Farmers' gazette, and Cheraw advertiser. (Cheraw, S.C.) 1839-1843, July 14, 1841, Page 134, Image 2
proved. th?y have, from the highest bred
H< rd Book heifer, down to the lowest
grade. (never lees Than half blood,) been
?s hesftbr and a? hardy as the common
9try*k country, kept side by side
with them. The opinion, therefore, that
Purhnrns nrc to be rejected for want of
berth hood, or constitutibn, is but a predjudiofc
that deserves to be exploded.
3tiU I am no enthusiast in this matter.
1 would not recommend every femur to
Introduce tnto hla farm the Durham cow
On the contrary, on very thin and light
ftoIs, f Would not introduce them: nor
?hy thing else that ever lived on a lutur.1
iant one* But t do say, on lands natural
to grass, which afford a fair yield of pastare
nnd of hav, where either the dairy
or the fntling of beef, or even the rearing
of cattle for sale, bo the object, judging
from my own experience, and corroborated
by thatof others who have tried
? /?rrw4 nnnn r?nr n-ttira r?r nr>H nth.
? mi . I^?V * ' U^/W|| VU? ! ? ??? V) X'l vr.. j
er breed of cattle, no matter what, even
up to high grades, the Dm hams are alto,
gather the most desirable, both for appearance
and for profit; with the exception,
perhaps, of the Devonshire, if the
climate he very rigid ; and they are not
' milkers. Were lajdairyman, and desired
to grow nparaceof the best and most
profitable milkers I would select the best
native cows within my reach, then obtain
a thorough bred short born bull of a good
milking familv. and raise rnv heifers teas
high grades as in their natural course
would he produced, always using a
thorough bred hull, for in no other way
can the excellence and the true characteristics
of the race he perpetuated. Did I
however, admit of any other foreign admixture,
it should he a cross of the Devon
to give additional snugness to the form;
and then but a single cross, for more than
that would degrade the milking qualities
of the herd. These animals, bred asthev
would be from native cows, would inherit
their constitutions and habits, arid be- j
come identified, as much as the most ordinary
stock, with our soils and our habits
of keeping. In this way should we at (
once gain all that.we desire, without sud- j
den or prejudicial change.
In 1835, my father imported a most
beautiful and valuable cow from England, j
one of the finest animals and best milkers j
I ever knew ; a very hardy, thrifty, and .
easily kept animal. She brought us three j
vcrv superior bull calves, all from short I
horns. They were like herself, of peculiar
conformation and character, being the
most compact in fheir figures, possessing
it ore weight in a given compass than any
animals I ever saw. In the fall of 1839 !
the cow. and her then sucking bull calf, i
were sold to Norman C. Baldwin, Esq. of.
Cleveland, Ohio, for $800 ; her two year'
old bull calf, " Reed Jacket," to Mr.
* Sullivant, of Columbus. Ohio, for $800 ;
and her yearling bull calf, *' Sam Patch,"
to J, H. Henburn, Esq. of Jersey Shore,
Lycoming co.. Pa. for $^)00. Had I at
that time known the exceeding value of
that family of short horns, I should certainly
have reserved one of them. My!
bulls have proved in the highest degree I
valuable as stork getters, stamping their j
calves in the first cross with deepcharac- J
terietiesof their own blood, and no doubt,
laying the foundation of a race of milkers
that will yet be famous in their respective
localities. They are esfinmtednsthevshould
be, almost beyond price. In same these
particular animals, because they develope !
in all points of hard hood, eudurance and !
kindly feeding, the valuable characters. |
tion we desire in our farming stock, and
fully corroherateaH that I have remarked
cf rearing up a nu'ice stock from judicious
crosses of pure short horn bulls. j
Many years ago, the agent of the Holland
Land Company, Mr. Otto, purchased
a thorough bred short horn bull from
Mr. Powell, of Philadelphia, for the bene- I
fit of the settlers of the company lands in !
