Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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C i ? periodicals to the experience of the good i effects of going without them ; by tiie c public patronizing those vehicles in which v the servants do not use the bearing-rein ; L by humane travellers feeling well those j coachmen who in this respect chey the | dictates of humanity, sound policy, self- j , interest, and common sense. The editor i c is aware that no good coachman would j' condescend to use bearing-reins, and per- |' sons much accustomed to travelling, if,' Btxn. UnruoQ rnrni! out with bear- j 'lit? otv; iiiu iK,?vu ing-reins, immediately conclude the dri- j 1 ver is one of the old school, or that he is j I not 44 up to his workand they are gen- | enerally right, for it will he found that j ' he is not able to command his horses so j well as the man who drives without them. The least reflection will show this must be so. If the horses have hearing-reins ; they lean their heads on them, and the ! coachman's reins may be seen loose and i dangling on the horse's back ; if on the contrary he drives without, he has the horses in hand always, and guides them, as he please^^ This is more plainly the case with ^pst-chaise drivers and hackney coachm^^ whose reins are only used occasionally when they have bearing-bridles, instead of being always tight in their hand.. . The effect of bearing-reins upon coachhorses is shown at every stage when the horses are taken off. If they have hearing-reins they may be seen tossing their *'-* mrlod nnnfinor neaas incessun uy, anuuugMjUUvU, r. and enveloped in steam : surely the poor creatures would not thus exert themselves in a state of great fatigue, if some greater distress were not affecting them. It is the agony of the sinews un ler the neck and throat, which being restrained so long, ache as if a man's arm were to be kepi in a painful position.# Horses which have done their stage w^^ut ^e bear%g. I reins, when taken o(Htand with their | heads dawn, bieatmng freely, ami in comparative comfort. How ^ften * upon changing horses do we seethe kind horse-keeper of a stupid* bear- I ing.rein coachman instantly unbear his horses and thi^ entitle^Jurnself j from the humane triwellei to tTre fee which the coachman had forfeited. At | the time this paper is being published, the editor has remarked that baring.reins are more uSd in Bristol by conchmen, and more cruelly tightened by carman, I than in any other place in the west of | England ; not only by carmen plying | *i i: i ! for hire, but by the drivers 01 me spiencuu dray-horses which are to be seen in that fcily. MR. ADAMS'S REPORT ON THE VETO MESSAGE. The Select Committee, to whom was refered the message of the President of the Touted States returning to this House the net, which originated in it, "to provide revenue from imports, and to change and modify existing laws imposing duties pn imports, and for other purposes," with his objections to it, with instructions to report thereon to the House, have attended to that service, and respectfully report. The message is the last of a scries of Executive measures the result of which has been to defeat and nullify the whole act on of the Legislative authority of this Union, upon the most important interests of the nation. At the accession of the late President Harrison, by election of the people to the Executive chair, the finances, the reve- | nue, and the credit of the country were J found in a condition so greatly disordered ? - ?ri and so languishing, mat me ursi uui ui his administration was to call a special session of Congress to provide a remedy for thi9 distempered state of the great 1 body politic. It was even then a disease j of no sudden occurrence, and of no ordi- j nary malignity. Four years before, the I immediate predecessor of General Harri- 1 son had been constrained to resort to the same expedient, a special session of Con- : grevss, the result of which had only proved the first of a succession of palliatives, purchasing momentary relief at the ex- 1 pense of deeper seated disease and aggra- ; vated symptoms, growing daily more intense through the whole four years ofj that administration. It had expended, from year to year, from eight to ten mil-! lions of dollars beyond its income, ab- j sorbing in that period nearly ten millions pledged for deposite with the states, eight millions of stock in the Hank of the | United States, from five to six millions ' of trust funds, and as much Treasury notes ; and was sinking under the weight of its own improvidence and incompetency. The sentence of a suffering people had commanded a change in the Administration, and the contemporaneous elections throughout the Union had placed in both Houses of Congress majorities, the natu* - ? - ? i j ral exponents ot tne principles wmcn n was the will of the people