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proved. th?y have, from the highest bred H< rd Book heifer, down to the lowest grade. (never lees Than half blood,) been ?s hesftbr and a? hardy as the common 9try*k country, kept side by side with them. The opinion, therefore, that Purhnrns nrc to be rejected for want of berth hood, or constitutibn, is but a predjudiofc that deserves to be exploded. 3tiU I am no enthusiast in this matter. 1 would not recommend every femur to Introduce tnto hla farm the Durham cow On the contrary, on very thin and light ftoIs, f Would not introduce them: nor ?hy thing else that ever lived on a lutur.1 iant one* But t do say, on lands natural to grass, which afford a fair yield of pastare nnd of hav, where either the dairy or the fntling of beef, or even the rearing of cattle for sale, bo the object, judging from my own experience, and corroborated by thatof others who have tried ? /?rrw4 nnnn r?nr n-ttira r?r nr>H nth. ? mi . I^?V * ' U^/W|| VU? ! ? ??? V) X'l vr.. j er breed of cattle, no matter what, even up to high grades, the Dm hams are alto, gather the most desirable, both for appearance and for profit; with the exception, perhaps, of the Devonshire, if the climate he very rigid ; and they are not ' milkers. Were lajdairyman, and desired to grow nparaceof the best and most profitable milkers I would select the best native cows within my reach, then obtain a thorough bred short born bull of a good milking familv. and raise rnv heifers teas high grades as in their natural course would he produced, always using a thorough bred hull, for in no other way can the excellence and the true characteristics of the race he perpetuated. Did I however, admit of any other foreign admixture, it should he a cross of the Devon to give additional snugness to the form; and then but a single cross, for more than that would degrade the milking qualities of the herd. These animals, bred asthev would be from native cows, would inherit their constitutions and habits, arid be- j come identified, as much as the most ordinary stock, with our soils and our habits of keeping. In this way should we at ( once gain all that.we desire, without sud- j den or prejudicial change. In 1835, my father imported a most beautiful and valuable cow from England, j one of the finest animals and best milkers j I ever knew ; a very hardy, thrifty, and . easily kept animal. She brought us three j vcrv superior bull calves, all from short I horns. They were like herself, of peculiar conformation and character, being the most compact in fheir figures, possessing it ore weight in a given compass than any animals I ever saw. In the fall of 1839 ! the cow. and her then sucking bull calf, i were sold to Norman C. Baldwin, Esq. of. Cleveland, Ohio, for $800 ; her two year' old bull calf, " Reed Jacket," to Mr. * Sullivant, of Columbus. Ohio, for $800 ; and her yearling bull calf, *' Sam Patch," to J, H. Henburn, Esq. of Jersey Shore, Lycoming co.. Pa. for $^)00. Had I at that time known the exceeding value of that family of short horns, I should certainly have reserved one of them. My! bulls have proved in the highest degree I valuable as stork getters, stamping their j calves in the first cross with deepcharac- J terietiesof their own blood, and no doubt, laying the foundation of a race of milkers that will yet be famous in their respective localities. They are esfinmtednsthevshould be, almost beyond price. In same these particular animals, because they develope ! in all points of hard hood, eudurance and ! kindly feeding, the valuable characters. | tion we desire in our farming stock, and fully corroherateaH that I have remarked cf rearing up a nu'ice stock from judicious crosses of pure short horn bulls. j Many years ago, the agent of the Holland Land Company, Mr. Otto, purchased a thorough bred short horn bull from Mr. Powell, of Philadelphia, for the bene- I fit of the settlers of the company lands in ! thecounties of Gennesee, Cattaraugus, I and Chauntauque, comprising some of the host grazing and dairy counties of the atate. As the services of the bull were obtained for little or nothing, and as he was kept in successive seasons in each of the counttes above named, a general sprinkling of his Stock was soon scattered throughout those regions, and some as j high as three-quarter bred animals were ; raised from his progeny. The hull lived j j j n. i many years, ana provea aa e.xccneiu - stock getten Many of the cows now ranging about the streets and commons of Buffalo and Black River Rock, which liave been brought in and sold from those counties, are of