thecounties of Gennesee, Cattaraugus, I
and Chauntauque, comprising some of the
host grazing and dairy counties of the
atate. As the services of the bull were
obtained for little or nothing, and as he
was kept in successive seasons in each of
the counttes above named, a general
sprinkling of his Stock was soon scattered
throughout those regions, and some as j
high as three-quarter bred animals were ;
raised from his progeny. The hull lived j
j j n. i
many years, ana provea aa e.xccneiu
- stock getten Many of the cows now
ranging about the streets and commons
of Buffalo and Black River Rock, which
liave been brought in and sold from those
counties, are of this stock, and are distinguished
for their superior appearance, and
Hi)4ar as my inquiries have extended,
thav are of the finest quality as milkers;
:*nti vyet none but those who are conversant
with the Durham blood know that
tfhey are any hut common cows. These
cows are celebrated jjamong our dairy
farmprs for i 1 Ifi:rs . and numerous fine
.and extraorcknurv fat oxen that have been
slaughtered at Buffalo from the surrounding
country, were descendants of the
** Otto bull," either of the first or second
generation.
I have now done with the speech of Mr.
Coiinan, which, for bis own sake, and the
welfare of our agriculture, I regret he had
not more maturely considered. Yet, if
he be still sanguine <n his confidence of
the superiority of the Massachusetts " native
stock" as milkers, could the thing be
made practicable, I would gladly make a
trial of merit b} act rial test. I would propose
that Mr. C- or his frieada produce
len or twenty cows, which should be a
fair average of the native stock, without
admixture of foreign blood ; .against which,
F would produce a like number of grade,
or thorough bred short horns, of average,
quality, or taking thein as they rise, in
any fair herd. The time of their calving
should be noted, and the .cows should be
.pf nearly corresponding ages?the trial
should commence on lite first ot June,
and continue ono month ; t-iie eows all to
i>p feept in one Hold, or ir? g.-od ?rn?i
.JJLO. UjlAI 1" t"- '?r?- > .'
and on p.tMure only, &3 each party should j
plonks, if n<pt conv'eni'aift *o bring them J
together. The quantity of milk should i
be accurately weighed, and tho produce, i
either of butler or cheese, dull*registered. 1
*Vhen the trial should be fully made, the :
winning party to be entitled to the whole |
hern, with the product, after paving ex- j
peases. If the advantage should be on
the side of the native owners in value, as
it probably xTiuid, each animal should be
appraised, and a sufficient sum to make
up tho difference should he deposited to
render the premiums thus submitted of e,
qual value. This would test the whole
| question, and give it sufficient of interest
to engage in the trial with spirit. The
| season, is perhaps, now too far advanced
j to make the trial this venr ; but if this
i proposition be accepted, I would enlarge
! it, and name the first day of November
| next, for selecting the animals on both
! sides ; they should be then placed together J
| on one farm, and both subjected to the
same treatment through the winter, and
kept together till the trial was thoroughly
I made, which, it either party preferred,
j might extend through the next season, or
| uniil the first day of October following,
j If it be objected, that this proposition
will incur too much expense, or inconven
I ience, I will at once propose tfyat (Jneicla
i county, in this state, shall he the place ot
| trial; and that myself, or my friends, the
advocates of the short horns, will furnish
a farm for the operations, the fitness ol
which shall he assented to hy the other
party. The importance of an accurate j
knowledge on this subject is a sufficient
object for such a trial, and it is perhaps !
the only method of testing this mooted j
question fairly. It will he readily seen '
therefore that this proposition arises in no |
spirit of banter, or gambling, but in that i
of an earnest desire to settle an important !
and doubtful point, of great interest to
our agriculture generally.
I may at a future time, pursue thissuh. j
ject further, but have for the present tres- !
passed sufficiently upon your patience.
Lewis F. Allen.
Black Rock April, 10, J841.
COA'G R CS^IOYIL
?Fhk A/cLkod Case.
[The following is the material part of
Mr. Rives' reply to the part of Mr. Buc- 1
hanan s speech copied into this paper last (J
week.l !
J i
From the National Intelligencer. I
debate ix the senate. i
The case of McLcod. '
Thursday June 10, 1841.
