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T committed high crimc6, seek an asylum in the t< rrritorio* of a neighboring nation, would seem to be an act due to the cause of general justice and and properly bi longing to the present state of tivihzatioa and intercourse. The British provinces of North America are separated fr?>m the etat'.s of the Un on by a line of several thousand miles, and along portions of this line the amount of popuJ ttion on either side is quite considerably while the passage of the boundary is always easy. Offi-ndera against the law on the one side, trans- i for themselves to the other. Sometimes, with great difficulty, they are brought to justice, but very j oten they wholly escape. A consciensciousness ; of immunity, from the power ot avoiding justice - and rack. in this way, in?igai<-t> wwr....~.t ( I- * to the commission of offences, and the peace j and good neighborhood of the borders are cons:, qncntly often disturbed. In the case of offenders fleeing from Canada info the United Statce, the governors of states arc often applied to for their surrender, and questions 1 of a very embarrassing nature arise from these ap- ' plications.?It has been thought highly important, therefore, to provide for the whole case by a proper I treaty stipulation. The article on the subject in the proposed treaty is carefully confined to such offences as all mankind agree to regard as hcin- ' ous and destructive of the security of life and pro- ' property. In this careful and specific enunicra- j tion of crimes tlic object has been to exclude all j political offences or criminal charges arising from j wars or intestine commotions. Treason, mispris. ; ion of treason, libels, desertion from military ser- j vice and other offences of similar character, are j excluded. And lest some unforeseen inconvenience or unexpected abuse should arise from the stpulation, j rendering its continuanee, in the opinion of me or , both of the parties, not longer desirable, it is left in ' the power of either to put an end to it at a will. The destruction of the steamboat Caroline at J^ehlosscr, four or five years ago, occasioned no j small degree or excitement at the time, and be- j e iroc the subject of correspondence between the two governments. That correspondence having j been suspended for a considerable period, was re- i newed in the spring of last year; but no satislac- , tory result having been arrived at, it was thought j proper, though the occurrence had ceased to be iretiii and recent, not to omit attention to it on the J present occasion. It has only been so l'ar discuss- I td in the correspondence now submitted, as it was accomplished by a violation of the territory of the * * * ? - " ? r ai . I luted Stales, i ne icucr 01 me r>riii?u .uuhb. ; tr, while he attempts to justify that violation up. 1 on the ground of a pressing and overruling necessity, admitting, nevertheless, that even if justifiable, an apology was due for it, and accompanying this acknowledgment with assurances of the sacred regard of his government for the inviolability of i 1 national territory, has seemed to me sufficient to j warrant forbearance from anyfurtherrcmonstrance I against what took place, as an aggression on the 1 oil and territory of the country. On the subject of the interference of the British authorities in the West Indies, a confident hope is ' entertained, that the correspondence which has t ikon place, showing the grounds taken by this government, and the engagements entered into by the British Minister, will be found such as to satisfy the just expectation of the people of the United Stnt* s. TV impressment of seamen from merchant i vowels of this country by British cruisers, although ( n<?t nractised in time of peace, and, therefore, not jjf present a productive cause of difference and irritation, ha*, nevertheless*, hitherto Ik en so promin nt a topic of controversy, and is so likely to bring on renewed contention* at the first breaking out of a European war, that it was thought the part o> wisdom now to take it into serious and earnes : consideration. The letter from the Secretary of : State to the British Minister, explains tlie ground j which the government has assumed and the prin-' crplts which it means to uphold. F<>r the defence ! of these grounds and the maintenance of these j principles, the most perfect reliance is placed 0:1 , the intelligence of tl.e American people, and on their firmness and patriotism, in whatever touches the honor of the country, or its great and essential interest*. JOHN TYLER. | Washington, August, 11, lb 12. REMARKS Of Mr. Campbell of South Carolina, in the House of Representatives on the '20th August, on a motion to amend the bill to regulate the taking ; of testimony in cases of contested election' Thr bill to regulate the taking of testimony in . cis** of contested election having been returned from the Senate with amendments, the question was on concurring with the first amendment as fi.llnws, viz:? 