should he substituted in the administration of their Government, instead of those which had brought the country to a condition ol i such wretchedness and shame. There * was perfect harmony of principle between the chosen President of the people and this majority, thus constituted in I both Houses of Congress, and the first < act of his Administration was to call a ( special session of Congress for delibera- 1 tion and action upon the measures indis- i pensnbly necessary for relief to the public I distress, a; d to retrieve the prosperity of < the great comrr.u .ity of the nation. ( On the 31st May, 1941, wit! in three I months after the inauguration of Prcsi- ? dent Harrison, the Congress assembled at t his call. But the reins of the executive v i- i., i i?,.i? u.. i. yur were ctiicauj III witjci nanus* uy an j n % nscrutahlc decree of Providence the I hief of the people's choice, in harmony ! c villi whose principles the majorities of u ?oth Houses had hecn constituted, was v aid low in death. The President who a lad called the meeting of Congress was t J r io longer the President when the Con- <1 jress met. A successor to the office had a issumeu the title, with totally different < principles, though professing the same at ;i [lie time of his election, which, far from i tiarmonizing, like those of his immediate ? ?i predecessor, with the majority in uom Houses of (Jfcngress, wore soon disclosed I in diametrical opposition to them. < The first development of this now, and I most unfortunate, condition of the Gene- ; ral Government, was manifested by the failure, once ami again, of the first great measure intended l>y Congress to restore ; the credit of the country, by the esta- ; blishmcnt of a national bank?a failure caused exclusively by the operation of the veto power by the President. In the spirit of the Constitution of the United States, the Executive is not only separated from the Legislative power, but made dependent upon and responsible to it. Until a very recent period of our history, all reference in cither House of Congress, to the opinions or wishes of the President, relating to any subject in deliberation before them, was regarded as an ou'ragc j upon the rights of the deliberative body, j among tht first of whose duties it is to spurn the influence of the dispenser of' patronage and power. Until very recent- j ! ly, it was sufficient greatly to impair the j influence of any niembct to be suspected ; of personal subserviency to the Execu- j live; and any allusion to his wishes in j debate was deemed a departure not less j from decency than from order. An anxious desire to accommodate the j action fc" Congress to the opinions and wishes of Mr. Tyler had led to modifica- , tions of the first bill for the establishment of a national bank, prescnhim for his appioval, widely ering from the opinions entertained of I their expediency by the majority of both I houses of Congress, hut which failed to [obtain that approval for the sake of which [ they had been reluctantly adopted. A : second attempt ensued, under a sense of j the indispensable necessity of a fiscal corporation to the revenues and credit of the nation, to prepare an act, to which an informal intercourse and communication between a member of the House, charged ' with the duty of preparing the bill, and the President of the United States himself might secure by compliance with his opinions a pledge in advance of his api proval of the bill, when it should be prej sen ted to him. That pledge was obtaini ed. The hill was presented to him in the ' very terms which he had prescribed as necessary to obtain his sanction, and it j met the same fate with its predecessor; and it is remarkable that the reasons ! assigned for the refusal to approve the J second hill are in direct and immediate I conflict with those which had been as1 signed for the refusal to sign the first. P ? Thus the measure, first among those deemed by the Legislature of the Union indispensably necessary for the salvation of its highest interests, and for the rcstoration of its credit, its honor, its prosperity, was prostrated, defeated, annulled, by the weak and wavering obstinacy of one man, accidentally, and not by the will of the people, invested with that terrible power, as if prophetically described by one of his own chosen ministers, at this j day, as "right to deprive the people ofself i government." The first consequence of this Executive legislation was not only to prostrate the efforts of the Legislature itself, to i relieve the people from their distress, to ! replenish the exhausted Treasury and call forth the resources of the country, to redeem the public faith to the fulfilment j of the national engagements, hut to leave P P 1 all the burdens and embarrassments of the public Treasury, brought upon it bv the improvidence of the preceding admin 1 ? *. l