Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, July 14, 1841, Page 134, Image 2
proved. they have, from the highest bred
H? rd Book heifer, down to the lowest
grade. (never Iocs than half blcod,) been
ws h*?s!rn7 and a? harJv as the common
%
strvknt'thn country, kept side by sid-*
with them. The opinion, therefore, that
Durham* rtre to be rejected for want of
hardihood, or constitution, is but a predjudice
that deserves to be exploded.
3tiU I am no enthusiast in this matter.
I would not recommend everv femur to
Introduce tnto his farm the Durham cow
On the contrary, on very thin and light
ao Is, t Would not introduce them: nor
? i _ - _ t
aft? thing else that ever uvea on a luxuriant
one* But I do say, on land? natural
to grass, which afford a fair yield of pas.
lure And of hav, where either the dairy
or the fatting of beef, or even the rearing
of rattle for sale, ho the object, judgin#
from my own experience, and corroborated
by that of others who have tried
? single cross upon our native, or anyo'h.
er br*;vl of cattle, no matter what, even
up to high grades, the Durhatnsaro alto,
pother the most desirable, both for appearance
and for profit; with the excepts.
, perhaps, of the Devonshire, if tiie
climate be very rigid ; and they ure not
niilkftrs. Were I ajdairyrnnn, and desired
to grow uparareof the best and most
profitable milkers I would select the best
native cows within mv reach, then obtain
a thorough bred short bom bull of a good
milking family, and raise mv heifers to as
high grades us in their natural course
would he produced, always using a
thorough bred hull, for in no other way
can the excellence and the true characteristics
of the race he perpetuated. Did I
however, admit of any other foreign admixture,
it should he a cross of the Devon
to give additional snugness to the form;
and then hut a single cross, for more than
that would degrade the milking qualities
ofthe herd. These animals, bred as they
would be from native cows, would inherit
their constitutions and habits, and hecome
identified, as much as the most ordinary
stock, with our soils and our habits
of keeping. In this way should we at
once gain all that.we desire, without sudden
or prejudicial change.
In 1835, my faiher imported a most
beautiful and valuable cow from England,
one of the finest animals and best milkers
I ever knew ; a very hardy, thrifty, and
ensilv kept animal. She brought us three
very superior bull calves, all from short
boms. They were like herself, of peculiar
conformation and character, being the
most compact in flieir figures, possessing
rr ore weight in a given compass than any
animals I ever saw. In the fall of 1839
the cow, and her then sucking bull calf,
were sold to Norman C. Baldwin, Esq. of
Cleveland, Ohio, for $800 ; her two year
old bull calf, " Reed Jacket," to Mr.
Sullivant, of Columbus, Ohio, for $800;
and her yearling bull calf, *' Sam Patch,"
to J. H. Henburn, Esq. of Jersey Shore,
Lycoming co., Pa. for $J00. Had I at
that time known the exceeding value of
that family of short horns, I should certainly
have reserved one of them. My J
bulls have proved in the highest degree!
valuable as stork getters, stamping their j
calves in the first cross with deep charac- j
teriaticsof their own blood, andnodnubt.
faying the foundation of a race of milkers
that will vet be famous in their respective
localities. Thev arc estiniatedns thevshould
be, almost beyond price. In same these)
particular animals, because thev devclnpe
in all noints of hard hood, endurance and 1
!cinH!y feeding, the valuable characteristir.8
we desire in our farming stork, and
fully corroborate afi that I have remarked
of rearing up a n:/<ice stock front judicious
crosses of pure short horn hulls.