The question of the Senate being the J
motion of Mr. Rives to refer so much of
the President's Message as relates to our
foreign affairs to the committee on For.
eign Affairs, and Mr. Buchanan having ^
concluded his remarks on the subject, as
published in yesderday's paper?
Mr. Rives rose in reply, and commenc- (
ed by observing that, as a member r>f the ,
Committee on Foreign Relations, it was
fit and necessary that lie should offer su n ; '
remarks on the subject which had thus ^
been urged on the notice of the Se late.
Nothing couid presents moie sinking ex- i
ample of the tendency of all subjects
discussed in our public bodies to assume* i
party character than the remarks of the 1
honorable Senator from Pennsylvania J
(Mr Buchanan,) which had just been ^
submitted to the Senate. The gentleman
had commenced bv a disclaimer?most
honestly uttered, Mr. R. had no doubt? ,
of the influence of unv thing like party
feeling in what he should say; anil yet
he had hirdly entered upon the threshold
of his subject, when the habitual and unconscions
bias of a party man, as the
Senator frankly avowed himself to lie,
exhibited itself as a manner too unequiv- '
nflol In Ku nuctnlfon.
Wai i'/ im/
AH who have had occasion to treat, in j
our legislative halls, questions such as j
thai now presented to the notice of the ''
Senate, must have felt how difficult it often
is to reconcile the impulses of an !
American spirit with the measure and re- '
serve which might seem to he due to the '
natural susceptibilities of foreign Powers 1
In the view taken bv the honorable gen- \
tlenian of the aggravated character of the 1
outrage perpetrated in the destruction of
the "Caroline" Mr. R. said he heartily J1
concurred. The gentleman had not ut.
tered a word in reprobation of that trans- !
action to which his heart and hisjudgrnent
did not respond. But the very terms in
which the Senator denounced and characterized
the aggression made it a lKitionaJ.
. . * |
wrong, to be redressed by national means,
and not to be avenged by visiting the
responsibilities of this public offence on
the head of such an instrument as Alexander
McLeod, if, indeed, he were at all
an actor in the scene, as there is every
reason to l>elieve he was not.
Mr. Rives said he should endeavor, in
the outsi t, to recall the discussion to its
true merits?to the question of international
law, which the Senator from Penn- j
sylvania had adverted to only in the close ;
of his remarks. He should place it in
the foreground of tho argument, because
by it only can the conduct of the Adminicle!
inn in thp nartirular in which it is
toi i (ttawuy ?? " p? ? ---??
now impugned, be fairly tried and I
judged, lie would not go back to recap..!
itulate the history of the controversy re- j
spec ting the destruction of the Caroline
further than to show the new position
which the question assumed immediately
upon the accession of the present Administration
to power.
This unwarrantable outrage, in\'olving
a violation of the national sovereignty
over our territory, as well as the destruction
of the Iu'cp a id property of Ameri- ]
can c't'zzniy was committed in December,
"937, and aroused a general feeling
of indignation throughout the Union. Our
minister at London, under the instructions
of the Government here, addressed,
in May, 1838, a represensation to the
British Government on the subject, to
obtain a "disavowal and disapproval of
the act. and aiso such redress as the nature
of the case required ? Notwithstanding
the enormity of the outrage,
as painted in this very communication
of our minister at London, drawn up in
conformity to instructions from Washington,
the late Administration, the Sen?
? # '
ator's political friends, in whom he thinks
there was no want of energy in prosecuting
the demand for redress, actually!
slept over this national injury from May,
1839, to March, 1841, when they went
out of power! And so profound was their
slumber that, in a late debate in the House
of Commons, the British Secretary of
State for Colonial Affairs, Lord John
Russel, stated that the complaint of the
American Government was, for a long
period, considered as dropped. It is true
that Mr. Stevenson, who could not nut
feel the awkward contrast between the
lofty tone of his cormriunication to Lord
Palmerston, in May, 1838, and the pa.
tient acquiescence which followed^n the
long continued silence of the British
Government, did, in July, 1839, write to
Mr. Forsyth to know if he should renew
the subject with Lord Palmerston, and, if I
so, the degree or urgency he should adopt.