14 And provided further, (in substance,) That nothing in this section, or in ine aci uicuim tna. lt d to, [the districting clause of the apportionment hill,) shall he held to extend to the election of any {'Tsr.n who shall be choeen a Representative to the iSth Ccngrcw in any State in which, by the laws of such State, the election of Representatives to Congress :# re quired to be made by general ticket, and "where th?* election has been h'-l i, or may be held, before the regular session of her Legisl iturc, according to the act entitled, 4 An act providing for the apportionment of Representatives among the several States according to the sixth census unless the Governor of any .State shall, before the time appointed by law for holding such elections therein, by his proclamation, postpone the same until after the next meeting of the legislature thereof." mr. Camtofi l of South Carolina moved to strike out all after the word 44 State," where it firyt ocruw, and insert, 44 m conformity with the laws of SJeb State." " Mr. C had innaperable objections to the amendment of the Senate. It proposed to exempt persons claiming a seat in Congress, from some of the States, from the operation of a law which all others were required to comply with. Georgia and New Hampshire, for example, both elect by general ticket; yet, under the oj>e ration o: this amend, mcnt, persons elected from Goorgia will be admitted, while tho6e elected from New Hampshire, under similar regulations, will be excluded. The amendment should uthtr be rejected entirely, or fi"> modified as to be made uniform in its operation. The elections for Con Tress, as prescribed by pre existing regulation* in some of the States, coining on before the regular times of the nnr ting of their J ogislature?, afforded an argument of convenience r hv the operation of the second 6 ction of the up. j ortionmcnt law should h( suspended; but ho ohj> '*tcd to giving it a partial operation. I1 suspend, t J as to part, it should be a? to all. Some of th States, in which the election!*, as now prescribed, come on before the regular sessions of the Legislatures, may elect by double or treble districts: yet the amendment of the Senate made no provision for such cares; and if they existed, members thus elected would be excluded, while such as were elected by general ticket would be admitted. .Air. C. felt most anxious to promote harmony, and to avoid all danger of conflict with State au? thoritics, even although satisfied that such conflicts cannot occur except under the influence of the most unreasonable prejudice, and the greattst mistake as to the true character of their duties.? To ensure this desirable object, he had offered an ' 1 1 L ---? -'a !,/? nncrnfinn nf QinCnUIlit'Ill WHICH WUU1U duo^ciiu u?v Uktv*. w. the districting clause of the apportionment law until after the next Congress had served out its term; relying, in the mean time, upon the intelligence of a patriotic people to rebuke that reckless spirit of party by which a measure so conservative of our institutions is threatened, and, by the expression of their opinions at the ballot-box, to preserve it from the danger of repeal. It had been said that the friends of this measure were afraid to trust it on a second trial in the House. The amendment which he offered would show that, so far as he was concerned, this was not the case. Gentle, men had an opportunity of now deciding whether, taking all things into consideration, they would agree?not to repeal, but to suspend the law until after the next Congress. That Congress, elected under the various systems adopted by different State Legislatures, would have opportunity of re-1 pealing it. But let the subject, in all its bearings, ' be submitted to the people; let it be carried to j the ballot-box : let it be made a test in the elcc tions everywhere, and he feared not the result. In the event of the amendment which he proposed being adopted, it would be left entirely to the discretion of the State Legislatures to prescribe what regulations they may think proper for the congressional elections; and, as a respectful argument to them in favor of the single district system, lie would read extracts from a letter which he had just written, in reply to one from a gentleman of great distinction, residing in a Southern State, which lias hitherto elected by general ticket. It may appear to gentlemen, at first, that some of the positions taken in this letter address them- 1 selves with more force to the South than to the ! North. But such is not the ease. The United States is our common country; and the intelligent patriot, whether residing amidst the snows of the North, or the sands of the South, must ! equally deprecate the power of an utter overthrow of the balance of power between its different see- , tions in the National I-egislaturc. Mr. C. then read the following extracts from his letter : " Whether, under existing circumstances, the single-district system is the best that can be adopted, or not, it appears to me that all gentlemen of intelligence, whose opinions arc uninfluenced by prejudice, must admit that some action on the part of Congress was proper?1st. To restore uni- ! f? a? ? - 1 - * 0^4 fTV rvi?oeort?r? lltn infln 1 loruiliy 111 ClUUllWl^" .iu. 1V Jiimnv liiv uiiiu. encc of the small States from the danger of being overwhelmed in the universal adoption of the general ticket. 