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?i i . powers too hastily or oppressively ; yot i is a power which ought to he most cau tiousiy exerted, and perhaps never, excep In a case eminently involving the puh!i< interest, or one in which the oath of lh< President, acting under his convictions both mental and moral, imperiously re quires its exercise. In such a case h< has no alternative. He must either ex ert the negative power entrusted to bin by the Constitution chiefly for its owr preservation, protection, and defence, 01 commit an act of grow moral turpitude, Mere regard to the will of a majority tuu*t not, in a constitutional republic like ours, control this sacred and solemn du> ty of a sworn officer. The Constitution I regard and cherish as the emtxMltec and written will of the whole people oi the United States. It is their fixed ant fundamental law, which they unanimous lv prescribe to the public functionarie: ?their mere trustees and servants. This their will, and the law which they havt given us as the rule of our action, haa nt guard, no guaranty of preservation, pro taction, and defence, but the oaths wliicl it prescribes to the public officers, th< sanctity with which they shall religious!) observe those oaths, and the patriotisu with which the people shall yield it by thei own sovereign will, which has made th< Constitution supreme. It must be ex erted a/ainst the will of a mere represen talive najority, or not at all. It is alon< in pursuance of that will that any meas "ure can reach the President; and to sa; that because a majority in Congress hnvi passed a hill the President should there lore saiiciiuu u, is ( > auiu^nn. i.ic |mnv altogether, and to render it* insertion ii the Constitution a work of absolute su pcrerngaiion. The duty is to guard lh< fundamental will of the people themselve ' from (in this ease I admit unintentional change or infraction by a majority in Con gress. And in that light alone do I re gnrd the constitutional duty which I nuu most reluctantly discharge. Is this bill, now presented for my ap proval or disapproval, such a hill as I hav< already declared could not receive tn\ sanction ? Is it such a bill as calls foi the exercise of the negative power undei the Constitution ? Does it violate the Constitution by creating a National Bank to operate per sc over the Union? Itf JUtle, in the first place, descritas its gene, nxl character. "It is "au act t<? provide for the better collection, safe keeping, and disbursement of the public revenue, by mcaus of a corporation to be styled the Fiscal Corporation of the United Stales.' In style, then, it is plainly nation^ in itc character. Its powers, functions, anc duties are those which pertain to the collectings keeping and disbursing the publit revenue. The means by which these art to he exerted is a corporation, to be stylet the Fiscal Corporation of the Uniter, States. It is a corporation created b\ the Comrress of the United States, in it.< character of a National Legislature for tin whole Union, to perfortn the fiscal pur posts, meet the fiscal wants and exigcn ties, supply the fiscal uses, and exert ih? fiscal agencies of the Treasury of the U nited States. Such is its own description of itself. Dq its provisions contradict its title? They do npt. It is truf that, by its ti.-st section, it provide* that if shall be established in the District of Columbia ; hut the amount of its capitnl?the manner in which its stock is tc be subscribed for and held?the persons and bodies, corporate and politic, by whom Us stock may be held?fhc appoint, inent of its directors, and their powers and duties?its fundamental articles, especialIv that to establish agencies in any pari of the Union?the corporate powers am business of such agencies?the prohibition of Congress to establish any othei corporation with similar powers for twen tv years, with express reservation in the J . ' r came clause to modify or create any banl for the. District of Columbia, so that the ai?Cresale capital shall not exceed*fiv< null ions; without enumerating other fea ture* which are equally distinctive am characteristic, clearly show that it canno be regarded as other than a Bank of tlx United S ates, with powers seemingly more limited than have heretofore beei granted to such an institution, ft oper ates per se over the Union, by virtue o the unaided and, in tny view, assurne< authority of Congress as a National Leg islature, as tho local Legislature of tin District. Every United States haul heretofore created has had power to den in bills of exchange, as ell as local dis counts. Both were trading privilege: conferred, and both were exercised, bi vir.tue of the aforesaid power of Congress n??r-the whole Union. The question o power r< maijis uneiiangeu, wunoui reier tuio.e to the exient of privilege granted If this proposed Corporation is to he re garded"n? a Ideal bank of the District o Columbia, exist by Congress with gene ral powers to Operate o\er the Union, it i; obnoxious to still stronger objections. I assumes that Congress