
1 might a deal better be trusted to
make it. And though, gentlemen, no
'man values moie highly than 1 do the
advice of my friends, yet on a question
ho important and of such a nature as this,
I like to choose the friends to advise rue ;
and on this whole subject, with this referencet,
I shall leave you just as enligiitkned
as i found you. I give no pledge ;
I make no intimations, one way or the
other; and I will be as absolutely free,
when this day closes, to act as duty calls,
as I was when its dawn first broke upon
me. (Repeated cheers.)
Gentleman, there is a delicacy in this
case because there is always a delicacy in
speaking of differenco with friends; but
there is no embarrassment?Noembarrassment.
If I see the path of duty clear
before me, I trust I have that within me
which will enable me to pursue it, and
throw all embarrassment to (he winds.
A public man has no occasion to beeinbnrrassed,
if ho is honest. He himself
?his own feelings arc nothing ; his country
and his public duty are everything,
and he should sink whatever is personal
to himself in far higher considerations;
?these are the characteristics mat marK
us as great or as little men.
There were many persons in December,
1841, who found great objections to my
remaining in the President's Cabinet.
You all know, gentlemen, that twenty
years of honest, I do not say of efficient
service, of not altogether undistinguished
service in the Whig cause, had scarcely
prepared me for an outpouring such as
seldom proceeds from Whig friends, against
Whigs, or sga/nst any body. I
urn a little hard to be coaxed, i.hd a great
deal harder to ho driven. I cnosc to act
from mv own jjdgmcnt ; and thinking
that I was in a post where I could render
service to my country, I staid there; and
I leave you this day. and I leave my
country to gay, whether this country
would have been better off tf I had gone
also. i
I have no attachment to office. I have
tasted its sweets, but I have else tasted ! I
its bitterness. I am content; and 1 ac- IJ
knowledge I ann more anxious to preserve ) '
the good I have than to run risks for new 1 I
acquisitions in public life. I suppose I i
ought to pnuse here. I suppose I ought J
no! to allude, and I will not to any thing
farther that merely concerns myself. t
Gentlemen, a very respectahlo Con- 1
vention, a most respectable Convention, t
assembled here gome ten days ago. and f
pn-?ed some important resolutions. There 1 t
is no set of gentlemen, so far as I know, [ i
for whom I entertain more respect and . I
regard. They are Whigs;?hut they J i
are n<? better Whigs than I am. They ; i
have served their country in the Whig I
ranks?and so have I quite as long, !./
though, perhaps, with less ability and sue- I
cess. Thev were sent hither, as I suppose,
to agree upon those whom the
Wh'gs of Massachusetts should support i
for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor.
If their power extended beyond that,.!
" " * ' ! - If.U...
have not seen their commission, u uiey
had authority to speak in the name of the
Whigs of Massachusetts, for other purposes
or interests, f was not acquainted with
that power. And in acting further it
9eems to ino they were a' little inconsiderate.
Among other resolutions, they declared,
in behalf of all the WhigS of the Commonwealth,
a full and final separation from
the President of the United States. If j
these gentlemen said this for the expres
sion of their own opinions, to that
extent it is good. Whigs speak their
sentiments everywhere,?and they have a
perfect .right to do it here. But it becomes
quite another question, when they assume
to represent other" characters, and
to speak on other points than those on
which they were authorized to speak.t I
am a Whig. I "a I ways have been one?
and I always shall be one?(repeated
cheers)?and if anybody undertakes to
turn me out of the pale of that common- !
ion?let him see to it who gets out first!
I am a Massachusetts Whigs?a FaneuTI
Hall Whig?breathing her air now for
Q O
twenty-five years, and meaning to breathe
it on this spot, so long as God shall be
plea3ed to give me life.I
accept the decision of a Whig Convention
for proper purposes; for I know
thai only through such bodies, and suchorganization,
great public good can be
obtained. But it is quite another question
when a Convention, acting from the
impulse of the moment, decides upon
questions which have never been submitted
to their arbitration at all.' A full and
final separation they declare, between i
the Whigs of M assachusetts and the
President of tho United States. This
next needs a commentary ;?what does it
mean? v
The President has yet three years" of
his term unexpired. Does the revolution
mean that during that three years all the
measures of his administration shall be
opposed by the Whigs of .Massachusetts?
right or wrong? Great public interests
require his attention?those to which I
have alluded. If the President of the
United States should raise an earnest and
serious effort to afTect favorably the navigation
of the country, to regulate the question
of British Colonial trade, shall all
the Whigs of Massachusetts separate from
him and refuse their aid ? (Cries'of44 no!")