Many years ago, the agent of the Holland
Land Company, Mr. Otto, purchased
a thorough bred short horn hull from
Mr. Powell, of Philadelphia, for the benefit
of the settlers of the company lands in
the counties of Gennesee, Cattaraugus,
and Chauntauque, comprising some of the
^cst grazing and dairy counties of the
state. As the services of the hull were
obtained for little or nothing, and as he
was kept in successive seasons in each of
the counties above named, a general
sprinkling of his stock was soon scattered
throughout those regions, and some as
high as three-quarter bred animals were
raised from his progeny. The hull lived
many years, and proved an excellent
stock getter. Many of the cows now
ranging about the streets and commons
of Buffalo and Black River Rock, which
Jhiive been brought in and sold from those
^counties, are of this stock, and are distinguished
for their superior appearance, and
so'Lr as niv inquiries have extended,
tlmy arc of the finest quality as milkers ;
-anti vyct none but those who are convercn.rrt
fH/ . TV, rhrjm hlrvrwt Lrnrku/ flint
it hey are.any Nut common cows. These
cows are celebrated ?ainnng our c'airv
farmers for -milkers , and numerous fine
.and extraordinary fat oxen that have been
slaughtered at Buffalo from the surrounding
country, were descendants of the
" Otto l>ull9'* either of the first or second
generation.
I have now done with the speech of Mr.
Coltnan, which, for feis own sake, and the
welfare of our agriculture, I regret he had
not more maturely considered. Yet, if
he be still sanguine tn his confidence of
the superiority of the Massachusetts " native
stock" as milkers, could the thing be
J ? i.e. i i i _ i ii t__
mane pracucu. uu, ? woijiu giauiv muke n
triul of merit by aetnal test. I would propose
that Mr. C- or his frtesds produce
ten or twenty cow*, which should be a
fair average of the native stock, without
admixture of foreign hluod ; against which,
f would droduce a like number of grade.
- ? - r
or {kwough bred short horns, of average.
quality,or taking them aj they rise, in
any fair herd. The time of their calving
should be noted, and the .cows should be
X>f nearly corresponding ages?the trial
should commence on llie fi-rvt ot June,
and continue ono month ; {-lie eo.vs all to
i)C kept in one Hold, o: i:? uv gu d vr:?i
i aesgg
J and ort pasture only, te each party should j
1 :>lc\f=9, if not conveni'mtt *o bring them !
! toother. The quantify of milk should i
' he accuraMv weighed. and fho produce,
< either of butler or cheese, dulv registered.
I*' w
When the trial should be fully made, the
j winning party to be entitled to the whole
j herd, with the product, after paving ex*
j peases. If the advantage should be on
the side of the /iritivc owners in value, as j
! it probably A'ftuld, each animal should he
| appraised, and a sufficient sum to make
j up fho difference should he deposited to
j render the premiums thus submitted of e-!
^ qual value. This would test the whole
| question, and give it sufficient of interest
j to engage in the trial with spirit. The
: season, is perhaps, now too far advanced
I ?1__ *i? .1.:.. K.,f ;r hio
j 10 ifiUKtt i ne iriui iiiin % cfi i , win 11 iin.1 |
i proposition be accepted. I would enlarge |
! it, and name the first dnv of November j
! next, for selecting the animals on both I
! sides ; they should be then placed together !
! on one farm, and both subjected to the !
same treatment through the winter, and
kept together till the trial was thoroughly
! made, which, it either party preferred,
might extend through the next season, or
uniil the first day of October following.
If it be objected, that this proposition
j will incur too much expense, orinconvenj
ience, I will at once propose that Oneida
J county, in this state, shall he the place of
| trial; and that myself, or my friends, the
! advocates of the short horns, will furnish
{ a farm for the operations, the fitness of
which shall he assented to by the other
party. The importance of an accurate
knowledge on this subject is a sufficient
object for such a trial, and it is perhaps
the only method of testing this mooted
y *
question fairly. It will he readily seen 1
I therefore that this proposition arises in no
) spirit of banter, or gambling, but in that
J of an earnest desire to settle an important
| and doubtful point, of great interest to,
j our agriculture generally.
; I may at a future time, pursue this sub.
j ject further, but have for the present tres- 1
i passed sufficiently upon your patience.
Lk wis F. Allbx. J
I r>r , rt 7 A ? ! i i\ 1^4 1
\ BUICK lioc/c AffTUt ii/j lotii
| mmbmmwm? i i mimaamaaasam
COAGRESSIOiVA L.
I'hk McLkod Case.