this stock, and are distinguished for their superior appearance, and Hi)4ar as my inquiries have extended, thav are of the finest quality as milkers; :*nti vyet none but those who are conversant with the Durham blood know that tfhey are any hut common cows. These cows are celebrated jjamong our dairy farmprs for i 1 Ifi:rs . and numerous fine .and extraorcknurv fat oxen that have been slaughtered at Buffalo from the surrounding country, were descendants of the ** Otto bull," either of the first or second generation. I have now done with the speech of Mr. Coiinan, which, for bis own sake, and the welfare of our agriculture, I regret he had not more maturely considered. Yet, if he be still sanguine <n his confidence of the superiority of the Massachusetts " native stock" as milkers, could the thing be made practicable, I would gladly make a trial of merit b} act rial test. I would propose that Mr. C- or his frieada produce len or twenty cows, which should be a fair average of the native stock, without admixture of foreign blood ; .against which, F would produce a like number of grade, or thorough bred short horns, of average, quality, or taking thein as they rise, in any fair herd. The time of their calving should be noted, and the .cows should be .pf nearly corresponding ages?the trial should commence on lite first ot June, and continue ono month ; t-iie eows all to i>p feept in one Hold, or ir? g.-od ?rn?i .JJLO. UjlAI 1" t"- '?r?- > .' and on p.tMure only, &3 each party should j plonks, if n<pt conv'eni'aift *o bring them J together. The quantity of milk should i be accurately weighed, and tho produce, i either of butler or cheese, dull*registered. 1 *Vhen the trial should be fully made, the : winning party to be entitled to the whole | hern, with the product, after paving ex- j peases. If the advantage should be on the side of the native owners in value, as it probably xTiuid, each animal should be appraised, and a sufficient sum to make up tho difference should he deposited to render the premiums thus submitted of e, qual value. This would test the whole | question, and give it sufficient of interest to engage in the trial with spirit. The | season, is perhaps, now too far advanced j to make the trial this venr ; but if this i proposition be accepted, I would enlarge ! it, and name the first day of November | next, for selecting the animals on both ! sides ; they should be then placed together J | on one farm, and both subjected to the same treatment through the winter, and kept together till the trial was thoroughly I made, which, it either party preferred, j might extend through the next season, or | uniil the first day of October following, j If it be objected, that this proposition will incur too much expense, or inconven I ience, I will at once propose tfyat (Jneicla i county, in this state, shall he the place ot | trial; and that myself, or my friends, the advocates of the short horns, will furnish a farm for the operations, the fitness ol which shall he assented to hy the other party. The importance of an accurate j knowledge on this subject is a sufficient object for such a trial, and it is perhaps ! the only method of testing this mooted j question fairly. It will he readily seen ' therefore that this proposition arises in no | spirit of banter, or gambling, but in that i of an earnest desire to settle an important ! and doubtful point, of great interest to our agriculture generally. I may at a future time, pursue thissuh. j ject further, but have for the present tres- ! passed sufficiently upon your patience. Lewis F. Allen. Black Rock April, 10, J841. COA'G R CS^IOYIL ?Fhk A/cLkod Case. [The following is the material part of Mr. Rives' reply to the part of Mr. Buc- 1 hanan s speech copied into this paper last (J week.l ! J i From the National Intelligencer. I debate ix the senate. i The case of McLcod. ' Thursday June 10, 1841. The question of the Senate being the J motion of Mr. Rives to refer so much of the President's Message as relates to our foreign affairs to the committee on For. eign Affairs, and Mr. Buchanan having ^ concluded his remarks on the subject, as published in yesderday's paper? Mr. Rives rose in reply, and commenc- ( ed by observing that, as a member r>f the , Committee on Foreign Relations, it was fit and necessary that lie should offer su n ; ' remarks on the subject which had thus ^ been urged on the notice of the Se late. Nothing couid presents moie sinking ex- i ample of the tendency of all subjects discussed in our public bodies to assume* i party character than the remarks of the 1 honorable Senator from