Well, I say no ! if the President' du i
j rects the proper department to review the i
whole commercial regulations of the Uni- j
ted States, to take deeply into considera- '
ii>u? ro'/Mnriir-iiv in our diicct trade to j
| lll'll ?!?' ? I VVIL#| ,r> . _
which so much tonnage is now sacrificed
| ?and the proper measures shall be sug- i
| gested and adopted by hirn, shall all the
Whigs of Massachusetts separate from
and oppose him? Look, gentlemen, at
the question. Do you know that now a
great proportion?more than one-half?
of the carrying trade, the Iransportatic n,
for instance, of goods between Brazil and
I the United States, is carried on by the
tonnage of Northern Europe, in conse.
quence of the ill-considered reciprocity
treaty ! As well might we admit them to
share our coasting trade. We give them
the right, without a shadow of advantage
in return, to the bread from our children's
mouths nnd give it unto strangers. I
ask you. sir. (turning to a gentlemen at
his right,) as a shipping merchant if this
is not true.
Well, is every measure of this kind
to be postponed or rejected?until these
I three years become expired, and as many
more as shall elapse before the tiino when
Providence shall bless the Whigs with
more power lo do good than they have
now ?
Again, the various departments of the
Government employ persons who are i
oi",nnci"J l>n frond Whiirs?holding I
offices?Collectors?and other Custom
House officers?Postmasters, District Attorneys,
Marshals, <5ce.; what is to become
of them in th s separation? Are
they to he forced to resign, or will you
give them invitation and provocation to
resign ? Our distinguished fellow.citizen
who does so high credit to himself and to
his country in upholding the interests and
honor of his nation at the Court of London;
is he expected to come homo and
yield his place to his predecessor or some
one else ? And the individual who addresses
you; where do his brother Whigs
intend to place him ? Generally when
a divorce takes place the parents divide
the children ; I should be glad to know
where I urn to go !
But I would not treat the matter lightly
or severely. I know that at such conventions
resolutions are never 'conaidcrftd
'PI
with any degree ol aeiwerauon. i ney
are passed as t.hoy are presented. Who
the gentlemen were who brought in these
resolutions I do not know. 1 dare say
they were respectable persona ; but I doubt
very much whether they had any very
definite meaning in their resolutions, or
whether they very clearly perceived what i
little they had. They were angry?ro- <
ientful?desirous to make out a string of <
charges against the President?a sort of 1
hill of indictment?and they concluded <
>y pronouncing the penalty?a full and Ij
final separation. i
Now, gentlemen, I do not look upon t
his without perceiving that they had a <
jearing, whether intentional or unintcn i
lonal, upon iny proceedings ; and there- r
ore I thought proper to take notice of I
ham. There are some topics on which s
i
t is mv fortunc-to. differ with my Wh'ig ol
brethren ; bat I daresay they are right;
ind I know that I am right in entertain- T
ing these opinions, and in expressing h<
them if T do entertain- them. Tiiejr are it
iisposed to postpone all attempt to do good r(
to some future and uncertain ,occasion. t<
Now the Whigs have a majority , in each o
House of Congress, a strong' majority, nr
and, in my opinion, the time to da good is h
* '-* - 'J l- it
now j mat now snouiu ?c iitbuiiipnsncu ->
whatever remains to be done. . There ^
are persons of more sanguine Tempera- c
mcnt than I. 44 Confidence," says Mr. y
Burke, *4 is a plant of slow growth and 6(
it is true when applied to public measures tj
as well as to public menl Some people c
can see distinctly when the Whlgs will n
have more power, and a better chance for ?
serving their country. Beyond the pre. J'
sent, far on in the future, these men see g
milder skies and halcyon seas f the fog9 a
and darkness which blind other men, dim q
not their vision in the least. .