[The following is the material part of
| Mr. Rives' reply to the part of Mr. Buci
hanan s speech copied into this paper last
week.]
From the National Intelligencer.
o
debate in the senate.
The case of McLcod.
Thursday June 10, 1841.
The question of the Senate being the
motion of Mr. Rives to refer so much of
the President's Message as relates to our
foreign affairs to the committee on Foreign
Affairs, and Mr. Buchanan having
concluded his remarks on the subject, as
published in vesderday's paper?
1 * 4
Mr. Rives rose in reply, and commenced
by observing that, as a member of the
Committee nn Foreign Relations, it was
fit and necessary that he should c .ersom;
remarks on the subject which had tims
been urged on the notice of the Sj sate.
Nothing couid present a moio sinking ex.
ample of the tendency of all subjects j
discussed in our public bodies to assumes i
party character than the remarks of the !
honorable Senator from Pennsylvania '
(Mr Buchanan,) which had just been j
submitted to the Senate. T:ie gentleman j
had commenced bv a disclaimer?most i
honestly uttered, Mr. R. had no doubt? '
of the influence of anv thing like party
feeling in what he should say ; and yet i
he had h irdly entered upon the threshold '
of his subject, when the habitual and un- I
conscions bias of a parti/ man, as the j
Senator frankly avowed himself to be, i
exhibited itself as a manner too uncquiv- '
oca I to be mistaken.
AH who have had occasion to treat, in J
our legislative halls, questions such as j
thai now oresented to tiie notice of the 1
I I
Senate, must have felt how difficult it of[
ten is to reconcile the impulses of an
j American spirit with the measure and re;
serve which might seem to he due to the
j natural susceptibilities of foreign Powers
i In the view taken bv the honorable genr>
! tleman of the aggravated character of the j
outrage perpetrated in the destruction of i
the "Caroline" Mr. R. said he heartily
concurred. The gentleman had not ut- i
tered a word in reprobation of that trans. [
i action to which his heart and his judgment j
did not respond. But the very terms in j
which the Senator denounced and charac- j
tcrized the aggression made it a national j
wrong, to be redressed by national means, j
and not to be avenged by visiting the
responsibilities of this public offence on
the head of such an instrument as Alexander
MrLood. if. indeed, be were at all !
an actor in the scene, as there is every!
reason to (relieve he was not.
Mr. Rives said he should endeavor, in
the outsi t, to recall the discussion to its !
true merits?to the question of interna- j
tional law, which the Senator from Penn- j
svlvania had adverted to only in the close ;
nf his remarks. Fie should dace it in
the foreground of tho argument, because j
bvitonlvcan the conduct of the Admin. !
istration, in the particular in which it is i
now impugned, he fairly tried and I
j judged. lie would not go back to recap-.I
| itulate the history of the controversy re- J
sDectinjr the destruction of the Caroline
O
further than to show the new position
which the question assumed immediately
upon the accession of the present Admin- :
j istration to cower.
} Tins unwarrantable outrage, involving!
j a violation of the national sovereignty
j over our territory, as well as the destruc
(icn of the T'e? a id property of Amori- j
-i '? t" "'it" J
j ran citizen*, was committed in December,
1837, and aroused a general feeling
of indignation throughout the Union. Our
minister at London, under the instructions
of the Government here, addressed,
i in May, 1838, a represensation to the
British Government on the subject, to
obtain a. "disavowal and disapproval of
i the act, and also such redress as the nature
of the case required-" Notwithstanding
the enormity of the outrage,
as painted in this very communication
of our minister at London, drawn up in
conformity to instructions from Washington,
the'late Administration, the Senator's
political friends, in whom he thinks
there was no want of energy in prosecuting
the demand for redress, a:tually
slept over this national injury from May,
| 1838, to March, 1841, when they went
out of power! And so profound was their
slumber that, in a late debate in the House
of Commons, the British Secretary of
State for Colonial Affairs, Lord John
Russel, stated that the complaint of the
American Government was, for a long
period, considered as dropped. It is true
that Mr. Stevenson, who could not hut
feel the awkward contrast between thd
lofty tone of his communication to Lord
Palmerston, in May, 1838, and the pa.