may invest a loca institution with general or national powers. VVith the same propriety that if nun do this in regard to a bank of the Distric of Columbia, it may to a State bank. Ye who can indulge the idea that this Gov. rnment can rightfully, by making a State bank its fiscal agent, invest it with the absolute and unqualified powers confcrrer . by this hi!! ? When I come to look al ^ the details of the bill, they do not recommend it strongly to my adoption. A brief notice of some of its provisions will suffice. First. It may justify substantially a system of discounts of the most objection* able character. It is to deal in lulls ol exchange drawn in one State and payable in another, without any restraint. Th* hill of exchange may have an unlimited time to run, and its' renewabiliiy is nr where guarded against.' It may. in fact lissumo the n.ost objectionable form ol accomodation paper. It is net required v. Vf. t? .? * w **>* : to rest on nnv actual,- real, or substantial exchange basis; ft drawer in one place becomes the acceptor in another, and so, in turn, the acceptor rnav become the drawer, upon a mutual understanding.? It may, at the same lime, indulge in ine.c local discounts under the name of bills of exchange. A hill drawn at Philadelphia on Camden. New Jersey ; at New York on a border town in New Jen-ey; at Cincinnati on Newport, in Kentucky; not to multiply other examples, might, for any thing in this bill to restrain it, become a mere matter of local accommodation.? Cities thus relatively situated would possess advantages over cities otherwise situaled, of so decided a character as most justly to excite dissatisfaction. Second. There is no limit prescribed I to the premium in the purchase of hills ol 1 Ir #?Afrii/?tln/T nAflP g\i | CAV.IIOIIg'; j lll?!6iit iiwiiv the evils under which the community now labors, and operating most injurious* ly upon the agricultural States, in which i .he irregularities in the rates of exchnuge are most severely felt. Nor are these the only consequences. A resumption t of specie payments by the hanks of those States would be liable to indefinite posti ponemcnt: for, as the operations of the agencies in the interior would chiefly consist in selling bills of exchange, and . the purchases could o-dy he made in spe cie. or the notes of banks paving specie, the State banks would either have to con. tinue with their doors closed, or exist at - the mercy of this national monopoly of i brokerage. Nor can it be passed over , without remark, that whilst the District of Columbia is made the seat of the prini j cipal hank, its citizens are excluded from , 1 ail participation in any benefit it mignt ! j afford by a positive prohibition on the ; I hank from all discounting within the DisI j t.'ict. i These are some of the objections which ; prominently exist against the details of j the bill; others might be urged, of much force, hut it would be unprofitable to dwell upon them; suffice it to add. that this 4 - j - 1 f/vp * * ?/ ? nttf i dinner is uenigneu iu cdiiuuuc mm years, without a competitor; that the defects to which I have alluded, being founded on the fundamental law of the cr,)orotion, are irrevocable ; and that if the ! objections bo well-founded, it would be over-hazardous to pass the bill into a law. In conclusion, I take leave most rejspectfullv to say, that I have felt the ! most anxious solicitude to meet the wishes I of Congress in the adoption of a Fiscal j Agent, which, avoiding all constitutional v objections, should harmonize conflicting ; opinions. Actuated by this feeling, I have been ready to yield much, in a spirit of conciliation, to the opinions of others; ' and it is with great pain that I now feel j compelled to differ from Congress a seeond time in the same session. At the i commencement of this session, inclined j from choice to differ to the Legislative | j will, I submitted to Congress the proprie- i i ty of adopting a Fiscal Agent which. ! ; without violating the constitution, would ' (separate the public money from the Excc utive control, and perform the operations j of the Treasury, .without being burdenj some to the People or inconvenient or | expensive to the Government. It is deepj Iv to he regretted that this department of : the Government cannot, upop constituj tional and other grounds, concur with the j Legislative Department in this last mens- j j ore proposed io attain these desirable oh- j \ jects. Owing to the brief space between j ! the period of the death of mv lamented j { predecessor and my own installation into i office, I was in fact, not left time to pre- ; < pare and submit a definitive recommenda\ tion of my own in mv regular message; | and. since, my mind has been wholly or! copied in a most anxious attempt to con| form my action to the Legislative will. J In this communication, I arn confined, by i the constitution, to my objections simply j to this hill, but the period of the regular , ' | session will soon arrive, when it will he j I mvduty, under another clause of the Con- j ' stitution, "to