Now it was not an easy wojjc' to ac- ?
complish what we have already attained.. e
The Whigs tried it long?they, tjied it in
1840 and succeeded, but not without la- ^
bor. I do not believe they wijl^find it h
easier now ; and I know that nothing hut i
.upion?and by that I mean a cordial,-'a
sympathizing, paternal union?can prd- e
vent the Whig cause from prostration. [
It is nof-r-and I say it in the presence of 11
the world?it is not by premature 'arid
partial, and especially by proscription ^
and denunciatory proceedings, that this t
great Whig family cart be united. Do 1
they not know that they came itito pdw- c
er as a party made up of differing opin- *
ions ? What did the Country expect
from these complex opinions? Here
Were extreme State Rights notions?ex- r
treme Federal notions?excessive Tariff s
and excessive Anti-Tariff notions?what t
did the Country expect? That they 1
should come together in a spirit of harmony,
of conciliation, of unity and sym- J
pa thy?and that they should seek to agree i
and not to widen the breach. In this ^
lay the hope of saving tl.o country from (
the ruinous measures which at that time i
threatened its prosperity. The wholo
history of the revolution of 1340'preaches '
conciliation, and forbearance, and kind- '
ness, and friendship, and sympathy, and
union. .
Gentlemen, if I understand the matter, ,
there were four or five great objects for <
which that revolution was undertaken. <
In the first place, one great object was 1
the attempt to establish a permanent 1
peace between the United Stittes and 1
England ; for though we had no war, we J
had perpetual agitation and disturbance. !
What should \Ve do? We needed men <
capable of knowing the future, and of eal- I
culating with a degree of certainly the 1
chances for a permanent settlement.
1,1 ?r iklu ' I,a tl>.
I nc Rccutupiismiiciii in mm
gardedasono of the most important oh.
jects ; and I am glad,if it proves acccptahie
tu. thc.CQuntry. . y *' " ' '
. -.Ther-next question was en'tfeerrring revenue;
the country was deficient in re|
venue. It was a fact, a notorious fact,
I that the late Administration exceeded*
their receipts by their expenditures, thus
running thecountry in debt, and the Gov.
crnment was found in debt. Under the
operation of the Compromise Act, the revenue
was diminishing. Now this revo.
lution had for one object, therefore, the
supply of the revenue, and I hope and believe
that to a reasonable extent that
object has been answered.
And then the great interest of Protcc!
tion?as incidental or consequent on Re.
| venue?or maintained by means of levy,
j ing duties for revenue. As to that much
has been done ; and it will be* found, I
think, that enough has been done, and all
; tho Whigs for its support deserve "my
I thanks and your hearty gratitude. But
let U9 he just?let us he just. The French
rhetoricians hnvo a maxim that mothing
can he beautiful that is not true: and I
am afraid we shall see that much of our
juvenile oratory will not stand the test of
this criticism. It is not true that the
Tariff passed solely by the Whig strength
?or that it could have passed. It is not
true that a majority of Whigs could be
fi'Und in fa\or of it in either house of;
Congress. We all know that. More
than thirty Whigs voted against the Ta"'
? */-! aTtiiii nil it f ka L
r.||-uuia..uvuio.,u a..v. n.. ,i ,
House by only one vote : and a good deal
of eclat was supposed to attend it; and F
no little parade was made about s >me one c
Whig who came forward to the reseue (as |
it was called) nnd cast that'dingle vote, j.