tient acquiescence which followed4n the
long continued silence of the British
Government, did, in July, 1839, write to
Mr. Forsyth to know if he should renew
the subject with Lord Palmerston, and, if
so, the degree or urgency he should adopt. |
To which Mr. Forsyth replied no; "the j
President expects, from the tone of Mr. j
Fox's conversation, that the British
Government will answer your application
in the case, without much further de.
lay." But, in pcint of fact, no answer
was given by the British Government
down to the period of the late Administration's
exit from power.
All this while, then, the destruction
of the "Caroline" stood uncrplaincd and
nnavowed by the British Government,
and there was nothing of a conclusive na- j
ture to determine whether it was to be i
viewed as an unauthorized act ofindividuals
or as the public act of the British
authorities. In this state of things, McLcod,
in November last, came into the
State of New York, and having, from bis
idle, and, as is now universally believed, I
false boasts, incurred the suspicion ofhaving
been a guilty and conspicuous actor
in the destruction of the Caroline, he
was arrested and indicted therefor upon
a charge of murder arson. Mr. Fox, on
- * * II .1
the 13th of December, demanded ??t tne i
Government of the United States the lib.
erafion of iMcLeod, on the ground " that
the destruction of the Steamboat Caro.
line is well known to have been a public
act of persons in Her Majesty's service,
obeying the order of their superior authorities."
The demand was refused
because the Government of the United
!nd no right to interfere with the
judicial :riotinrils of New York, which
ban tak*;!? cognizance of the case; and in
.egardto the decimation of Mr. Fox, Mr
For.^vth stated that "if the destruction of
the Caroline was a public act of persons
in Her Majesty's service, obeying the
order of their superior authorities, the
fact has not been before communicated
to the Government of the United States j
by a person authorized to make the admission.
and it will be for the court which
has taken cognizance of the offences
with which McLeod is chnrged to decide
upon its validity, when legally establish,
cd before it." Mr. Fox recurring to the
same subject, in his letter to Mr. Forsyth
/ -> r\ 1.? 1 Q 4 A
01 lfl6 ^^11] yCoCIHDCr) lotuj anutu uiui j
"lie was not authorized to pronounce the
decision of Her Majesty's Government
upon the remonstrance which had been
addressed ?o it bv the United States
against the act in question."
Thus stood the question at the acres,
sion of the present Administration. The
destruction of the Caroline had not as yet
been avowed by the British Government
as a public and authorized act. But on
the 12th of March, eight days after the
inauguration of President Harrison, Mr.
Fox addressed a letter to Mr. Webster,
Secretary of State informing him that he
was instructed by his Government to
state that "the transaction" (the destruction
of the Caroline within the territorial
limits of the United States,) "on account
of which McLeod was arrested, waf a
transaction of a public character, planned
and excuted by persons duly empowered
by Her Majesty's colonial authorities to
take any steps and to do any acts whifch
Kq nooocaaru fXr tlm flofpnrp of Hef
11111 L lAi liwvwgui j IVI ?MV uwkvuww
Majesty's territories, and for the protsction
of Her Majesty's subjects; and, consequently,
that those subjects of Her Majesty
who engaged in that transaction
were performing an act of public duty, for
which they cannot he made personally
and individually answerable to the law9
and tribunals of any foreign countrv."
o "
(Jpoa these grounds, he was instructed to
demand again from the Government of
the United States the immediate release
of Alexander McLcod.
This communication of the British Minister
gave a new aspect to the subject,
and presented for the consideration of the
American cabinet a grave question, of
the first importance in the intercourse
and responsibilities of nations. The destruction
of the Caroline, for a supposed
participation in which McLeod had been
arrested and indicted in the courts of
New York was now avowed by the British
Government to have been an act of public
military force, planned and executed
' V ***' '
by competent public authorities, in alleged
defence of Her Majesty's territories,
and, as such, was justified by Her
Majesty's Government at home. How'*
yr unwarrantable the act, from that
moment it could be viewicd only as a
national wrong, the full responsibility of
which was assumed by the British Government,
and in which the individuals
concerned were but irresponsible instruments,
acting under orders which they
were implicitly bound to obey.