3d. To protect minorities throughout the Union. 4th. To protect the minority section of the Union. 5th. To preserve the Democratic feature of the Government from annihilation. " The practical operation of the different systems that now prevail in the elections of different States, has been to destroy equality in representation in proportion to numbers; and, in this way, to assail the fundamental principles of our Government in the popular branch of its I/Cgislature. The great State of New York, for example, with her forty members in the present House of Representatives, is outvoted upon every question of importance by the little State of New Jersey, with six members, by a majority of three to one. Virginia, with her twenty-one members, is outvoted by the little State of New Hampshire, having but five, all told. Pennsvlvania, with more than three times the number of members, is outvoted by Georgia, K,c. 44 Some of my friends have loudly condemned me for having, as they say, through the agitation of this question, roused a sleeping lion; and, Inshowing the large States their real power, have produced a danger which did not before exist. But is it possible to suppose that the glaring ine- ; quality which I have pointed at can long exist, i when the States now electing by districts could remove it at any time by the adoption of the general ticket ? Indeed, in addition to the seven States now electing by general ticket, another (making eight) has prescribed that her election for 1 * - - 1 ^ ?r.lrA nl .ofl ooonvrlinrt mc ncxi \.-ongrtM eiiuiiian.t pinw that system; and in several of the other States? among them, the great State of Pennsylvania? the question was quickly agitated immediately before the passage of the districting clause of the apportionment law. However inapplicable to some of the large States the general ticket may be, the existing slate of things, if permitted to continue, would compel them, in their own defence, to adopt it. The fi~st example would be soon followed by all the rest. Members elected by general ticket would naturallybc partial to that system ; and if Congress had not acted at this session, 1 doubt if the time would ever have occurred again, when it would have been possible to do so. The districting of any Stitc is attended with more or less inconvenience. Under a new apportionment, the temptation is strong with a Legislature to prescribe that the first election shall be by general ticket. The election being in this way, the system obtains advocates. The second election is also held by general ticket; and so the system becomes established. This, vou see, is a con' sideration of convenience, operating in conjunction with the natural and proper desire to have as much influence as other States, in proportion to S numbers, in the House of Representatives. 44 The violent opposition which thin measure has i j encountered from Southern members of Congress, I j and Governors of some of the Southern States, | has been to me unaccountable. Whether elected ! as Whigs or Democrats?whether elected by dis.' j tricts or by States?the members from the South i * As an evidence that one of the principal rca' sons of conferring on Congress a controlling pow. i er over the times, places, and manner of elections, was to insure uniformity, 1 will, for the present, leferonly t?the reply of .Mr. .Madison to an inquiry ) of .Mr. Monroe, in the Virginia convention that adopt'd the constitution. Mr. Madison said: 44 It was found impossible to fix the time, place, I and manner of the election of Representatives, in j the Constitution. It was found necessary to leave the regulation of these, in the first place, to the Stat* Governments, ie being best acquainted with the situation of the people, subject to the control f'f the (it ner.il Government, in order to produce uni/on:,'tij, ;?nd pre*out it-i own dissolution." present an unbroken phalanx upon certain great questions, thought to be essential to her prosperi. ty. One of these questions?to wit, a protective tariff?will always command a majority in almost every Northern and Western State. If elected bv general tie'eet, the vote of these States would be overwhelming. In each one of them, however, tl.ere are !arg; minorities who think as we do. Electing by the district system, we are enabled to avail ourselves, to a considerable extent, of these minorities; ana in us, 111 nme ihcmuic, tuuu.ciaui that inequality in population which every census shows to be getting greater and greater against us. ,l We have hitherto looked to the Senate as the conservative body of our National Legislature.? But look at the map of the United States. Flori. da is the last card we have to throw. Wisconsin and Iowa will both be ready to come in as soon as she is. Look still further west, beyond our organized Territories, and you will see an immense region, now ready for the axe of the pioneer, out of which, before fifty years have passed away, a dozen non.tlatehold.ivg States may have their Senators in Congress. Suppose that a majority of each, or even of most of these States (not a very improbable supposition) should be disposed to enter into a crusade against our