Now had not every other gentl'erftfln that j g
single vote?and did" not the single vote ; n
of your neighbor, the Representative from j t<
the Middlesex District who voted for the 0
Tariff out and out, just as steadily as did ^
the distinguished gentleman who repre- ' a
sents this District, decide the question ? i
He held the Tariffin his hands just as ah- J
solutcly as if he had the Presidential Veto, n
In the Senate it passed hy a single ti
vote again. Could the friends of a Tn. 'l
riff have spaied the two votes from Penn- n
svlvania, the one from Mr. Williams of
Maine, and that of Mr. Wright of New-1 Cl
York ? . L'?t lis admit the truth, and 1 0,
a lawyer will do that when it helps, pi
his cause. The truth is far mpro favorn i pi
hie than such misrepresentations. The j n'
truth is. a nortion of the other partv came 1
1 f ~ . I . I
in to the help of the TurifF, and as impor- |
(ant truth it is; for 1 ask you, nn compos- e'(
ing a part of the industrious, hardy men ^
of New England, as caring for yoiir
children and their livelihood, if you would fo
wish such a great object as the Protection b
of your Industry made a mere party ob- Vi
l?ct?rising as party rises, and going to
ts grave as the party goes down. It is a ^
national question?the utility of a Tariff l0
jf Protection-...and let all parties support 0p
t, because, though I hope the ascendancy ot
if Whi orincioles may be perpetual, yet ev
- " C r I . . w
desire to take for the Tariff a bond and <JU
i-icur-ity, more durable than are my hopes) tu;
I 'lti
the perpetuity of the Whig party. ?
Let us he true in nnother respect. lJ
his Tariff has accomplished much. I 1
onor the members who But passed
. ' But what has it done? It has ^
stored the country in- regard to Pro- (.
;ction to where rt was before the a
peration of the Compromise Act com- "
jenced, and it has done no more. It P
as repaired the consequence of that men- *
jre. I may speak of the Compromise Act.
ly turn to speak of it has at last come. I ^
an truly say that no measure was ever pass
ii which cost me so much grief as that.
Ve have heard the motives of that act pre- ^
?nted. Why if by motives gentlemen mean v
le personal motives of those principally con-1 j
?rndH. we ilt'nm them nure?-as all public \ ?
len are supposed to act from pure motives. ^
fut if we look at the professed objects of the '
iw?look at what is written on the whole |
ransaction?if we see what the law expres.
qs on its face?these are its motives?they f
re, ?s motives, still worse than the operation ^
fthe act itself. It is explained in its action
-every line is full of it?every circumstance ;
ttending it is full of it; the object was neith- t
r more nor less than to impose for all time, a ,
estriction upon the Legislature in regard to [
jvying duties without any change of the
/'onstitution. It was in fact to insert a pro- (
ibitory clause in the Constitution, that after .
942 no duty should be laid which was rtot j
ccordmg "tor an observed horiz'tntal^al, and
xceeded 20 per cent. I say now, as [ said
hen, that the principle is false and dangerous ; '
L admits a new feature into the administration f
f the government and the laws.fand the coun*
ry, only wi?h a spasm and a throe, can ever
;et rid of it. Hasn't it done this? Ye'
hank God it is got rid of. The present Tariff t
jaw is sufficiently discriminating, holds to j
:ommon sense, and rejects the principle of the j j
Compromise Act 1 hope for ever. I,
Another and original object under the re- *
mlution of 184f) was the restoration of the
turrcncy of the country. Our troubles did j
jot begin with a want of money in the treatury;
they did not begin with the operation of '
he Compromise Act, which?co:umenced in
1833, and has been contracting ever since. ,
There were other causes of the troubles, and
vhilethey remained, even if the Treasury had
>een full, and the Tariff and Protective policy
indisturbed, yet till provision was made for a
letter currency, of universal validity through>ut
the land, the great cause would not be re.
noved.
At the Special Session of Congress the
Sectary of the Treasury, .Mr. Hwimo, sub.
nitted to Congress a plan for a National Bank, i
ounded upon the idea of a large capital made
jp by private subscriptions and having the
sower to extend its branches all over the
;ountry. I need not advert to the circurnstan:es
of its presentation to Congress. It had
eceived the approbation of the President and
was concurred in by every incmbcrofthe Cabilet
as the best thai could be done ; lor us we
(aid, circumstances had placed in the first
jlacc the gentleman whom \vc all thought
jood enough for the second?and his opinions
were different from ours but fixed : and we
ieemed it the part of wisdom and pruderxc
to see how we could get along as well as
night be under the circumstances. Mr.