[Concluded on fourth page]
SPEECH OF MR. WISE,
In defence of Mr,, Websters Letter to Mr.
Fox.
Mr. Wise said: Sir, I cannot sustain
this resolution innny aspect it presents.
In thefirst place, iit is out of time. Negotiations
are pending, and we are too
much in the habit in this country of making
diplomatic correspondence public |
before negoti ations are brought to maturi- I
ty. By this means every man in the na-1
tion is too frequently made a Secretary of
State to settle foreign affairs, and a biassed
public sentiment is afforded the opportunity
to constrain or embarras an
enlightened Cabinet course of conclusion.
The adoption of this resolution now might
interfere with the action of both the coordinate
departments of the Government
?the "Executive, which is negotiating,
and th?> Indiciarv. which is deciding upon
the case of McLeod. j
| But, in the second place, the advocate j
of this resolution (Mr. Ingersoll) has put
it out of my power, were I so disposed, to
vote for it. Pie has accompanied its in- j
troduction with such a course of remarks j
that its adoption could not be considered
as any thing short of an implied censure j
upon the present Secretary of State for
the position which he has assumed in
relation to this affair. Seeing nothing '
to censure and every thing to approve in
tbe conduct and correspondence of both
the present and late Secretaries touching
this whole case, I shall avoid the least
implication of the censure which I consider
involved in an affirmative vote on this
proposition. Mr. Forsyth has been attacked
by nobody, and therefore needs no
defence. What has Mr. Webster done in ;
this matter, since the honor and interest ,
of the nation have been confided to his j
care, to draw down upon him directly or i
indirectly, the censure of this House?? j
Why, sir, on the 12th day of March,.
1841, Mr. Fox,, 44 in the name of the Brit- j
| ish Goverameut," demanded 44 the imme- |
| diate'release of Mr. Alexander AfcLeod." I
Now what .should have been the courso
I of Mr. Webster, in the name of the United j
States? The rule to govern him, it strik- !
es mc, was to place his Government in !
the attitude and assuming the beaming oi j
a noble-minded, generous, gallant man. j
conscious of his own dignitv, weight or'
character, an d power of scli-redres-, when j
appioached by another man in any doubt- j
ful or ambiguo lis shape of peace or hostili-1
ty. The onl y exception to this rub:
should be that a nation may be mure
slow to anger ;ind resentment, more pacific
in its temper, more conciliating and
forbearing in i ts conduct and correspondence,
than a a individual in a personal
nunrrel. Mr. Fox's demand was doubtful
and amhigr.ou s. Its meaning was either!
arrogant or overbearing, intending to He-1
rnand somethi ng which neither the law of
nations nor ou r own peculiar state and
federal relations could allow ; or it was j
urgent only in demanding what was due I
under our own laws and the laws of civil,
ized nations, "without disrespect to the
Government oi*the United States or its j
constituted authorities. The Secretary
tells that its do! )tful "occasioned, with the I
President, som e hesitation," and thus in- j
limited delicately that our Government [
was not insensi ble to its own self-re*pect I
and a consctou p dignity and generosity
which true grea tness always feels, very
properly chose to construe this dem ind
as intended to be: respectful, and to be a
demand only of what was lawfully due?
nothing.
In this the Secretary was very com- |
mendably right. He left it to a dandy- j
dignity and a cockney knighthood to flare I
up" upon a point of mere etiquette and
punctilio, to rage about nothing and get
nothing for its rage,' and he rightiy assumed,
against the letter if you please, j
that Great Britain in addressing the United
Slates of America, could not mean
otherwise than to be decorous, respectful,
and just in her demands. This was almost
a matter of course ; quite a matter of
course, unlessgross a.nd palpable haughty
insult was hurled, which could not be
? ? -i a ; a a i j: l
oroKea wunoui insi nni anu iiiuignuni resentment.