peculiar institution, as Mr. Adams calls it,?where would be our protection with a Senate in which we arc thus outnum bered, and a House of Representatives elected from each State by general ticket? We would have none. No, not even a shadow of protection, except a dissolution of the Union. " Independent, however, of all sectional considerations, that representation is certainly most congenial with liberty, which most nearly reflects the light* and shade* of political opinions entertaincd by the constituent body. By the general ticket, the voice of the minority in a State, let it approach ever so near an equality in number with the majority, is entirely suppressed. So much so, indeed, that they have not even the poor privilege of remonstrating against the passage of measures to which they are opposed, but must remain dumb under the most aggravated misrepresentation of their motives; and quiet, under the greatest injustice ! If, in an appeal to the ballot-box, what was lately the minority becomes the majority, the tables arc turned ; and the late majority, being now the minority, are subjected to the same evils that they, when in power, inflicted. Thus, the above named abuses arc shown to be inherent in the system, and cannot be eradicated while it remains. " The single district system does not, it is true, insure the representation of minorities in proper proportions; but it approximates as near to the probability of such a result as any that can conveniently be adopted. 44 Many have already expressed a determination to treat the districting clause of the apportionment law as a dead letter, and, if they arc returned to Congress, to vote for the admission of meinlicrs, not elected according to its provisions; and by the vote of members thus admitted, to repeal it. If, however, it can sustain the first shock of party, combined with the very natural preference entertained for the general ticket where that system has prevailed, the State* will all acquiesce, and it will become the law of the land. 44 To the south where it now encounters, I believe, the greatest opposition, I regard its main tonance to be of the last importance. To the whole Union its maintenance is more important than the question of whether the Whig or Democratic doctrines shall prevail for a few years to come in the National Legislature. The influence of the one is temporary, of the other permanent." Indeed, sir, the subjects admit of no compari. son. It set ms, from recent events, that the most unimportant of all considerations is the question whether we have members here who arc nominally Whigs or Democrats. If Whig votes are wanting to carry a high protective tariff, the deficiency is supplied by Democrats; and so far as the public lands are concerned, let who may rule in Congress, we are protected against their plunder as long as the present Chief Magistrate sit* in the presidential chair. Mr. C. would now briefly reply to the argument of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Wise,] who says that " each House taiiig, under the Constitutution, the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members," we have no right to prescribe rules of evidence to apply to the organization of a subsequent House, or to cases of contested elections that may come before it. Some believe that the House of Representatives is in the nature of a corporation, constantly existing, without reference to the particular members who take part in its deliberations; and that the language of the Constitution prescribing that each House shall be the "judge of the elections, qualifications, and returns of its own members," applies to each House of Congress, instead of to each House of each succeeding Congress. If this interorctation is correct, the argument of the gentle. man has less plausibility than it would have if the language of the Constitution applies to each House of each Congress. Mr. C. admitted that he thought the last men. tioned interpretation most correct. But let us ex. amine the bill under consideration. What doce it propose to do ? Docs it propose that ice shall judge of the 44 elections, returns, and qualifica. lions" of members hereafter to be elected ? Ccr. tainly not. Such a proposition would involve an absurdity. It simply proposes to proscribe rules for the organization of subsequent Congresses, and rules for the taking of testimony in casts of con. tested elections that may come before them for adjudication. Mr. C. would illustrate his position by an example. The Constitution prescribes 4* that the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and such inferior l courts as Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish." Yet, in prescribing rules of testimony, by irhich eases that come before these courli are judged of, Congress does not decide upon tht cases themselves, makes no encroachment upon i the judicial functions, and is guilty of no usurpa. I tion. Can the gentleman draw the distinction ? | Not long after the organization of the Govern' ! ment, rule# were prescribed by law for the taking j of testimony in cases of contested elections. Tli< | first of these owed their origin to Robert Good lot j Harper, then a member from South Carolina. Foi | many years, no rules have existed, except such ai I have been prescribed by the various committees o I election, and approved by the respective Housei ' of Congress, after the cases to be decided havi i arisen. Gentlemen all know the inconvenience delay, and indeed the injustice, that arise fron this state of things. Contesting members com< I tnrlnnop in siirttmr* a on nr.rc, wunuui uvic <? ?