Hwing's plan was sent to Congress as it has
aeeu described?.xcept that the bank could
lot establish branches in the State without
i... n( Strito* Now I hail no
II'; uuimuiik wi ?u% _
dea myself that there was any necessity for ;
my'suclifprov sion?as it \vas}at most.mcre the. .
jry?-though I never w mid agree in any casi
with.the doctrine that the omission to exercise
a power is a surrender of the power.
What was done i Doubts were expressed as
Lo whether the institution could go into operation
; many were doi btful as to obtaining subscriptions.
What did we do } We sent to th ;
LO.nincrcial cities, the principal towns in the
country and asked gentlemen of known skill
and capital to come and consult with us about
it." They expressed doubts, but hopes also,
and pledged themselves to do the best they
could; and as the community was interested
in it and the administration was fresh an
popular?they were earnest to have the bil
tried. What was the result ? It was sent to
the Senate and rejected. Another bill was
brought in?divested of this theoretic difiicullv,
it waft discussed two months and then
t was found that it would not pass a Whig
Senate.
I will not pursue the unhappy narrative of
the session of 1811. Men grew angry and
cseutful. I saw the storm arising, and enjeavored,
as far as I could/to hush it. i exjressed
my opinion freely to the two Senators
roin Massachusetts, arid advibed them to give
nen time to cool?to let a conciliation take
dace, and harmony be restored if possible. I
im bound to suppose my advice was not good ;
t r.er'ainly was not followed, and the conse- 1
mences I need not tell you. <
The subject came up again at the last
icssion, and the President sent in to Congress 1
he plan of an Exchequer. The measure re- 1
;e ved but little favor, and it is necessary for
ne, lest the whole burden of displeasure 1
hould fall on others, to say that it inet my
learty, sincere and entire approbation.
Gentlemen, I hope I have not, during my 1
lublic life, had an overweening confidence in 1
ny own judgment, or been unwilling to defer
o the better judgment of my friends. Hut 1
?L* ?? *? -whirth f n/.nfncfl I i
here are some ttuujeuio m muvu) 4 ,
lave some regpect lor my own feelings. The f
ubject of the Currency hag been the study of <
ay life. Thirty years ago, a little before I ene'red
the councils of Congress, the question 1
f the nature of a mixed currency and the ret
ition of specie in a currency became with ine r
matter of consideration. And I discovered 1
debate upon a motion introduced into Par- *
anient by Mr. Vansittart, during thesuspen- 1
ion 01 the Bank of England, and while her '
otes were 15 per cent, below par ; it stated 1
ut the bank note was worth just as much as *
s lace purported to promise ; that the bank 1
ote had not depreciated, but that the bull 011 1
ad risen. Lord Liverpool, Lord Casllereagh,
Ir. Koe, and other members of Parliament ^
spoused tiiat siJe of the question ; and on the 1
ther side were arrayed the strong reasoning ^
awers and the logieofMr. Horner, and the y
racticai good sense of Mr. Alexander Baring, r
lav Lord Ashbunon. 1 confess that the s
udy of these papers made me a buliionist
concluded that paper notes could circulate h
ifely only while they continued to-be redeem- if
1 in gold and silver at the counter whence
tey were issued. ft
I'ho riPYf vpa'r. Cnntrrnsfl. at its session.
? ..V ? o , -- ,
undthe financed of the country in a deplora- 'J
e condition. I believe I had read every P
iiuable woik on the subject on ei'lier side ot
e Atlantic, and had closely observed the
w? of paper currency as exhibited during S
e ditFerent epochs in this country, from loll a
the present lime. 1 had expressed my A
linions at various times in Congress, some
which had not been falsified by subsequent t!
ents ; and 1 must be permitted to entertain
ule as much confidence on that subject, in Ti
y opinion, a3 in the flippant paragraph ol a c<
wspaper, or the hasty ebullition of a debater. I'
-And I take the responsibility ofsaying, thit t
ie measure then submitted to Congress was
le beat and the only measure for the adoption
f Congress and for trial by the People. I am
eady to stake my reputation'-and it is all I
ave to stake?upon it; and that if the Whig
Congress will take the measure and give it
fair trial, within three years it will be adnilled
by the whole American People to have 1
roved the most beneficial institution evercs.
tablished, th*? constitutional loan only exceped.