give to Congress inforrna- , I tion of the state of the Union, and re- j i j commend to their consideration such \ measures a? I shall judge necessary and ! i j expedient.'' And I nui?t respectfully | ; submit, in a spirit of harmony, whether I "j the present differences of opinion should j 11 he pressed further at this tiirnf, and whe- ! . j ther the peculiarity of my situation does j i j not entitle me to a postponement of this i ;; subject to a more auspicious period for de- j I j liberation. j The two Houses ot Congress iiave cus. s! tinguished themselves at this extraordinary session by the performance of an , J immense mass of labor, at a season very ' unfavorable both to health and action, and have passed many laws which I trust ,! will prove highly beneficial to the interest of the country, and fully answer its just i \ expectations. It has been my good for- I | tune and pleasure to concur with them in j 11 nil measures, except this: and why should 1 i our difference on this alone be poshed to [ extremes? It is my anxious desire that I it should* not be. I, too, have been burj dened with extraordinary labors of late, | and I sincerely desire time for deep and deliberate reflection on this, the greatest difficulty of my administration. May we not now pause until a more favorable time, when, with the most anxious hope that the Executive and Congress may cordially unite, some measure of finance ^ may he deliberately adopted, promotive of the good of our common countiy. I will take this occasion to declare, that j tn wliiph I have hroucht ! f I lie: ei'll^iuoiuna *V " o "* i myself are those of a settled conviction. I founded, in mv opinion, on a just view of J the constitution ; that, in arriving at it, I have been actuated hy r.o other motive or | desire than to uphold the institutions of the country as they have come down to us from the hands of our god-like ances. tors; and that I shall esteem my efforts to sustain them, even though I perish, more honorable than to win the applause of men l>v a sacrifice of ro* duty and mv con??ence.~" JOHN T?LER. ' Wasiiington, Sept. 9, 1841,. THE LETTERS OF RESIGNATION. The following Letters of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Attorney-General, resigning their respective trusts, have been placed in our hands flir publication: Washing^)* September 11,1841. Sir: Circumstances, have occurred in the course of your Administration, and chiefly in the exercise by you of the veto power, which constrain me to believe that rnv longer continuance in office at a member of your Cabinet will be neither agreeable to you, useful to the country, nor honorable to myself. Do me the justice, Mr. President, to believe that this conclusion has been adopted neither capriciously,?/1 not in any spirit of party- feeling <>,* personal hostility, hut from a sense of duty which* mistaken .?' _ l __ * . a inoijon ic may oe, is yei so sincerely en. tertained, that I cheerfully sacrifice to it the advantages and distinctions of office. Be pleasad, therefore, to accept this as my resignation of the office of Attorney General of the United States. Very respectfully, vours. &c. J. J. CRITTENDEN. The Prksioext. *. Treasury Depatmrnt; Sept. 11, 1841. Sin : After the most calnq and careful considt ration, and viewing the subject in all the aspects in which it presents itself to my mind, I have come to the conclusion that I ought no longer tp remain a member of your Cabinet. I therefore resign the cilice of Secretary of the Treesury, and bog you to accept this as my letter of resignation. To avoid misunderstanding, I distinctly declare that I do not consider* difference of opinion as to the charter of a National Bank a sufficient reason for dissolving the ties which have existed between us. Though I look upon that measure as one of vast importance to the prosperity of | the country, and though I should have deeply deplored your inability or unwillingness to accord it to the wishes of the People and the States, so unequivocally expressed through their Representatives, still, upon this and this alone, uneonnected with other controlling circumstances, I should not have felt hound to resign the place which I hold in your Administration. But those controlling circumstances do exist, and I will, in my own justification, place them in connexion before you. It is hut just to you to say that tho hill which first passed the two Houses of 6'on- j gress, and which was returned with your objections on the 16th of August, did never, in its progress, as far as I know or believe, receive at any time either your express or implied assent. So far as that bill was known to me. or as I was con-. suited upon it. I endeavored to bring its provisions as nearly as possible in accordance with what I understood to be your' views, and rather hoped than expected j your approval. I knew thje extent to which you were committed on the ques(ion. I knew the pertinacity with which von adhered to your expressed opinions, and I dreaded from the first the most dis. nstrou* consequences, when