>>xvuv? ? their claims, from the extreme parts of the Union Rulcc, for the taking of testimony are prts-Til?e< after the cases arise. They return to their distant ' | States; are compelled to traverse extend e districts ; and the long session of Concert . 9 some( times terminated before their cases arc decided.? I A portion of the freemen of this country may, in the mean time, not be represented at all; or, what j is worse, they may be represented by a man whom 1 they have not lawfully chosen. Do not such evils , call loudly for a remedy ? I Mr. C. regarded that portion of the bill which , i related to the organization of the House (although far from the best that could he adopted) of great j importance. It is in vain for gentlemen to say : they will, if returned to the next Congress, resist ! i it, if it becomes a law. They (the constitutional I | Representatives of a people, whose proud boast it J j is to live under a government of laws) certainly do ' : not contemplate a resistance by violence. None | I other is practicable, until after the House is or- ! I r?a \ ftnr tlin Hniuii Ic nrrrnm7#?d f!nnorrrS3 i g?lIU?CU? illil l l?IV AAWUWV ?W ^ 1 may repeal the law ; but, until it is organized, the ; rules which it prescribes must of necessity have a controlling influence, i The confusion and disorder which prevail in , this hall, at the meeting of every new Congress, | must admonish gentlemen of the necessity of prescribing for the organization of subsequent Congrosses. When we assembled here, the Clerk of the former House?acting without authority of ; law, and only in accordance to custom?read, : from a list which he held in his hand, the names . of two hundred and forty-two gentlemen, which 1 he had collected from newspaper paragraphs, hcar: say, private letters, and 6uch other means as hap| pencd to be within his reach. We answered to our j names when called, proceeded to elect a Speaker, j were sworn to support the Constitution, and bc| came organized. Why did we submit to this ; loose method of organization ? Were we under any obligation of law, or of the Constitution, to do so ? No. But simply because there were no rules proscribed for our government; and we submitted j to this loose custom from necessity?silently pro| testing, at the same time, in our judgments, against ; it. For the same reason, gentlemen elected to the 1 next Congress will he compelled to submit to the | provisions of this bill, if it become a law, so far as j the organizition of the House is concerned. Although Mr. C. defended both the constitutionality and the propriety of passing a law to pro- | j vide for the organization of future Houses, and ; : for the taking of testimony in eases of contested j elections, lie did not expect to vote for the present J bill. There were parts of it which lie did not ap' prove, that were now not amendable. For example, there is a provision in the bill which limits the time of commencing a contest to thirty days after the result of the election is known. We have no authority to deny a gentleman the right to prose J culc his claim on tins door, whenever it may doI conic known to him that it exists. We have no authority to establish a statute of limitations against the right of the people to eject a member, when they discover that he holds his seat by fraud, I and is not truly their representative. ' From the Correspondence of the A". 1*. Commcr. cial Advertiser. Washington, September 11th, 1812. j DCATII AT THK WHITE HOUSE?CABINET CHANGES ? ' > AITOIXTMEST8?LOCAL ITEMS. ^ I '1 lie wife of the President of the United States > | died last evening, alter a long and severe illness, which has been the source of deep and depressing anxiety to him ever since his accession to power. ; She came to Washington in a state of ill health i sufficient to have warranted her being left at her ] residence at Williamsburg, even though a painful ' separation, with but a few opportunities of inect- ! ing, would have been the consequence. Since she ' ! came to the white house she has never seen comj panyat all, being for the most part confined to her ! chamber. She ib spoken of as a most amiable and i excellent woman, adorning every walk of life in j which she has been called to move, and shedding J j lustre by her example upon the Christian profts- j ! sion, of which she was an active member. i ' The remains of Mrs. Tyler are, as I am to-day ' informed, to be transferred for interment to the i family residence of the President, at Williams J burg, Virginia. j This sad event may throw back for a few days 1 the accomplishment of some changes, the rumors ! of which have been for some days rife in this city. ! | But a brief space passed, and they will be officially J j announced. The exact form in which they will | appear has not yet transpired; nor is it by any ] means certain that the arrangement is asvtt fully j ; completed. But this much seems to be conceded. ! Mr. Webster resigns the State Department, and is i to be succeeded either by Mr. Gushing or by Mr. I Upshur. If the latter goes into the State Depart- ! mcnt, Mr. Gushing will doubtless succeed him in ; the Navy. But my opinion is that Mr. C. will be the Secretary of State. His ability to fill the ; office is unquestionable. Mr. Forward remains in the Treasury, rumors ! to the contrary notwithstanding. He likes the ; ] new Tariff, and will see the Treasury relieved from , its present emptiness before he budges. Hisheulth ^ is quite r? s ored. ! Mr. Robert*, the collector of the port of Phila- 1 ; dtlphia, is removed, and Mr. Thomas S. Smith, , of that city is appointed his successor. ' j I sec efforts renewed in some quarters to pro. 1 j duce the impassion that .Mr. Curtis, of your city, j 1 j is likely to he removed. There is not a word of ! truth in it. He is highly (and deservedly) cs- j , teemed by the government us a faithful and capa- j , ble officer. 1 J An encampment of a military company, belong, j ' | ing to this city, commenced last evening, on one j 1 of the squares in the centre of the town. A singu- j lar time to begin such a piece of sport; they how- i 1 ' ever have invited a preacher to perform service j ' j there this evening, at 5 o'clock, which, in their j ' : estimation I suppose, will somewhat atone for the I : ; selection of Sunday as their day of parade. Queer 1 place, this Washington! [Reading this last paragraph to a friend,-he tells me that this day, being the 12th of September, is the anniversary of the battle of North Point, near \ ' | Baltimore. Well,?perhaps this, after all, i? a ; good reason for the public parade, on Sunday, of a military corps in Washington.] , This city is as quiet as a village among the highr lands of the Hudson. A very few members of . . , Congress remain, among whom I notice .Messrs. , Cushing, Marshall, Irwin, Dawson, Wise, <fcc. ] j Y. W. C. i [Notwithstanding the confident tone in which c our correspondent writes, we have reason to be. f licvt that for some at least of the changes of which . he gives report, there is little or no betfi r foundu1 tio'i than Washington go--ip. Such clnngei may LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES Passed at the '2d Session nj tie itlth Congress. [DY AUTHORITY.] [ Public?No. 64.] AN ACT to provide for publishing an account of tiie discoveries made by the Exploring expedi. tion, under the command of Lieutenant Wilkes, of the U. S. navy. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be published, under the eupervis.on and direction oi the Joint Committee on the Library, 44 an account of the discoveries made by the exploring expedition, under the command of Lieutenant Wilkes, of the United States navy which account shall be prepared with illustratons, and published in a form similar to the voyage of lhc Astrolabe, lately published by the Government of France. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That when such account shall have been written, and the illustrations for the same shall have been prepared, an advertisement shall be inserted in the papers publishing the laws of the United States, inviting proposals for printing one hundred copies of the same for the United States, to be delivered to the Librarian of Congress in a time and at price to be stipulated in such contract; and the contract shall be made with and given to the person offering and giving sufficient assurance to perform the work at the lowest price; and on such contract being made the 44 account" shall be delivered to such contractor. Sec. 3 .4/trf be it further enacted, That until - 1- i-~ i r r. other provisions are maue i>y ia\v jur me suickeeping and arrangement of such objects of natural history as may be in possession of the Gov. ernment, the same shall be deposited and arranged in the upper room of the Patent Office, under the care of such person as may be appointed by the Joint Committee on the Library. JOHN WHITE, Speaker of the Hoti.sc of Representatives. WILLIE P. MANGUM, President of the Senate jtro tempore. Approved, August 26, 1842. JOHN TYLER. [Public?No. 65.] AX ACT to establish a district court of the United States in the city of Wheeling, in the State of Virginia, lie it enacted by the Senate and House of Represeutatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That one annual term of the district Court of the United States, for the western district of Virginia, be liolden in the city of Wheeling on the :25th day of August. Approved, August 2(5, IS 12. [Public?No. CO.] AN ACT to confirm the sale of public lands in certain cases. * Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re. present at iyes of the United States of America in /vis/va ivhi-n nnv \JUilglCOO * ?? * ?tt M?? vv.?ww ?... . entry Ins been made, under the pre-emption 'aws, of land which was public land, subject to s ilc at the date of such entry, and when patents for the same have not been issued frpm the General Land Office, because of the original tract claimed, or the float arising