Istr?i11on, hearing upon the people wnn aggravated pressure, The fatal error 01 the preceding administration had been an excess of expenditure beyond its income. That excess had boon an average of eight millions of dollars a year, at least, during J the four years of its existence. The practical system of its fiscal operations [ had been a continued increase of expenditures and diminution of revenues, and it left as a bequest to its successor noeffec- , live reduction of expenses, hut a double reduction of revenue to the amount of < millions, to occur, of course, by the mere I lapse of time, unless averted, within fif- < teen months, by subsequent legislation. I By the double exercise of the Presiden- { tial interdict upon the two bills for estab- 1 lishing a national bank this legislation ( was prevented. The excess of expenditures beyond the revenue continued and ( increase*!. The double reduction of revenue, prescribed by the compromise of [ 19133, was suffered to take its full effect j ? no reduction of the expenditures had | t been prescribed ; and, in the course of! n eighteen months, since the inauguration j i if President Harrison, an addition of at ; 1; cast fifteen millions to the enormous de'icit already existing in the Treasury at|J' .!ie close of the last administration, is now 1 charged ujion the prevailing party in v Congress, by those who had made it the c aw, while the exercise of the veto power '' done disabled the Legislature itself from ' i r he power of applying the only remedy jj vhich it was within the competency of "gislalion itself to provide. l( The great purpose for which the spe- < inl session of Congress had been called j -as thus defeated hy the exercise of the I el o power. At the meeting of Congress, < t the regular annual session, the mnjori- | < ics of both Houses, not yielding to the 11 liscouragenionl of disappointed hopes j rul haliled energies, undertook the task . I if raising, by impost duties, a revenue idequate to the necessities of the Treasiry, and to the fulfilment of the national ^ligations. Hy tiie assiduous and unremitting la?f tiif. committees of hoth houses i charged with the duties of providing for; [ho necessities of the revenue, and for the j ureat manufacturing intercst of the Northern, Central and Western states, which must he so deeply adccted hy any adjustment of a tariff, to raise exclusively a revenue adequate to the necessary ex-j penses of the Government from duties on imports, a tariff' bill believed to he nearly, if not wholly, sufficient for that purpose, was elaborated and amply discussed through a long scries of weeks in both branches of the Legislature. The process of gestation through which alone such a o o complicated system could he organized, necessarily consumed many months of time?nor were the committees or the House exempted from severe reproach, which the purchased presses of the Executive Chief are even yet casting upen Congress, without rebuke or restraint from hiin. The delays were occasioned hy the patient and unwearied investiga- j tion of the whole subject by the nppropri- j ate committees. I As the period approached when the so called compromise tarilf was to he consnmmated. leaving the Government with I?".'' " | ate without the concurrence of the Executive. There is in this paper a studious short to save individual from the im nitation of asserting the unqualified indc>endence of the Executive upon the Legislature, and the impotence of Congress o enact any law without him. That issertion, made in so explicit and unqual- 1 tied terms in the Philadelphia letter, is i icre virtually disclaimed and disavowed. " The exercise of some independence of ' udgnont in regard to all acts of legisla- | ion, by any individual invested with the i eto power, is here curtailed and narrow, j d down to the mere privilege of not yieldlg his well considered, most deeply I xed, and repeatedly declared opinions on i ihiters of treat DLibhc concernment, to I O r , 10.so of a co-ordinate department, with- i lit requesting that department seriously s t re examine the subject of their differ- I ? o out any revenue tariff sanctioned by the law, the prudence of Congress, without precipitating their decision upon the permanent system which they fondly hoped toeslahhsh, provided and sent to the Pres. ident a temporary expedient, limited in its operation to the space of one month, during which, to avoid, as they thought, the possibility of a collision with the apprehended antipathies of the President, they had suspended for the same month the proceeds of the sales of public lands, which, by a previous law was to take effect the day after the expiration < f the compromise. Not only was this most conciliatory measure contemptuously rejectecK but, in total disregard of tlie avowed opinions of his own Secretary of the Treasury, concurring with those, nearly