the project of compromise which I presented at an early day was rejected. It is equally a matter of justice to you nnd to myself to say that the bill which I reported to the two Houses of Congress at the commencement of the session, in obedience to their ca'l, was modified so ns to meet your approbation. You may i not, it is true, have read the bill through, out, and examined every part of it; but the 14lh fuudamental article, which be. came the contested question of principle, , was freely discussed between us, and it was understood and unequivocally sane, j tioned by yourself. The last clause in the bill, also which contained a rc9erva.f tion of power in Congress, was inserted on the 9t!i of June, in your presence, and with your approbation; though you at one time told oie that, in giving your sanction j to the bill, you would accompany it with j an explanation of your understanding of j that last (?) clause* In this condition of thin**, though I greatly regretted your veto on the bill as it passed the two Houses of Congre&s, and though I foresaw the excitement and agi. tntion which it would produce among the People, yet considering tho changes the hill had undergone in its passage, and its variance from the one you had agreed to sanction, I could not Hnd in that act enough to disturb the confidential relations which existed between u*. I was disposed to attribute this act, fraught with mischiefs as it was to pure and honorable ino. lives, and to a conscientious conviction on your part that the bill, in some of its provisions, conflicted with the Constitu. tion. But that opinion of vour course on the hill which has just been returned to Congress with your second veto, I do not. and cannot entertain. Recur to what has passed between us with respect to it, and von will at once perceive that such opinion is impossible. On the morning of the 16th of August, I called at your chamber, and found jou preparing the first veto message, to he de. spa ched to the Senate. The Secretary of War came in also, and you read a portion of the message to us. He observed that, though the veto would create a great sensation in Con rrcss, yet he .thought the minds of our friends better prepared for it than they were some days ago, and he hoped it would be calmly received, especially as it did not shut out all hope of a bank. To this you replied, that you reaily thought there ought to be no dilficulty about, it; that your veto message what kind ofa bank you would approve, and that Congress might, if they saw fit, pass such a one in three days. 'fhe 18th being the day for our regular Cabinet, meeting, we assembled, all exccpt Messrs. Crittenden and Granger, ap^ you told m that you' had a long conversation with Mossrs. Berrien and Ser- i geaot, who professed to come in behalf of | the Whigs of the two Houses to endeavor i to strike out some measure which would b? generally acceptable. That you had i your doubt* about the propriety of conver- i sing with them yoursi If, and thought it i more proper that you should commune i with them through your constitutional advisers'. You expressed a wish that the | whole subject should be postponed till the next session of Congress. You spoke of the delay in the Senate of the consideration of your veto message, and expressed anxioty as to the tone and temper which i the debate would assume. Mr. Badger said that on inquiry he was happy to find that the best temper prevailed in the two Houses. He believed i they were perfectly ready to tako up the bill reported by th^ Secretary of the Treasury, and pass it at once. You replied, Talk not to me of Mr. Ewing's bill; it j contains that odious feature of local dis counts which I have repudiated in my < message.' * I then said, to you I have no , doubt, sir, that the House, having ascer- i tained your views, will pass a bill in conformity to them, provided they can be < satisfied that it would answer the purposes of the Treasury and relieve the country.' Yoii then said,44 Cannot my Cabinet see that-this is brought ab< ut ? You must stand by me in this emergency. Cannot you see that a bill passes Congress such as I can approve without inconsistency?' I declared again my belief that such a bill might he passed. And yoti then said to mo, * What do you understand to be my j opinions ? S ate them, so that I may see ; thai: there is no misapprehension about them.' i I then said that I understood you to be i opinion that Congress might charter a hank in the District of Columbia, giving i it its localities here. To this you ansen- i ted, That they might authorise such < bank to establish offices of discount and i deposite in the several States, with the assent of the States. To this you replied, < 4 Don't name discounts ; they have been j the source of the most abominable corruptions, and are wholly unnecessary to < enable the bank to discharge its duties to < the conntry and the Government.' I observed in reply that I was propos- I ing nothing, but simply endeavoring to I stale what I had understood to be your i opinion as to the