therefrom exceeding the quantity specified in the law, or when the adjudication Ins been made by the receiver and tfic clerk of the register, acting in the stead of the register, or when the proof upon which the claim is founded is not in the form, nor full as to all the facts required by law, but substantially so, such entries and sales arc hereby confirmed, and patents shall be issued thereon, as in other casts: Provide J, That the Secretary of the Treasury shall be satisfied that such entries have been in other respects fair and regular, and that the evidence sustains the elaim ; that they are not contested by other persons claiming the s-ime, and that no fraud shall appear in them : And provided, also, That the act of fourth September, eighteen hundred and forty-one, entitled " An act to appropriate the proceeds of tije sales of public lands and to grant pre-emption rights,*' shall he so construed as not to confer on any one a right of pre-emption by reason of a settlement made on a tract heretofore sold under a prior pre-emption law, or at private entry, when such prior pre-emption or entry has not been confirmed by the General Land Office, on account of any alleged defect therein, and when such tract has passed into the hands of an innocent and bona fide purchaser. Approved, August 2b, 1812. [Public?No. 67.] AN ACT to regulate the pay of purser* and other officers of the Navy. Br it enacted by the Senate and House of Re. presentatices of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all purchases of clothing. groceries, stores, and supplies of every description for the use of the navy, a6 well for vessels in commission as for yards and stations, shall be made with and out of the public moneys appropriated for the support of the navy, under such directions and regulations as may be made by the Executive for that purpose; and it shall not be lawful for pursers, or other officers or persons holding commission or employment in the naval service, to procure stores or any other articles or supplies for, and dispose thereof to, the officers or to the crew, during the period of their enlistment, on or for their own account or benefit; nor shall any profit or per centage upon stores or supplies be charged to, or received from, persons in the naval service, other than those which arc hereinafter prescribed. Sec. '2. And he it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Executive to provide such rules and regulations for the purchase, preservation, and disposition of all articles, stores, and supplies for persons in the navy, as may be necessary for the safe and economical administration of that branch of the public service. See. 3. And he it further enacted, That, in lieu " - -C -II A ~?l 1.. I OI me pa.V? rmiUHPf diiuwaiiv-uoi auu vum uuiuiu* rncnts authorized by the existing law* and regulations, the annual pay of pursers shall be as follows, viz: when attached to vessels in commission for sea service, they shall receive, for ships of the line, three thousand five hundred dollars; for frigates or razees, three thousand dollars; for sloops of war and steamers of first class, two thousand dollars; for brigs, and schooners, and steamer*, less than first class, fifteen hundred dollars; on duty at navy yards at Roston, New York, Norfolk, and Pcneicola, two thousand five hundred dollars; at Po-tsm/.niK I'lnl ?d. tnlii.o. and Washington, two thou 1 ! rand dollars; at naval stations, within the United I States, fifteen hundred dollars; and in receiving ! ships at Boston, New York, and Norfolk, two thousand five hundred dollars; and at other places, fifteen hundred dollars; on leave or waiting orders, tht- same pay as surgeons. And it is hereby expresslv declared, that the yearly pny provided in , this act is all the pay, compensation and allowance that shall be received, under any circumstances, | by pursers, except one ration each per day, when attached to vessels for sea service, and except alao , for travelling expenses, when under urdera, for which ten cents per mile shall be allowed. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That I in this act contained shall be construed to affect I ?i.~ k?1_ i i ? *- - _ i iik uuuun ?\ mvii nave ucreioiore oeen pTtn by pursers in the navy, but the same dull remain in full force and effect, as if this law had rvH ban passed ; and the Secretary of the Nary is hereby authorized and required to demand and receive from them, or any of them, new bonds, with suffi. cient sureties, in all cases in which he may coo. sider the same necessary and expedient; and in , ccse any purser shall neglect or refuse to give such new bond, it shall be the duty of the Execu. tivc to dismiss him forthwith from the service. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the rules and regulations which shall be made in coo> formity with the provisions of this act dull be kid i before Congress at their next session. See. 6. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for a purser in the navy to advance or loan any sum or sums of money, public or prii vate, or any article or commodity whatever, or i any credit, to any officer in the naval wrice, un. ! dcr any pretence whatever. Sec. 7. And be it further enacted. That the pro. visions of this act shall go into effect, within the c ?u.. j.4. ~r ?J 1 L/IIIILU uiaiiD, 11 win (iiv uaic ui n? pawa^v | ?uu in vessels abroad at the beginning of the quarter after its official receipt. Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That pursers j* I attached to, and doing duty in, navy yards at Boston, New York, and Norfolk, and seagoing vessels of a larger class than sloops of war, shall be au. thorized to appoint a clerk or assistant, to be ap? proved by the commanding officer of such yard ; or vessel; and the yearly compensation of said 1 clerk shall be as follows, viz: in a frigate, or navy | yard at Boston, New York, and Norfolk, five hundred dollars; in a ship of the line, seven hundred dollars. Said assistant or clerk shall have the privileges which are allowed 'x> the clerk of the commanding officer; and each purser and clerk, while attached to vessels in commission, shall receive one ration per day. See. 9. And be it further enacted, That all stores of pursers on board ships in commission shall be taken by the Government at a fair valnation, under ti.e direction of the Secretary of the Navy. Sec. 10. And he it further enacted, That all acts or parts of acta which may be contrary to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, shall be, and are hereby, repealed. See. 11. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the p issagc of this act, the annoal pay : of the forward warrant officers of the navy of the j United States shall be as follows: for boatswains, gunners, carpenters, and sailmakers, when on du ty on board snips ol the line, anu in toe tftrce nary yards at Boston, New York, and Norfolk, eight : hundred dollars; on otlier duly, seven hundred ; dollars ; when on leave of absence or awaiting or. J dent, the si id officers shall receive five hundred dollars for the first ten years, and after six hundred ' dollars. See. 12. J nd be it further enacted, That when, ever an officer shall perform the duty of a higher grade, by order of the Secretary of the Navy, or the commander of a flee*, or squadron, or ship act. ing singly on foreign service, such officer shall he entitled to receive the pay of such higher grads during the time lie performs the duty in that grade, and 110 longer; and no allowance shall be mads ^ for performing such service hereafter, unless so or. J dtrcd. Approved, August 26,1842. [Pi-sue?No. 68.J AN ACT to define and establish the fiscal year of the Treasury of the United States. Be it enacted by the Senate and Home of Me* prcscntatite* of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That on and after the first i day of July in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and forty-three, the fiscal year of the Treasury of the United States, in all matters of accounts, receipts, expenditures, estimates, and appropria. tions, shall commence on the first day of July in each year; and the reports and estimates required to be prepared and laid before Congress at the commencement of each session by the Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the acts of Confrmn nf the second of ScDtember. seventeen bun ! drcd and eighty.nine, and of May tenth, eighteen hundred, shall be a report and estimates for each j fiscal year commencing as aforesaid and tennina. ' ting on the thirtieth day of June in the succeeding calendar year. See. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to submit to Congress at the commencement of the next session his annual report upon the state of the finances and (stiniaUsof appropriations required for the support of the Government for the half calendar year ending on the thirtieth day of Juae then next; and separate and distinct estimates for 1.1- J:? ? 4U? a.. in>u me 11SCU1 yail luumg UII mv mu uiui vmj vi vwn, eighteen hundred and fortj-four; and estimates of receipts for said periods respectively; and the style and title of all acts making appropriation# for Uie support of Government shall be as follows, to wit: i " An act making appropriations (here insert the ; object) for the year ending June thirtieth, (hera ! insert the calendar year.) Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the accounts of receipts and expenditures, required by law to be published annually, shall, on and alter j the first day of July, eighteen hundred and fortythree, be prepared and published for the fiscal year { as hereby established; and the said accounts for the half calendar year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and forty-three, shall be prepared ?1 1 L? ? aomrilA MH and published as requirru u* ???., distinct; and all law* and parta of law* inooona. , tent with the proviaiona of thia act art hereby repealed. Sec. 4. And he it further enacted, That the annual atatcmentaof the commerce and navip'oon of the United StaUa, required by law to be tab. j mitted to Congrcaa on the firat Monday of December annually, rha!l be prepared and pohiiafced for each fiacal yenr at hereby rttabliabed { and the said statement* for the last quarter of the preaent calendar year, and the two firtt quartire of the year eighteen hundred and forty thrtc, endmj on tr