It was due to ourselves no
less than to Great Britain, whom we had
taught to respect us, to say, You cannot
possibly mean any disrespect to
ms, to demand more than what
you think lawfully right; and we
will therefore;, respectfully examine
your claim and proceed to dispense
justice to you." This course was magnifying
ourselves, and belittling the mightiness
of Mr. Fox ; it was truly " partonizing
his wrath," and well, very well, done.
But, in the place, Mr. Webster tells
Mr. Minister that if the demand of Her
Majesty's Government meant more?to
require the Federal Executive to usurp
judicial power, to interfere with the course i
of municipial judicatures, to interrupt jus- \
tice in the forum, to obstruct the authority
of the courts of law under criminal or
civil process, or to violate the rights of
the State of New York?it meant something
which could not " have been expected"
from either Government, and something
44 to which to this Government cannot
accede" And this Government has not
acceded to any such demand. The President
calmlv tells us in his message, dated
: li? ?u?.u _r \r_ T? , i
long since me icuers uuui ui mi. i ua ami
Mr. Webstor, "it may be proper to stale 1
that Alexander McLeod, has been heard
| by the Supreme Court of thfe State of New
I York, on his motion to be discharged
j from imprisonment, and that the decision
f of that Ccourt has not yd been pronoun \cedThe
demand, then, in any and
| every offensive sense, has been both theoretically
and practically refused.
And thirdly, sir, so tar from croughing
orsucumbing, in a wav to tempt aggression;
on, when Mr. Fox avows " it was
F.nglarrd, Mr. Secretary, and not Mr. Mc leod,"
Mr. Webster does not, liku a cow.
ard, select the weaker adversary, the poor
individual, but replies: " Ah ! very well.
Mr. Minister, I now understand you. If
England assumes the responsibility, I
readily admit that4 individuals otght. not'
?he does not say shall not bo?ought.
not to be holden personally responsible ;
4the&President presumes that it can hardlv
be necessary to say that the American
People, not dirtrvstful of their ability to re\
dress public wrongs by public means, canJ
not desire the punishment of individuals,
' when the act complained of is declared to
have been Ret of the Government itself.
, We therefore take you at your word, Min?ster,
and hold England, responsible. We
:11 i ? *L_ ..i. .c l .1 i_ J 1
win leave uic coui is ui jubilee 10 ueai
with AfcLeod?av, even send our Attor!
ney General, as amicus curia*., to advise
the court to discharge him, it*you chose.
The United States will deal with EnglandV
j Nothing could be more proudly gallant, ,
and generously brave; and he mistakes j
the point of chivalry much, who would j
censure a true knight for ? seeking a foe- '
' man worthy of his steel."
This is mv view of the case. The Sec- j
retarv has my thanks, and shall not have !
mv censure. I have confidence, full con- j
fidence, in his American heart and A- j
merican head to maintain the honor and (
' interest of my country, and its present!
Administration, in controversy with any t
! foreign Power ; and as long as he main- :
; tains both, as he has in this instance of |
| ?.[cLeod, that confidence shall be grate- <
I fully continued.
! Correspondence of the Charleston Courii
er.
Washington, July 3.
Though this is the last dav of the fifth ,
week of the extra session, there is leas pros- ,
pact than ever of a speedy despatch of.
the public business. The discordant!
opinions in the Senate in relation to the j
details of the bank charter are not likely j
soon to be reconciled, each parly support- j
ing its opinion with great pertinacity.? .
The debate, to-day, was very animated
and interesting. Mr. Choate of A/ass.,
came out rather unexpectedly in support
of Mr. Rives' plan. Me advocated it as j
likely to give harmony to the Whig par- j
tv, and continue its ascendency. If it
was forced upon the States, in opposition i
to their cnostitutional opinions, it would j
have an unquiet time, being like a fortress i
on the border of an enemy's territory. '
It would be the object of continual jenl- j
ousv and hostility. He said he knew
that if we did not embrace the plan pro- j
posed by the administration we should
have no bank at all.