powers which Congress I might constitutionally confer on a bank; that on that point I stood corrected. I I then proceeded to say that I understood i you to be of opinion that Congress might I authorize such bank to establish agencies I in the several States, with power to deal I in bills of exchange, without the assent of I the States, to which you replied, * Yes if I they he foreign hills, or bills drawn in one l State and payable in another.. That is i all the power necessary for transmitting i the public funds and regulating exchanges I and the currency.' * iVIr. Webster then expressed, in strong ? terms, his opinion that such a chaiter | would answer all just purposes of Govern- i me qt and be satisfactory to the People; i ; ami declared his preference lor it over any which had been proposed, especially as it dispensed with (he assent of the States in the creation of an institution necessary | for carrying on the fiscal operations of Government.. He examined it at some length, both as to its constitutionality and its influence on the currency and ex* changes, in ail which views you expressed your concurrence, desired that such a bill should be introduced, and especially that it s hould go into the hands of your friend* To my inquiry whether Mr. Sergeant would be agreeable to you, you replied thr.t-iie would. You especially requested Mr, Webster and myself to communicate wilh Messrs. Berrien and Sergeant on the subject, to whom .you said you had promised to. adriressa note, but vou doub* feci not that this personal commnnication would be equally satisfactory. You de* I sired us, also, in communicating with those gentlemen, not to commit you per* | serially, lost, this being recognised as your measure, it might be made a subject of | comparison to your prejudice in the course of discussion. You and Mr. Webster then conversed about the particular wording of the 16th fundamental article, containing the grant of power to deal in exchanges, and of the connexion in which that grant should be introduced you also spoke of the name of the institution, desiring that that should be changed. To r this I objected, as it would probably be i made a subject of ridicule, but you insis- t ted that there was much in a name, and j this institution ought not to he called a I bank. Mr. Webster undertook to adapt c it in this particular to your wishes. Mr. t n ii .I l 1 ...'\t_ / Dtll IIIUI1 OUSt'rreu (U Hilt n 5?.11CI mill V myself that we had no time to lose? that if i this were not immediately attended to, a- r nother bill, less acceptable, might be got p up and reported. We replied that we * would lose no time. Mr. Webster accord- t ingly called on Messrs. Berrien ?nd Ser- e geant immediately,and I waited on them p by his appointment at 5 o'clock on the a same day, and agreed upon the principles ? of the hill in accordance with your ex- a pressed wishes. And I am apprised of j a the fact, though it did not occur in my j p presence, that after the bill was drawn up, t and before it was reported, it was seen i and examined by yourself: that your at- s tentioo was specially railed to tho 16th n fundamental article: that on full examin- I ation yon concured in its provisions : that ti at the same time its name was so modified ; s as to meet your approbation : and the ! tl bill was reported and passed, in all essen- l< rial particulars, hs it was when it came c ihrough your hands. j s You asked Mr Webster and myself! j< each to prepare and present a.n argument j l< touching the constitutionality of the bill; j * nrl lif fnr? f hnat? apmimanta pniiiH hp 1 A WIVI v ^UIUVIII?3 w' prepared and read by you, you declared ii a*, I heard and believe, to gentlemen t< wtmmmmmmmmtmmmmammmmmmmmmmmm Members of the House, that you would cut off your right hand rather than ap. prove it. After this new resolution was taken, you asked and earnestly urged the members of your Cabinet to postpone the bill, but you would neither give yourself, nor suffer them to give, any assuancc of your future course, in case of such postponement. By some of us, and [ was myself one, the effort was made to gratify your wishes in the only way in which it could be done with propriety; that is, by obtaining the general concurrence of the Whig Members of the two Houses to the postponement. It failed, i as I have reason to believe, because you | would give no assurance that the delny was j 1 1 ? ? ? ^?rt?oiAn (V>r noi sougru as a means mm weus?"