Understand me, take it as it is?as it
amc from the consideration of the Cabinet,
tot as it was after Congress had hegun to
vork upon it. * For when they struck out the
lower of governing exchanges, it was not
vorth a rush?not worth the parchment on
vhich the law would have been engrossed*
The great desire the urgent necessity of this
:ountry is a currency?facility of exchange,
ifou work ior the people of Alabaina....they
ilant for you, and you-want a common mediini,
to equalize debt and credit with the same
relocity as steam transports men and inachilery.
You have not got it-.-you can't get it
>ut by the authority and permission of Govirnment?never,
never. You want a large
ind liberal provision for exchange, and without
his you cannot reach the goal at which you
lirn. How will you do it ? I need not say
>y a Bank of the United States, based upon
irivate subscription ,* for that is out of the
juestion. The man who puraucs that follows
in obsolete idea. Suppose a law should es*
>1.1.n Uint uiirli a / anita 1 nf fifrv millions .*
nui. Oil tt XJ a 11 r\ | n tui ? ?... ..
vHo will subscribe to it T what will you give
or shares 7 It is entirely out of the question.
Take it; then, for purposes of local d.scount?
say in State-street; do you want this untaxed
capital to make your discounts !
Well what snail we ever have 7 for I
epeat it, many gent.einen propose to do
lothing?but to postpone everything till the I
ncoming of the Jews, is nothing to be at.
templed ! When the Kxchequcr waa presented
to Congress it was assailed from all
quarters. I believe one gentleman did get
courage to say in its favor that he did not j
know out afier alt by sotne possibility some
food might come of it. But it had many different
classes of opponents. Some said that
it would be a lifeless machine?it would not
nuve at ail; o hers said it would have far loo
much life; it would answer the purpose of its
creation?and that was to increase Executive
power. One found it King Log and the other
Kmg Serpent. One indicated it as a terrific
giant of enormous magnitude, striding over
and cruslu ig the liberties of the country ; it
would, therefore, break the Constitution, and '<
therefore they would oppose i'. These opposing
arguments contradicted, if they did not
refute, each other, and convinced roe that the
plan could not be adopted or even temperately
considered. One was afraid to do one thing
lest he should break the Constitution, and another
was afraid to do another lest hc should
break it; and so they d.d nothing. One man
would not vote for a bank wlucii had not the
power to establish brandies, lest he should
break the Constitution; and another would
not vote for one which had iest that should
break it. They acted like a boatman, who
? s ?t I
in the midst of rocks, and snoais, ami wninpools
should refuse to pull one eroke for his
safety, lest he should break his oar. But they
stood looking forward to the time when restored
confidence should enable the bank to
go into operation. When will this be ? When I
prosperity returns to the country. That if,
when the emergency is ov :r. .Meantime they
intend to do nothing to save the sfnp from
sinking till the chances of wind and wave
shall drive her safely on the shore. That's
the policy.
He is more sanguine than 1 ain, who can
see any time when the Whigs of the country
will have more power .to work, to effect the
grand ol ject?restoration of the currency?
than now. This very moment?at the ap.
preaching Session, the country calls in the
loudest voice upon the patriot not to put off?
not to postpone, but to make the best use of
the means in his hands. Here if a measure
to which the President is pledged and which
Ids advisers approve. Why not try it, and if
it fails let the Administration bear it. If you
will not try if, propose something else.