Jfr. Clav inquired what was the source '
af itf. OU/vtitn'iS 1/nAiiilo/drv/i i,n tiilo nulilt
ill 1FJL ! U/Iiuaic W fNll^n UII imo |/?MUU |
Mr. Choatn said he could not refer to it j
without a breach of order.
Subsequently, in consequence of a re- j
mark of Mr. Archer, Mr. Clay explained I
that he found it to be the opinion here !
that the charter would not go beyond the j
two houses, and he was desirous of know- j
ing the reason for the opinion. Hp had
therefore proposed a question to iMr. i
Choatc, when that gentleman asserted j
with a po.sitiveness that surprised him 1
that we could have no hank unless we j
took this amendment. The answer indi- j
cated that the opinion was authorized by i
the President. He was anxious that this j
should he avowed, and that if the President !
had disclosed his opinions with a view to '
operate on this body, it should he known. I
Mr. Chonte protested against the infer- ;
ences of the Senator. He had not heard j
a syllable from the President or any one j
of the Cabinet on the subject, but he !
gathered from circumstances that the j
i- .t ci i r _ ... 1.1 i i
project oi me scnaior irom j\v. comu uoi;
succeed.
Mr. Simmons, of R. I., opj>osed Mr. j
Rives'amendment, and replied, with some :
point, to his arguments.
Mr. Archer, of Va., unequivocally cen- !
sured the course of his colleague, and denounced
his amendment and the reason
upon which it was founded. He declared |
that no one here approved the Treasury (
project, hut his colleague and others had
embraced it because the President was in ,
favor it. He said he should vote against
both projects.
Mr. Rives replied with some severity.
The debate will bo continued to-day.
Washington, July 4. Ji
In the Senate, yesterday morning, some
explanations were made in reference to j (
supposed personal reflections occuring in j
-i-i? * ? AT P urea !
CJUDiUC lilt? U?_y UUIUIC. iviTvg ||
and Archer mutually explained, and were ,
entirely reconciled. Mr. Clay also took |
occasion to say that in pressing his ques- i,
tions upon Mr. Choate as to the source of I ,
his knowledge as to the fate of the bank |
bill, he had no intention to treat him with j
any unkindness, &c. Mr. Linn, after a
high wrought eulogy on General Jackson, ,
animadverted with some severity on the |
remarks which fell from Mr. Archer in |
regard to that individual, and announced ,
his intention to go all lengths hereafter j
in vindication of that venerable man from |
any personal assault on the floor of the (
Senate. j
The debate then Droceeded in a very
------ g ^ ^
calm and grave manner, befitting the im- |
portance of the question. Mr. Bayard ,
expressed his entire assent to the constitu- ,
tional doctrines of Mr. Clay in regard to \
a bank, but contended that the amend- j
ment of Mr. Rives implied no abandon- r
ment of those principles. He moved to j
amend 3/r. Rives' amendment so as to f
provide that the States respectively should c
Wjf
j he deemed as assenting to the establish.
| ment of branches therein, unless they dedared
their dissent, through a legislative
! act. passed within a certain time.
j Mr. Phelps, of Vt., advocated Mr.
i Rives' amendment, but declared that ho
! had no doubt of the constitutional power
! of Congress to establish a bank with
| branches without the assent of the States,
and he protested against any inference*
from this provision unfavorable to the
existence of that power. He believed
that every practical end that was desired
could be obtained without asserting a disputed
power; but if ho found, after experiment,
that such would not be the case he*
would then go as far as any one in grantng
additional powers, under the charter.
Mr. Huntington, of Conn., spoke in
reply, and maintained that the adoption
of the amendment would be a virtual'
abandonment of the constitutional powers
of the government, and that they could
never he resumed. Here the debate was
dropped, for the present, and the Senate
went into Executive session. There aro
no limits, that I can see, to the contmu^
ance of the debate. Almost every whigSenator
will speak. The loco Senators
keep aloof from the discussion. They
have, it is said, agreed to take no part in'
I it, but to reserve themselves for an assault
on the bill when its friends-hnve determined
what it shall be. There areabout
a dozen Senators with Mr; RivesThe
locos must therefore decide the fate
of his amendment. From present ap.
pearances, they will, 1 think, go against
it. The final question will then be on
the passage of Mr. Clay's biH. Those of
Mr. Rives' friends who act merely from
expediency, will then go with Mr. Clay,
and it is probable that the bill will pass.?