unanimous, of all the most eminent lawyers in the land, in.solitary reliance upon the hesitating opinion of the Attorney General,he has undertaken not only to levy taxes to the amount of millions upon the people, hut to prescribe regulations for its collection, and for ascertaining the value of imported merchandise, which the law had. in express terms, reserved for the legislative action of Congress. And now to crown this system of continual and relenting exercise of Execu. tivo legislation by the alternate gross abuse of constitutional power and bold assumption of powers never vested in him by any law, wc come to the veto message referred by the House to this committee. A comparative view of the four several vetoes which in the ccursc of fifteenj months have suspended the legislation of this Union, combined with that nmphib. i i ? r??; frtr nmtrnvinrr I I Oils |)l OUUUlllMI, lilt Itiiou.... I". "||-^ Q ami signing a bill and at the same time o o , striking, by judicial construction, at its most important enactment, illustrated by contemporaneous effusions of temper nt:d of sentiment divulged at convivial festi. vals, and obtruded upon the public eye by the fatal friendship of sycophant private correspondents, and stripped to its naked nature by the repeated and daring assumption hoth of legislative and of judi. cial power, would present anomalies cl character and conduct rarely seen upon earth. Such an investigation, though strictly within the scope of the instructions embraced in the reference to this committee, would require a voluminous report, which the scantiness of time will not allow, and which may not he neccssary for maturing the judgment of the House upon the document now hwfore them. The reason assigned by the President for returning to the House of Representatives, with his objections, the hili to provide revenue from imports, and to change and modify existing laws imposing duties and for other purposes, arc preceded by a brief dissertation upon the painful sensations which any individual invested with the veto power must feel in ex? reusing it upon important acts of the Legislature. The paragraph is worded with extreme caution, and with obvious intent to avoid the assertion, made in such broad mil unqualified terms in the letter read it the Philadelphia lndcpendence-dav linner nartv. that Congress can enact no >nce. The co-ordinate department io the | e Legislature is no longer the co-ordinate i i branch of the Legislature. The power of i i Congress to enact a law without the co- ( c aperntion of any individual Executive is I conceded, not merely by unavoidable t inference, for the closing paragraph o! the i message, recurring again to the same j < troublesome reminiscence, observes that, ' I after all, the effect of what he does is ! j substantially to call on Congress to rc con- i i sider the subject. If, on such reconsid- J i cration, a mnjoritv of two thirds of both 11 Houses should be in favor of this measure, < it will become a law notwithstanding his t O objections. i The truism of this remark may perhaps he accounted for by the surmise that it 1 was a new discovery, made since the wri- I tmcr nf the Philadelphia dinner party let- I e ter; and the modest presumption ascribed to the Constitution that the Kxecutive can commit no error of opinion unless two thirds of both branches of the Legislature ! arc in conflict with him, is tempered by j the amiable assurance that in that event j he will cheerfully acquiesce in a result1 which would be precisely the same whether he should acqu csce in it not. The aptitude of this hypothetical position may he estimated by the calculation of (be chances that the contingency which it supposes is within the verge of possibil. ity. The reasons assigned by the President j for his objections to this bill are farther preceded by a narrative of bis antecedent opinions and communications on the sub- j ject of distributing the proceeds of the j sales of public lands, fie admits that { at the opening of the extra session he j recommended such a distribution, hut he avers that this recommendation was exj prcssly coupled with the condition that the j duties on imports should not exceed the I rato nf OH nor ppnl. nrnvided hv fhnrnm. I " M * V */ S <WV J^v? */*?? ? J- . ? ? v ~ -- , . .. v promise act of 1833. Who could imagine that, after , this most emphatic coupling of the revenue from duties of impost with revenue from the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, the first and paramount objection of the President to this bill should ho that it unites two subjects, which, so fir from having any affinity to one another, are I I wholly incongruous in their character? ! I which two subjects are idenically the j same with those which he had coupled to- I gether in his recommendation to Congress . at the extra session? If there was no j affinity between thoparties, why did he join them together? If the union was illegitimate, who was the administering ! 