To which Mr. Forsyth replied no; "the
President expects, from the tone of Mr.
Fox's conversation, that the British
Government will answer your application
in the case, without much further de.
lay." But, in point of fact, no answer
was given by the British Government
down to the period of the late Administration's
exit from power.
All this while, then, the destruction
of the "Caroline" stood unexplained and
nnawweJ by the British Government,
and there was nothing of a conclusive nature
to determine whether it was to be
viewed as an unauthorized act of individuals
or as the public act of the British
authorities. In this state of things, McLeod,
in November last, came into tbe
State of New York, and having, from his
idle, and, as is now universally believed,
ra!se boasts, incurred the suspicion of having
been a guilty and conspicuous actor
n the destruction of the Caroline, he
vas arrested and indicted therefor upon
i charge of murder arson. Mr. Fox, on
;he 13th of December, demanded of the
Government of the United States the lib.
? c \r?r around " that
irauun ui mv/ucwu, ^?
the destruction of the Steamboat Caro.
line is well known to have been a public
net of persons in Her Majesty's service,
nbeving the order of their superior authorities."
The demand was refused
because the Government of the United
S.;:t s hid no right to interfere with the
judicial tribunals of New York, which
ban lake;; cognizance of the case; and in
.'eg.ird to the decimation of Mr. Fox, Mr
Fcr.sytb stated that "if the destruction of
the Caroline was a public act of persons
in Her Majesty's service, obeying the
order of their superior authorities, the
fact has not been be fore communicated
to the Government of the United States
by a person authorized to make the admission.
and it will he for the court which
has taken cognizance of the offences
with which McLeod is charged to decide
upon its validity, when legally establish,
cd lie fore it." Mr. Fox recurring to the
same subject, in his letter to Mr. Forsyth
of the 29th Decemlier, 1840, stated that
tti... ??.? outfn nronounce the
"lie *? tlJ II Vt IH4UIUI itiVM p _
decision of Her Majesty's Government
upon the remonstrance which had been
id dressed to it bv the United States
igainst the act in question."
Thus stood the question at the accrs.
3ion of the present Administration. The
destruction of the Caroline had not as yet
been avowed hy the Britisli Government
is a public and authorized act. But on
the 12th of March, eight days after the
inauguration of President Harrison, Mr.
Fox addressed a letter to Mr. Webster,
Secretary of State informing him that he
was instructed by his Government to
state that "the transaction" (the destruction
of the Caroline within the territorial
limits of the United States,) "on account
of which McLeod was arrested, was a
transaction of a public character, planned
? J-.t
and excuien ny persons cjuiy v(ii|>u?cicu
by Her Majesty's colonial authorities to
take any steps and to do any acts whihh
might be necessary for the defence of Her
Majesty's territories, and for the protection
of Her Majesty's subjects; and, consequently,
that those subjects of Her Majesty
who engaged in that transaction
were performing an act of public duty, for
which they cannot be made personally
and individually answerable to the laws
and tribunals of any foreign country."
Upon these grounds, he was instructed to
demand again from the Government of
TTnifpd States the immediate release
of Alexander McLeod.
This communication of the British minister
gave a new aspect to the subject,
and presented for the consideration of the
American cabinet a grave question, of
the first importance in the intercourse
and responsibilities of nations. The destruction
of the Caroline, for a supposed
participation in which McLeod had been
arrested and indicted in the courts of
New York was now avowed by the British
Government to have been an act of pub.
lie military force, planned and executed
by competent public authorities, in alleged
defence of Her Majesty's territories
and, such, was justified by Her
Majesty's Government at home. However
unwarrantable the act, from that
moment it could be viewicd only as a
national wrong, the full responsibility of
which was assumed by the British Government,
and in which the individuals
concerned were but irresponsible instruments,
acting under orders which they
were implicitly bound to obey.