In the events which have happened I ought
to say and I will say, because since 1 have (
begun I will make a free communication, as
man to his fellow man, of my opinions, that
no one of my age (and i am not among the
youngest,) has written and tpoken more
against the indiscriminate use of the Veto
power than 1; and no man's opinion on that
subject is more unchanged than mine. It is
universally known I suppose?and if not it
should and shall be?that I advised against the
Veto in all and every ease in which it has Seen
exercised by the President. [ Repeated cheers. 1
* - * ' ^
But while I have done this i ain noi willing'
to give up this great object for the sake
of making up a case against the President. I
cannot tyrnpathize with those Whigs who in
full possession of power for certain objects,
attempt nothing and will attempt nothing,
until they can constitutionally get rid of the
Veto. It seems like a mockery of the expectations
of the Whigs of the Country.
There is no probability that the Veto power
will ever be struck out of the Constitutionaltogether.
There must be some such restraint
in this as in other cases. The people of Newi'ork
have determined that certain acts shall
not become laws without a vote of two-thirds,
ind have thus imposed upon themselves a
similar restriction. The rules of the House
:an only be suspended by a vote of two-thirds.
The veto then is no greater restraiot than
hey lay upon themselves.
After, all the great objections to this course
ecoininended by some of my Whig brethren
s that it is utterly hopeless. VV ho expects
osee the day wnen this restriction of the
irelo shall be brought about! Before restorng
prosperity to trie country they must wait
or an amendment to tho Constitution. I
vill not say that this is trifling?but it is
reating the interests of the country with far
oo little regard.
1 repeat that now is the time, and the
iVhigs in Congress are the inen to accomplish
lie great objects tor which the people, me i
Vhtg people have striven for the last ten
ears; and till this is done there can be no I
estorationof our former prosperity; and I
ay that, in my opinion, the plan proposed will
fleet thai result. If a mechanic makes a
so 1?an axe, a saw, a plane?and knows that
s emper is good and ihe parts properly con.
iructed, he knows it will answer the purpose ]
ir which it was made, and 1 know this will.
On the other object?to which I'will barej
allude?but which is one of so much un. '
ortance that 1 cannot pass it by ; 1 mean
ic mortifying state of tins public credit of this 1
,'ountry. 1 cannot help thinking that if the '
talesmen of past ages were again to come ]
* - . 1 i..i
mong (is, if Washington were nere auu jumi
idamn, and Hamilton and Madison, they ,
ould be deeply concerned at the sad change
iat has come over our public cred t< .
i atn in a situation m which lam obliged to sad,
generally with pleasurOrbat pot always*' 1
Dmmumcations from our .agents abroad. 1
t ic distressing to.-hear them speak of
ho pain they feel ( what they ft*
ind hear said of American credit. We have
i stock loan, the present rate of which ia IK to
he silver dollar. It there nobody to make a
novement in this nutter? Ia there not a
nan in our council* large enough, comprehen.
?ive enough, to preaent the caae befo*e the
American People andahow them the inevita**
blc conaequencet of thia lota of public faith?
of public credit?I may aay of our character
for morals and honesty ?
Some are so indiscreet aa to talk of repudia.
tion, Repudiate a debt! Doea repudiation
pay a debt ? does it discharge the debtor ?
Is not the law justaa permanent and inflexible
and enduring until the debt it paid or discharged
! And ia a debt always binding in
law and in morals ? Our people should not
deceive themselves. Repudiation only adds
- 1: ..LI 1 l_j_ ? ./ 7.
a uisrcpuiaoie acnnuwieugt meni 10 (M out*
billty. 11 i? our duty, so far na i? in car power,
to rouse public feeling?to maintain and
assist the beneficial influence of law and morals,
and preserve our faith and credit. People
say that the intelligent people of Europe
ought to diringuish between the State and
the General Government, And so they ought
?and what th^n ? All government ia of the
people ; and if the States repudiate their debts
and find no rebuke, Europe may aak how long
it will be before the NationalGovernment will,
unrebuked, repudiate her debts.
I do not say what the Constitution author,
izes Congress to do; but only if the principles
recognized by that h.dy be true, and the pub.
lie land fund be really the'property of the
States of the Union, here is a beginning for
some measure of regular Constitutional aid
whereby the. States may save their credit
and the credit of the People.