1 T priest of the unhaliowcd riles? It is oh- i jeeted to this bill that it is both a revenue ! and an appropriation hill. What then?! Is not the act of September 4, 1841, npproved and signed by the President himself, both a revenue and an appropriation bill ? Does it not enact that, in the event ofan insufficiency of impost duties not exceeding twenty per cent, ad valorem to defray the current expenses of the Gov- , ernment, the proceeds of the sales of the I lands shall be levied as part of the same revenue, and appropriated to the same } purposes ? The appropriation of the proceeds f the sales of the public lands to defray the j ordinary expenditures of the Government is believed to be a system of fiscal management unwise, impolitic, improvident and unjust; and it is precisely for that' reason that the bill now before the House , | provides that they shall not be so nppropri ! atcd. The public lands .arc the noble and J I inappreciable inheritance of the whole i nation. The sale of them to individuals 1 I is not a tax upon the purchaser, but an ' | exchange of equivalents scarcely more; burdensome to the grantee than it he should receive it as a gratuitous donation. To appropriate the proceeds of the sales to defray the ordinary expenses of the j Government is to waste and destroy the j property. This property is held by Congross in trust. Mr. Tyler speaks of the , distribution as if it was giving away the , property. It is precisely the reverse. It is restoring it to the owner. To appropriate the proceeds to defray the current expenditures is to give ' it up to dilapidation and wa>to. j It is in political economy precisely the 1 same ns if an individual landholder should j Si II oil", year after year, parcels of his; estate, and consume its proceeds in the ! payment of his household expenses. The ; first principle of political ceonomv necessary for a nation is to raise by taxation 1 within tho year the whole sum required for tho oxpumliturtM of tlmt y?ar. fclvp.ry l doparture from this principle is a step in il>.% unlit nf iifllinn.il !?:?nkrimfrv nnil ruin. I" - J, J ?The tinily demands of the Treasury must be supplied by the income derived . from taxation by the year, and not by the dissipation of the common property. The second reason of the President for objecting to the passage of this bill is j1 not more ponderous than the first. It is the destitute and cmharrasssed state of 1 the Treasury, and the impolicy, if not tin- j I constitutionality, ofgicing away a fruitful j 1 source of revenue, which if retained i' may ho seized by the Government and ! applied to meet its daily wants. Hut | the President had just told us that this j ' fruitful source of revenue was a subject j' wholly dissimilar in its character from ! I that of revenue raised by duties of impost t 1 ?so dissimilar that the union of them ( 1 formed in his mind an insurmountable i' objection to the passage of the bill. 4' 1 ; ! most respectfully submit" (says the nirs- | ' sage)44 whether this is a time to give away ' s the proceeds of the land sales, when tiie . * public lands constitute a fund which of M til others may he made moat useful in i f sustaining the public credit." j 1 And how could it ho made thus useful; I v Precisely by giving (hem away. Uy giv. |J ng them away forever! For if the " irineiple be once rs ahlishcd that the pro- 11 reeds of the sales of tho public lands a din 11 be substituted in the place of revenue >y taxation to defray the ordinary annual 1 sxpenses of the national government, i lever more will the people of any state I n this Union have the benefit of one < lollnr from this richest of mines of inex- | lnustible wealth, bestowed upon them by i heir bountiful Creator for the improve. | nent of their own condition. But given may?ves, to the last cent, given away, i forever, to pamper the reckless extrava. I Tance of a Government forever preach- I ing retrenchment and economy, and forever henping million upon million of annual expenditure * to suckle armies and dry nurse the land." Tho mmmi t (#?