[Concluded on fourth page]
SPEECH OF MR. WISE,
In defence of Mr . Websters Letter to Mr.
Fox.
Mr. Wise said: Sir, I cannot sustain
this resolution in any aspect it presents.
In thefirst place, it is out of time. Negotiations
are pending, and we are too
much in the habit in this country of making
diplomatic correspondence public
before negoti ations are brought to maturij
ty. By this means every man in the na'
tion is too frequently made a Secretary of
State to settle foreign affairs, and a biassed
public sentiment is afforded the opportunity
to constrain or embarras an
enlightened Cabinet course of conclusion.
The adoption of this resolution now might
interfere with the action of both the co.
ordinate departments of the Government
?the Executive, which is negotiating,
and the Judiciary, which is deciding upon
the case of McLeod.
But, in the second place, the advocate
of this resolution (Mr. Ingersoll) has put
it out of my power, were I so disposed, to
vote for it. He has accompanied its introduction
withsuch a course of remarks
that its adoption could not be considered
as any thing short of an implied censure
upon the present Secretary of State for
the position which he has assumed in
re'iation to this affair. Seeing nothing
to censure and every thing to approve in
tbe conduct and correspondence of both
the present and late Secretaries touching
this whole case, I shall avoid the least
implication of the censure which I consider
involved in an affirmative vote on this
proposition. Mr. Forsyth has Keen attacked
by nobody, and therefore needs no
defence. What has Mr. Webster done in
this matter, since the honor and interest
of the nation have been confided to his
care, to draw down upon him directly or
indirectly, the censure of this House??
Why, sir, on the 12th day of March,
1841, Mr. Fox, " in the name of the British
Goverament," demanded 44 the immediate'release
of Mr. Alexander JfcLeod."
Now what should have been the courso
of Mr. Webster, in the name of the United
States ? The rule to govern him, it strikes
me, was to place his Government in
the attitude and assuming the beaming oi
a noble-mimded. generous, gallant man.
conscious of his own dignitv, weight or
character, ao d power of self-red res-, when
appioached by another man in any doubt.k.na
nf nmcp nr
IUI or nniuiguu us onnpv vi |/v?kv ?. ..........
ty. The ool y exception to this rub:
should bo that a nation may be more
slow to anger ;ind resentment, more pacific
in its temper, more conciliating and
forbearing in i ts conduct and correspondence,
than a a individual in a personal
quarrel. Mr. Fox's demand was doubMul
and ambiguou s. Its meaning was either
arrogant or overbearing, intending to demand
somethi ng which neither the law of
nations nor ou r own peculiar state and
federal relation? could allow ; or it was
urgent only in demanding what was due
under our own laws and the laws of civil,
ized nations, 'without disrespect to the
Government ol'the United States or its
constituted authorities. The Secretary
tells that its dol itful "occasioned, with the
President, som e hesitation," and thus intimated
delicately that our Government
was not insensi ble to its own self-respect
and a consciou p dignity and generosity
which true grea tness always feels, very
properly chose to construe this dem ind
as intended to be respectful, and to be a
demand only of what was lawfully due?
nothing.
In this the Secretary was very eom
i . I? *?_iV a.- _ J J?
mendahly rignc. ne icn i? 10 a umm v
dignity and a cockney knighthood to flare
up" upon a point of mere etiquette and
punctilio, to rage about nothing and get
nothing for its rage,' and he rightiy assumed,
against the letter if you please,
that Great Britain in addressing the United
States of America, could not mean
otherwise than to be decorous, respectful,
and just in her demands. This was almost
a matter of course ; quite a matter of
course, unless gross a.nd palpable haughty;
insult was hurled, which could not he
broked without instant and indignant resentment.
It was due to ourselves no I
less than to Great Britain, whom we had
taught to respect us, to say, You cannot
possibly mean any disrespect to
us, to demand more than what
you think lawfully right; and we
will therefore, respectfully examine
your claim and proceed to dispense
justice to you." This course was magni- J
fving ourselves, and belittling the might-!
iness of Mr. Fox; it was truly " pnrtonizing
his wrath," and well, very well, done.