Its fate in the House is doubtful, but if it
reaches the President, without Jfr. Rives'
amendment, it will he vetoed.
The following is Mr. Bayard's modifi- f
cation: f .
" Strike out all after the word " corporation"
and insert, "may establish agencies,
to consiht of three or more persons, or to
employ any hank or hanks, at any places
fhey may deem proper, to perform the duties
hereinafter required of the said corporation
as the fiscal agent of the Government,
and to manage and transact the
business of the said corporation other thnn>
the ordinary business of discounting
promissory notes. That is to say, thesaid
corporation shall have the right at
such agencies to receive deposites, to deal
or trade in bills of exchange, gold or silver
coin, or bullion, or goods or lands,
purchased on execution, or taken bona fid*
in payment of debts, or goods which shall
be the proceeds of its lands, and to circulate
its notes. And moreover, it shall belawful
for the said Board of Directors to
convert such agencies into offices of discount
unless the Legislature of any particular
State in wYch such agency shall he
established, shall, at its next session after
such agency is established, express its
dissent thereto."
WASHIXGTON, JULY 5.
General Scott, now Major General is
here and apparently in fine health. His
residence, hereafter, will heat this city.
The promptness with which the President
has acted in this appointment, is descrv.
'vT ..Ammon^ntiAn Snrrw? HliniWP hut
111^ IM 1 VIIIIIIOMMHIfVI'* ? ".?
Gen. Gaines will refuse to obey orders
from Gen. Scott. Mr. Gilmrr'scommit,
tee of retrenchment, which is to report at
the next session, have before them the
question of abolishing the office of Major
General.
We lenrn, from private sources, that
the decision of the New York court will f
he adverse to the release of McLcod, but
still they will not. at present, decide on
the sufficiency of the plea that he acted
under the authority of the Bri : h Gov.
ernment. Thnt questiea is to be argued
at the July term.
The opposition have made a question of
the policy and the patriotism of the course*
taken by the present Administration, in
admitting that McLeod ought to be released
upon the avowal by the British
Government of the act of which he was
the instrument. The question is between
Mr. Van Buhex's course and Mr. Ty.
ler's course. The policy of the late administration
is simply this?to remain in.
active on the question for four years; to
cover up and conceal the kindling fire
as long as they were in power, - then to
eive the alarm, ring the fire bells, and
accuse the new administration of a want
of patriotism. The honesty of that course
there can he no dispute about. On the
other hand, the present administration,
on coming into power, found that this,
great outrage on our. national rights and
dignity had been unatoned for.
There were but two modes in which
they could seek satisfaction?one was
the mean, humiliating mode of punishing
those individual agents who plight fait
into our hands; and the other was tode~
mand satisfaction of the principal, by
whom the act had been avowed. The
latter course was taken by the present
J???? i!? _- j u
lamirnsiruuon, anu u 19 uuuuuu iu uuv^
uven in the fury and blindness of defeated
faction, an apology for any opposition to
it.
There is one reason, if no other, why
every American should maintain the administration,
in the present position of
this matter, viz: that the negotiation is X
now pending; that the answer of the Britsh
Government to our demand for redress
nas not been received; and that, in case
nf a refusal on their part, to render satisfaction,
the result will be wat!
It is for the purpose of calling attention
to this view of the matter that I notice the
subject at all. It appears to have been
1 1"?J K*? monvr that ikio orlmintufra.
jvenotmcw uy ? ?"/ m?*? iuio nuiiiiiuokiuion,
by the course which they have ta.
ven, are pledged to press their demand for
edress upon the British Government even
o var ! There can be, there will be no
linching on their part. There is no reas>n
to believe that the'Britisb Government