#? atlhmit to the HoUSC their unhesitating opinion that the appro, priati ?n of any part of tho proceeds of tho public lands to the ordinary annual expenditures would be the only effectual and irretrievable giving aicay of that great and inestimable inheritance of the American people. That, if once that growing and inexhaustible fund shall be doomed to form the whole or any part of the ways nnd means for the annual csti* mates of the receipts and expenditures of the National Government, tho people may bid farewell, a long farewell, to every hope of ever receiving a dollar's useful improvement from that gift of God to them, thus cruelly and perfidiously wrested from their hands. Nineteen of the states of this Union, in the ardent, perhaps, in some cases, in. considerately ardent, pursuit of this improvement of their own condition, have become involved, some of them heavily involved, in debt. The greatest portion of this debt has been contracted for the accomplishment of stupendous works to expedite and facilitate the intercourse of travel and of trade between the remotest extremes of this great republic, swarming, from year to year, with redoubling mil* lions of population. It is no exaggerated estimiteof the value of these works to say, that thesavi ig of time, of labor, and of expense to individual ciiizcns of the Unio i, enjoying the benefit of these pubbe works, more than repays, in every singleyear, the whole cost cf their con* struction. But while these immense benefits have been thus secured to the people, as n community of individuals, the states which authorized them have contracted a burden of liabilities heavier than they are able to bear. They need the assis. tance of a friendly and powerful hand, and where should they find it but in the sympathies of the national Government ? ?;n their fidelity to the trust committed to their charge in this immense and al* m >st boundless public domain ? The application of the proceeds of the public lands to alleviate the burden of these debts pressing upon the people of almost all the slates, is, if not the only, the most unexceptionable mode of extending the mighty arm of the Union to relieve the i - t* , * r people ot the states irom m j pressure or the burden bearing upon Ihem?a relief consisting only of the distribution among them of their own property?a relief fur. nishing them the means of paying to the Un.tcd States themselves no inconsiderable portion of the debts due from the states to them?so that by one and the same operation the people of the states will be relieved from the intolerable pres. sure of their debt, and the common Treasury of the Union will receive back in j payment of debt no small part of the s.imi sums allotted to the states ns their respective portions of the distriluftion. The committee regret that the shortness of the time which they have allowed themselves for the preparation of this report constrains them to pass over numerous other considerations, amounting to the clearest demonstration that the distribillion among the states of the proceeds of the sales of thepublic lands will be infinitely more conducive to the ends of justice and to the relief of the people from their embarrassments, than the dcvotioi of the same funds to he swallowed up in the in- 1 satiate gulf of the ordinary annual expenses of the Federal Government?to perish in the using like the nine millions of the fourth instalment promised to the states, the seven or eight millions of stock in the Bank of the United States, and the five or six millions of Indian trust and navy pension funds, all sunk, during the Van Buren administration, without leaving a wreck behind. Tins review of the reasons of the President for objecting to the passage of the | bill might be extended fur more into me detail, and all lea ling to the conclusion that they nra inconsistent, and un? satisfactory. It remains only for the House to take, by yeas and nays, the question upon the final passage of the bill, and as the majority of tho committee cannot indulge, even hypothetically, the absurd hope of a majority either in this or the House of Congress competent to the enactment of the bill into a law, they leave the House to determine what farth. cr measure they may deem necessary and j practical by tho legislative authority in i the present calamitous condition of the country* They perceive that the whole legislative ,>ower of the Union has been for the last fifteen months, with regard to the action i >f Congress upon measures of vital im. >ortance, in a state of suspended anima* ion, strangled by tho five repeated stric. ure of the Executive cord. They oh. < icrve that, under theso unexampled ob-1 i .(ructions to the exercise of tfeir high and ' | _ .1 1 u:?i I u^ii uiiuit' mines, uiey navu iiiuierio pre* ? icrved the most respectful forbearance , oward the Executive chief; that while , ic has time after time annulled by tho uere act of his will their coinmision from he people to enact laws for the common welfare, they have forborne even the expression of their resentment for these 1 iiuitiplied insults and injuries?they he* j leved they had a high destiny to fulfil, by dminisb ring to the people in the form of tw retr edica for the sufferings which ^ hey had too long endured. m The will of one man has frustrated ill [heir Inborsand prostrated all their powers. The majority of tho committee beicve that the case has occured in the an. rials of our Union, contemplated by the founders of the constitution by the grant to the House of Representatives of the power to impeach the President of the