But, in the place, Mr. Webster tells
Mr. Minister that if the demand of Her
Majesty's Government meant more?to
require the Federal Executive to usurp
judicial power, to interfere with the course i
of municipial judicatures, to interrupt jus.!
tice in the forum, to obstruct the authority j
of the courts of law under criminal or|
civil process, or to violate the rights of
the State of New York?it meant something
which could not " have been expected"
from either Government, and something
" to which to this Government cannot
accede" And this Government has not
acceded to any such demand. The President
calmlv tells us in his message, dated
long since the letters both of Mr. Fox and
Mr. Webstor,44 it may be proper to state
that Alexander McLeod, has been heard
i ii ~? ?
j hy the Supreme Court ofthte State of New 11
j York, on his motion to be discharged ; i
from imprisonment, and that the decision <
J of that Ccourt has not yet been pronoun-11
! ced." The demand, then, in any and
| every offensive sense, lias been both theo. ]
retically and practically refused, I
And thirdly, sir, so far from croiighing <
orsucumbing, in a wav to tempt .-iggres- I
l sion; on, when Mr. Fox avows " it was 11
j F.ngland, Mr. Secretary, and not Mr. Mc- I
|leod," Mr. Webster does not, like* a cow. <
ard, select the weaker adversary, the poor 1
individual, but replies: "Ah! very well, <
Mr. Minister, I now understand you. If |
England assumes the responsibility, I i
rnadilv admit that4 individuals ought not' i
?he does not say shall not l ie?ought \
not to he holden personally responsible ; l
M he & President presumes that it can hard- j
lv be necessary to say that the American <
People, not dirlrustfid of their ab 'dity to re- \
| dress public tcrongs by public means, can- <
i not desire the punishment of individuals, i
' when the act complained of is declared to <
! have been act of the Government itself, \
We therefore take you at your word, Min- i
ister, and hold England responsible. We i
will leave the courts of justice to deal i
with AfcLeod?av, even send our Attor- j 1
^ l 1 I
I ney uenorai, as amicus curia?, 10 aavise
| the court to discharge him, if you chose.
I The United States will deal with England1.'
! Nothing could be more proudly gallant,
I and generously brave ; and he mistakes)
the point of chivalry much, who would
censure a true knight for "seeking a foe.
1 man worthy of his steel." |
This is my view of the case. The Secretarv
has my thanks, and shall not have |
, mv censure. I have confidence, full confidence,
in his American heart and American
head to maintain the honor and
1 interest of mv country, and its present!
! Administration, in controversy with any j
! foreign Power ; and as long as he main- j
; tains both, as he has in this instance ofj
| iVoLeod, that confidence shall be grate- t
j fully continued.
| Correspondence of the Charleston Courier.
Washington, July 3.
Though this is the last day of the fifth
' week of the extra session, there is less pros- j
; pact than ever of a speedy despatch of .
I the public business. The discordant!
j opinions in the Senate in relation to the j
I details of the hank charter are not likely ;
i soon to he reconciled, each party support- j
! ing its opinion with great pertinacity.?
The debate, to-day, was very animated
and interesting. Mr. Choate of Afass.,
came out rather unexpectedly in support
1 of Mr. Rives' plan. He advocated it as j
i likely to give harmony to the Whig par- j
J tv. and continue its ascendency. If it j
j was forced upon the States, in opposition j
: to their constitutional opinions, it would j
j have an unquiet time, being like a fortress
' nr? thn !?nrAt*r nf ?n PllPmv's t'TritOfV. I .
j " WW. WW. .... -:.J ' ~.J. t
I It would be the object of continual jeal- !c
lousy and hostility. He said he knew 1 8
I that if we did not embrace the plan pro- j ^
posed by the administration we should :
have no bank at all.