I have detained you too long. In my
judgment there remain certain important objects,
fit to engage the attention of both pub*
lie and private men. Let me remind you of
the questions with England ; the pronecu*tion
of the claims of our citizens on foreign
governments; the question of reciprocal trea*
lies; the colonial trade; the most absorbing
subject of the currency and the great subject
of the restoration of the national credit *
and character. To these objects 1 am ready
to devote iny life, either in public or private
station. I do not expect, gentlemen, that
much of public service remains to be done
by me. But I shall be ready, for the pro*
motion of these ohjrcts, to act with sober
men of any party, and of all parties. There
is danger that patriotism in a warm perty
contest may be merged in party feeling.**
I believe that among sober men this conviction
is growing settled?fast growingsettled;
that the great interests of the country
require far more moderate party feelings,
more freedom for public consideration, more
honest and generous union of well-meaning
men of all sides to uphold the institutions
and the character of the country.
In the pursuit of these objects, in public
as in private, I am willing to peiform the
part assigned to me and to give to them
with hearty good will ?.nd zeal, all that yet
remains to me of strength and of life.
Mr. Webster was listened to throughout
with tie utmost attention, and was frequently
interrupted with bursts of applause
from the thousands present.
a- - ggi" mil n?
LAW Of THE UNITED STATES
Patted at tht 2d Sett ion of the 27 tk Congrtm*
[BY AUTHORITY.]
[Public?No. &8.]
AN ACT to establish certain post roads.
Be it enacted by the Senate and Houtt of Re.
pretentathet of the United Stat ft of America in
Congress assembled, That the following be estab.
lislicd as post roads, viz:
IN MAINE.
From Milford, in the county of Penobscot, to
Window's Mills, in Greenfield, and county of
Hancock.
From Machias, by Crawford, to Alexander.
From Houlton, in the county of Aroostook, to
Fort Fairfield, in the plantation of Presqus Isle.
From Dennysvillc, in the county of Washington,
by way of Edmunds, to Whiting.
From Sedgwick to Swan's Island Plantations.
From Standish, in the county of Cumberland,
to Saco, in the county of York.
From Love] to Usher.
From Fish's Mills, by the town of Massardis,
in the county of Aroostook, to the mouth of Fish
Riwr.
From Bowdoinhim Village to Bowdoin Centre.
From Bath, by way of Merry meeting Bride and
Richmond Village, to Gardiner.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
From Gilsum, via South Mariow, North Mar.
low, and Semptcr, to Goshen.
From Mancheatcr, ria Candia Township, to
Candia.
From Manchester, via Bedford Centre, to Am.
herst.
From Northficld, via Franklin, Andover, Wfl.
mut, New London and Wendell, to Newport.
From Farmington, via New Durham Corner,
to Alton.
From Haverhill, New Hampshire, via Benton,
to Franconia.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
From Framingham, through Concord, to Low.
ell.
From South Framingham to Ilolliaton.
From West port to West port Point.
From West Brookfield, North BrookfcSd, New
Braintree, Barre, and Templeton, to Winehenden.
From Lee, Tyringhara, South Tyringham,
Hartsville. Mill River, through East Sheffield, to
Canaan, Connecticut.
IN RHODE ISLAND.
From Providence to West Brookfield, Mian
ehusetts.
From Providence, through Fruit Hill, Centre.
ville.
IN VERMONT.
From Townsend, through Cralton, to Chester. ^
From Rochester, through Brandom, to Sbole'e i
Landing, on Leke Champlain.
From East Charleston, through#Morgan and
Holland, to Derby..
From Bellows Fall to Paper Mill Village, in
Alstead.
From Hyde Park, Lamoille Court-boose,
through North Hyde Park, Bdvidere Four Cor.
lers, Avery's Gore, and Montgomery, to Eat
Berkshire.
The route from Wetenrffle, through Belvidere
* * - i* h#rebv diaeontinned.
ma at?7 ? -y y -?; ,
IN NW YOllL
From Durhamvilk, along the line of the Efjg
?nal, to the intmctiitt of the Erie 5 nd Ootid*
Lake canal*, in. Ch*ci4ajgepnty.
From Unionviffc},"in Orange esetttj, Now York,