United States ; that they are aware that the resort to that expedient might, in the present condition of public affairs, prove abortive. They see that the irreconcilea. ble difference of opinion and of action be tween the Legislative and Executive Departments of the Government is but sympathetic with the same discordant views and feelings among the peopK To them a'onc the final issue of the struggle must be left. In the sorrow and mortification under the failure of all their labors to redeem the honor and prosperity of their country, it is r? cheering consolation to them that the termination of their own official existence ts at hand ; that they are even now about to return to receive the sentence of their constituents upon themselves; that the legislative power of the Union, crip* pled and disabled as it may now be, is about to pass, renovatod and revivified by the will of the people, into other haods, upon whom will Jevolve the task of providing that remedy for public distempers which their own honc9t and agonizing energies have in vain endeavored to supply. The power of the present Congress to enact laws essential to the welfare of the people has heen struck with apoplexy by (he Executive hand. Submission to his will is the only condition upon which he will perminhern to act. For the enactment of a measure earnestly recommended by himself he forbids their action, unless coupled wilh a condition declared by himself to be on a subject so totally different that he will not suffer them to be coupled in the same law. With that condition Congress cannot comply. In this state of things he has nssumed, as the committee fully believe, the exercise of the whole legislative power to himself, and is levying millions of money upon the people without any authority of law. But the final decision of this question depends neither upon legislative nor executive, but upon judicial authority, nor can the final decision of the Supreme Court upon it be pronounced beforo the close of the /I present congress. In (lie mean time the abusive exercise of the constitutional power of the Presi. dent to arrest the action of Congress upon measures vital to the welfare of the people, has wrought conviction upon the minds of n majority of tho committco that the veto powor itself must be re. strained and modified by an amendment of the Constitution itself, a resolution for i which they accordingly herewith respect, fully report. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, jno. m.botts, james cooper, k. rayner. THOMAS J.CAMPBELL, TRUMAN SMITH, F. GRANGER, H. S. LANE, jeremiah morrow, j. a. pearce, Resolved by the Senate and House of Represen'alices of the United States of ' America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring therein, That the following amendment of the Consti* tution of the United States, in the aev. * enth section of the first article, he recom. mended to the Legislatures of the several States, Which on thendopfion of the same, by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, shall become part and parcel of the Con. stitution: Instead of the words 41 two thirds'* twice repeated in tho second paragraph i of the said seventh section, substitute, in both cases, the words " a majority of tho ^ whole number." PHONOGRAPHY. A late English work has the following account of a new discovery, viz ; the art of writing by sound : Another art has heen lately added to various lorms of abbreviated writing, which seems far more available than any which have been hitherto invented. It is called Phonography, or literally writing by sound?that is, writing each word exactly as it is pronounced. It does away altogether with the tedious method of spelling, for it has distinct signs tor all the sounds of the human voice. It is applicable to all languages. We have !>efore us a l>ook containing a part of the Scriptures in English, French, German, Chinese, and Hebrew, all written in the phonographic character.? Nothing has yet been invented which comes so near to the ? universal character,'so much desired by Bishop Wilkin9. If generally introduced, it would be a very valuable acquisition to the deaf and dumb, enabling them to express their thoughts with almost as much rapidity as we can do by speech." CAST IRON BUILDINGS. Buildings of cast iron are daily increasing at a prodigious rate in England, and it appenrs that houses are about to he constructed of this material. A three story house containing ten or twelve rooms, will not cost more than XI100, regard being had to the manner in which it niay be ornamented. Houses of thi? j mnv ho taken to pieces, and llC5Cri|Hiwn -- , transported from one place to another, at in exjKjnso of not more than ?'25. It is mid that a large number of cast iron louses arc about to l>c manufactured in Belgium and England for the citizens of Hamburg, whose habitations havo been >urnt.