Mr. Clav inquired what was the source f,
of Mr. Choate's knowledge on this point, j r
j Mr. Choatc said he could not refer to it j r|
! without a breach of order. , : ^
j Subsequently, in consequence of a re- ,
'mark of Mr. Archer, .Mr. Clay explained |(
I that he found it to be the opinion here ! f
j that the charter would not go beyond the j t
: two houses, and he was desirous of know- j j
: ing the reason for the opinion. Hp had j ^
j therefore proposed a question to Mr. i (
j Choatc, when that gentleman asserted j
j with a positiveness that surprised him 1 f
| that we could have no bank unless we j \}
j took this amendment. The answer indi- j s
j cated that the opinion was authorized by i t
j the President. He was anxious that this j u
should be avowed, and that if the President ; e
* had disclosed his opinions with a view to ( a
operate on this body, it should be known. 1
Mr. Chonte protested against the infer- ; tj
i ences of the Senator. He had not heard i
a syllable from the President or any one a
r.r Pfihinpf nn fhfi Riihipct. h it he 1.
I"' ~ ? J ' j M
leathered from circumstances that the j (
j project of the Senator from Ky. could not j t
[ succeed. I j|
I Mr. Simmons, of R. I., opposed Mr. j L
Rives'amendment, and replied, with some ' n
point, to his arguments. j a
Mr. Archer, of Va., unequivocally cen. ! c
sured the course of his colleague, and de- a
nounced his amendment and the reason g
upon which it was founded. He declared a
that no one here approved the Treasury 0
project, but his colleague and others had f|
embraced it because the President was in 0
favor it. He said he should vote against 0
both projects. g
Mr. Rives replied with some severity, j
The debate will bo continued to-dav.
Washington, July 4. t|
In the Senate, yesterday morning, some tl
explanations were made in reference to tl
supposed personal reflections occuring in | j,
debate the day before. Messrs. Rives n
and Archer mutually explained, and were w
| entirely reconciled. Mr. Clay also took |a
! occasion to say that in pressing his ques- a,
tions upon Mr. Choate as to the source of I e
his knowledge as to the fate of the bank
bill, he had no intention to treat him with ^
any unkindness, &c. Mr. Linn, after a
! high wrought eulogy on General Jackson, e
I animadverted with some severity on the
remarks which fell from Mr. Archer in jj
individual, and announced ?
tsg.IIV. >? ? ||
his intention to go all lengths hereafter ja
in vindication of that venerable man from ^
any personal assault on the floor of the 0
Senate. . ft
The debate then proceeded in a very
calm and grave manner, befitting the im- f(
portance of the question. Mr. Bayard s,
expressed hisenrrre assent to the constitu- 0
tional doctrines of Mr. Clay in regard to ti
a bank, hut contended that the amend- ^
ment of Mr. Rives implied no abandon- r(
ment of those principles. He moved to f(
amend Mr. Rives' amendment so as to fl;
provide that the States respectively should 0]
l J J . ?wrmmm
be deemed as assenting to the establishment
of branches therein, unless they declared
their dissent, through a legislative
let. passed within a certain time. fa
Mr. Phelps, of Vt., advocated Mr,
Rives' amendment, but declared that ho
bad no doubt of the constitutional power
if Congress to establish a bank with
tranches without the assent of the States,
ind he protested against any inference
from this provision unfavorable to the
existence of that power. He believed
that every practical end that was desired
could be obtained without asserting' a disputed
power; but if ho found, after experiment,
that such would not be the case he
would then go as far as any one ingrantng
additional powers, under the charter.
Mr. Huntington, of Conn., spoke in
reply, and maintained that the adoption
of the amendment would be a virtual'
abandonment of the constitutional powers
if the government, and that they could
never he resumed. Ilere the debate was
dropped, for the p*esent, and the Senate
went into Executive session. There are
no limits, that I can see, to the continue
mce of the debate. Almost every whigSenator
will speak. The loco Senator*
ceep aloof from the discussion. They
lave, it is said, agreed to take no part ?*?'
t, but to reserve themselves for an asi.iult
on the bill when its friends-have deermined
what it shall be. There areihnnt
* dn7.pn Senators with Mr; Rivesi
The locos must therefore decide the fate
)f his amendment. From present ap.