??? ?" ; hostile movements. During this season of deep feeling and earnest exertion upon our part, while we were zealously devoting our talents and influence to and tosustain you, the very secrets of our Cabinet councils made their appearance in an infamous paper printed in a neighboring city the columns of which were daily charged with flattery of yourself nnd foul abuse of your Cabinet. All this I bore for I felt that inv services, so long a9 they could avail, were du? to the nation?to that great nnd mngDa nimous People whose suffrages elevated yosjr predecessor to the station which you now fill, and whose united voict 3 approved the act when be sum- j oned us nronnd him, to he his counsellors; and I felt that what was due to his mem- j ory, to his injunctions which he left us in his last dying words, and to the People | whose servants wc *w<;re, had not all been performed until every means was tried, and every hope had foiled of carrying out the true principle upon which the mighty movement was founded that elevated him and you to power. This bill, framed and fashioned according to your own suggestions, in the initiation of which I a.id another member of" your Cabinet wore made by you the agents and the negotiators, was passed by large majorities through the two Houses of Congress and sent to you, aod yon rejected it. Important as was the part which I had taken, at your request, in the origination of this bill, an 1 deeply as I was committed for your action upon it, you never consulted me on the subject of the veto messnge. You did not even rc. Per to it in conversation, and the first notice I had of its contents was derived from rumor. And to me, at least, you have done no. thing to wipe away the personal indignity irising out of the act. I gathered, it w true, from your conversation shortly a fter the bill had passed the house that you had a strong purpose to regect it; but no. thing was said like softening or apology tome, either in reference to myself or to those whom I had communicated at your request, arid who had acted themselves indinduced the two Houses to act upon the faith of that communication. And urangeasit may seen, the Veto Message ittacksit in an especial manner the very )rovisions which were inserted at your / "equest; and even the name of the corpo ation. which was not only agreed to l?y you, but especially changed to meet your expressed wishes, is made the subject of vour criticism. Different men might new the transaction in different points af lii?ht. but, under these circumstances. is a matter of personal honour, it would t>e hard for me to remain of your counsel, to seal my lips and leave unexplained aod undisclosed where lies in this transaction the departure from straight forwardness ! uncf candor. So far indeed from admitting the encouragement which you gave to this bill in its inception, and explaining and excusinn your sudden and violent hostility towards it, you throw into your Veto Message an interrogatory equivalent to in assertion that it was such a bill as you and uliendy declared could not receive four sanction. Such is the obvious ef-' feet of the first interrogatory clause on the i jecond page. Tt has all the force of an j insertion without its open fairness. 11 lave met and refuted this, the necessary r nferrence from your language, in my pre- i :eding statement, the correctness ofj ivhich you 1 am sure will not can in queslion. Your veto to the first bill you rested >n constitutional ground and the high ronvictions of conscience; and no man, in ny opinion, had a right to question your linccsritv. I so said, and I so acted, for hrough all the contest rind collision that irose out ofthal act you had mv adherence md support. But how is it with respccf ' o this? Tho subject of a Bank is not new to fou; it is more than twenty years that you lavemade it an object of consideration and >f study, especially in its connexion with he constitutional powers of the General government. You, therefore, could not ?e, and you were not, taken unprepared >n this question. The bill which I re- < >orted to Congress, with your approbation it the commencement of tho session, had he clause relating to agencies & the powir to deal in exchanges, as strongly develo- 1 - * A ' l-? ?? MiMlf 1-f.lOrttti/l I ien ns IIIV uiib yuu Iinvo ni??? iujoui'.u ,nd equally without the assent of the >tates. You refetred specially and with i pprobation to that clause, many days | ,fter, in a conversation held in the De- < artment of State. You sanctioned it in I his particular bill as detailed above ? I tnd no doubt was thrown out upon the i ubject by you, in my hearing, or within < uy knowledge, until the letter of Mr. i tolts came to your hands. Soon after i he reading of that letter you threw out i trong intimations that you would veto < he bill if it were pot postponed. That < stter I did and do most unequivocally i ondemn, but it did not affect theconsti- 1 tutionality of the biP, or justify you in re. i ; ting if on that ground; it could effect on. ' (r the expediency of your action; and t r hat ever you may now believe as ;o the cruples existing in your mind, in this and < 1 a kindred source there is strong ground 5 believ? they have thoir origin. 