>earances, they will, I think, go against
t. The final question will then be on
he passage of Mr. Clay's bBl. Those of
Vfr. Rives' friends who act merely from
expediency, will then go with Mr. Clay,
ind it is probable that the bill will pass.?
ts fate in the House is doubtful, but if it
caches the President, without Mr. Rives'
tmendment. it will he vetoed.
The following is Mr. Bayard's modifr- Q
ration: ' .
44 Strike out all after the word 44 corpornion"
and insert, "may establish agencies,
o consist of three or more persons, or to
employ any hank or banks, at any places
hey may deem proper, to perform the duie*
hereinafter required of the said corjoration
as the fiscal agent of the Gov.
rrnment, and to manage and transact the
msincs* of the said corporation other than'
he ordinary business of discounting
>mmissory notes. That is to say, the
iaid corporation shall have the right at
inch agencies to receive de.posites, to deal
>r trade in bills of exchange, gold or silver
coin, or bullion, or goods or lands,
nirchased on execution, or taken bona (idfi
n payment of debts, or goods which shall'
L>e the proceeds of its lands, and to circulate
its notes. And moreover, it shall be
awful for the said Board of Directors to
convert such agencies into offices of discount
unless the Legislature of any particilar
State in wYch such agency shall be
istahlished, shall, -at its next session after
uoh agency is established, express its
i.sscnt thereto."
WASHINGTON, JULY 5.
General Scott, now .Major General if
lere and apparently in fine health. His
esidence, hereafter, will he at this cilv.
rhe promptness with which the President
las acted in this appointment, is deservng
of commendation. Some snppoeethat
ten. Gaines will refuse to obey orders
rom (ren. Scott. Mr. Itilmkr scotnimiee
of retrenchment, which is to report ?t
he next session, have before them the
[iiestion of abolishing the office of Major
xeneral.
We learn, from private sources, that
he decision of the New York court will f
>e adverse to the release of McLeod, but
till they will not. at present, decide on
he sufficiency of the plea that he acted
inder the authority of the Bri ish Gov.
rnment. That question is to be argued
t the July term.
The opposition have made a question of
he policy and the patriotism of the course
aken by the present Administration, in
dmitting that McLeod ought to be re
jascd upon the avowal by the British
Jovernment of the act of which he waa
he instrument. The question is between
l/r. Van Buhen's course and Mr. Ty?
kr's course. The policy of the late ad.
fenestration is simply this?to remain inctive
on the question for four years; to
over up and conceal the kindling fire
s long as they were in power,* then to
ive the alarm, ring the fire bells, and
ccuse the new administration ot a want
f patriotism. The honesty of that course
liere can he no dispute about. On the
ther hand, the present administration,
n coming into power, found ibat this.
Teat outrage on our. national rights and
ignity had been unatoned for.
There were but two modes in which
ley could seek satisfaction?one was
le mean, humiliating mode of punishing
lase individual agents who might fali
ito our hands; and the other was tode~
land satisfaction of the principal, by
hom the act had been avowed. Tho
itter course was taken b}' the present
rlmim.trahnn on/1 it la /lift / nil tn fin/t
UIJJI I1IOII U UUU( UIIU ?i 10 uuuwuiv ?V M
ven in the fury and blindness of defeated
iction, an apology for any opposition to
There is one reason, if no other, why
very American should maintain the ad*
linistration, in the present position of
lis matter, viz: that the negotiation is X
ow pending; that the answer of the Brit- *
h Government to our demand for redress
as not been received; and that, in case
fa refusal on their part, to render satisiction,
the result will be mat*/
It is for the purpose of calling attention
> this view of the matter that I notice the
' II T* 4. U-.--.
Jbject ai an. Ik appeals iu u?vc uvcii
verlooked by many that this adrainistraon,
by the course which they have taen,
are pledged to press their demand for
?drcss upon the British Government even
> icar ! There can be, there will be no
inching on their, part.. There is no reasa
to believe that the-British Government