1 IT I be right in this, ?nd I doubt notl am, here is a great public measure de. inanded by the country, passed upon and approved by the Representatives of tht, Siates and the People, rejected by you as President on grounds having no origin in conscience, and no reference to the public good. The rejection of this measure* too, continues the purse with the sword m the hands of the Executive, from which we strove to wrest it in the contest which ele. vated your predecessor and you to power, j I cannot concur in this, your course ofpo. 1 licy. In or out of office my opinions re. main unchanged^ I cannot abandon tha principles for which, during all my political career, 1 have struggled; especially I can* not be one of the instruments bv which the Executive wields these combined, ac? cumulated, and dangerous powers^ These, sir, are the reasons for the im* portant steps which I have felt it my duty to take, and I submit them as'its justification. I am, very respectfully, yours, T. EWING. To the Pibsident. From Uih National Intelligencer Washington Sipt, 13, 4841'.. To Messrs, Gules 4* Seaston*. Gkntlemft* : Lest anv. misapprehension should exist, as to the rcas^p, ..which h< 9 led me to differ from the course pursued by my late colleagues, 1 wish' to say (Hat I remain m my place, first,1 'because f hnvejseen nosufficu ntrift^Qnfbr the devolution of the late Cabinet, by the voloatswry act of its own members. I am perfectly persuade^ of the absolute necessity af an institution, under tho authority of Congress, to aid revenue and financial operations, and to give the country the blessing of a good currency and j cheap exchanges. Notwithstanding what has* passed, I have confidence that the president will) co-operate with the Legislature in over coming all difficulties in the attainment <>f these objects; and it is to the union of the Whig party?by which l.rncan tho whole party, the Whig ftesiriWnt, tho Whig Congress, and the Whig Pferjple? that I look for a realization of our tvishotfil can look no where else. In" the second place, if I had seen reason to resign my office, I should not have done so without giving the President reasonable notice, and affording him time ? select the hands to which he should confide the delicate and important affair* now pending in this Department. I atn, gentlemen, . respectful!, your ebedient servant, DANIEL WEBSTER. The following letter from Mr. Wsbstet to % , friend in New York assignee an additional reason for retaining his seal in thcCabtnst. Washington, Sept. 11, 1841. My Dear Sib: I thank you tor your kind and friendly letter. You will have learned that Messr*. Effing, Hell, Badger, and CrittcmleV haveresigned their respective offices. Probn. li.. vi- /i ?.11 ...-i f- t'-o? UiV .Vlli UIQII^I will ICTI IHMIMU IU lutww the example. This occurence can hard.N ly cause you the same degree of regret which it has occasioned to me?as they arc notortlymy friends, but persons with' ' whom I have had for sometime daily , official intercourse. I could not partake in this movement. It is supposed to bw justified, 1 presume, by (be difference* which have arisen between the President and Congress upon the means of catab* lishing a proper Fiscal Agency and rest*. ^ ring a sound state of the currency, and * collateral matters growing out of thou# differences. I regret these differences a* deeply asany man; but I ha*-* not been able to see in what manner the resignation of (he Cabinet was likely either to remove or mitigate the ^vils produced by them. On the contrary, my only reliance for* remedy for those evils has been, and is* on the union, conciliation, and peraever* anee of the whole Whig party ; and I by no means despair of seeing yet acconi* plished, by these means, all that we da* sire. It may render us more patient ifh? dor disappointment in regard to one mea. sure to recollect, as is justly stated by the President in his last message, how grtat a number of important measures has berrv already successfully carried through. < I hardly know when such a mass of buafc ness has been despatched in a single sea* 8ion of Congress. * t: The annual winter Session is now not* at hand : the same congress..u> *gawr soon to assemble, and feeling deeply as I., ever did the indispensable necessity* >of some suitable provision for the keeping.of the public money, for aid to Ijie opera* tions of the Treasury, and to the high public interests of currency and exchange, (. am not in haste to believe that the party . which has now the predominance wiH not,' in all these respects, yet fulfil-the expectations of the country. If it shalriWtf1 then our condition is foilorn, indeed, for one, 1 will not give up the hope. ' My particular connexion with the Administration. however, is in another De* * ' partment. I think very humbly-^-noiie can think more humbly?of the vitJtie oT the services which I am able to render to the Public in that post. But as there is, so far as I know, on all subjects affecting * our fore gn relations, a concurrence inop? inion between the President and myself, and as there is nothing to disturb the bartnonyofour intercourse, I have not felt it consistent with the duty which I owe the country to run the risk, by any sudden or abrupt proceeding, of embarrassing the Executive in regard to subjects and ques* lions now immediately pending, and which intimately affect the preservation jf the peace of the country. lam,dear, sir, with constant regard, fee. DANIEL WEBSTLR. i. KETcnrM, Esq, New York. ' *f *