Pennsylvania J (Mr Buchanan,) which had just been ^ submitted to the Senate. The gentleman had commenced bv a disclaimer?most honestly uttered, Mr. R. had no doubt? , of the influence of unv thing like party feeling in what he should say; anil yet he had hirdly entered upon the threshold of his subject, when the habitual and unconscions bias of a party man, as the Senator frankly avowed himself to lie, exhibited itself as a manner too unequiv- ' nflol In Ku nuctnlfon. Wai i'/ im/ AH who have had occasion to treat, in j our legislative halls, questions such as j thai now presented to the notice of the '' Senate, must have felt how difficult it often is to reconcile the impulses of an ! American spirit with the measure and re- ' serve which might seem to he due to the ' natural susceptibilities of foreign Powers 1 In the view taken bv the honorable gen- \ tlenian of the aggravated character of the 1 outrage perpetrated in the destruction of the "Caroline" Mr. R. said he heartily J1 concurred. The gentleman had not ut. tered a word in reprobation of that trans- ! action to which his heart and hisjudgrnent did not respond. But the very terms in which the Senator denounced and characterized the aggression made it a lKitionaJ. . . * | wrong, to be redressed by national means, and not to be avenged by visiting the responsibilities of this public offence on the head of such an instrument as Alexander McLeod, if, indeed, he were at all an actor in the scene, as there is every reason to l>elieve he was not. Mr. Rives said he should endeavor, in the outsi t, to recall the discussion to its true merits?to the question of international law, which the Senator from Penn- j sylvania had adverted to only in the close ; of his remarks. He should place it in the foreground of tho argument, because by it only can the conduct of the Adminicle! inn in thp nartirular in which it is toi i (ttawuy ?? " p? ? ---?? now impugned, be fairly tried and I judged, lie would not go back to recap..! itulate the history of the controversy re- j spec ting the destruction of the Caroline further than to show the new position which the question assumed immediately upon the accession of the present Administration to power. This unwarrantable outrage, in\'olving a violation of the national sovereignty over our territory, as well as the destruction of the Iu'cp a id property of Ameri- ] can c't'zzniy was committed in December, "937, and aroused a general feeling of indignation throughout the Union. Our minister at London, under the instructions of the Government here, addressed, in May, 1838, a represensation to the British Government on the subject, to obtain a "disavowal and disapproval of the act. and aiso such redress as the nature of the case required ? Notwithstanding the enormity of the outrage, as painted in this very communication of our minister at London, drawn up in conformity to instructions from Washington, the late Administration, the Sen? ? # ' ator's political friends, in whom he thinks there was no want of energy in prosecuting the demand for redress, actually! slept over this national injury from May, 1839, to March, 1841, when they went out of power! And so profound was their slumber that, in a late debate in the House of Commons, the British Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs, Lord John Russel, stated that the complaint of the American Government was, for a long period, considered as dropped. It is true that Mr. Stevenson, who could not nut feel the awkward contrast between the lofty tone of his cormriunication to Lord Palmerston, in May, 1838, and the pa. tient acquiescence which followed^n the long continued silence of the British Government, did, in July, 1839, write to Mr. Forsyth to know if he should renew the subject with Lord Palmerston, and, if I so, the degree or urgency he should adopt. To which Mr. Forsyth replied no; "the President expects, from the tone of Mr. Fox's conversation, that the British Government will answer your application in the case, without much further de. lay." But, in point of fact, no answer was given by the British Government down to the period of the late Administration's exit from power. All this while, then, the destruction of the "Caroline" stood unexplained and nnawweJ by the British Government, and there was nothing of a conclusive nature to determine whether it was to be viewed as an unauthorized act of individuals or as the public act of the British authorities. In this state of things, McLeod, in November last, came into tbe State of New York, and having, from his idle, and, as is now universally believed, ra!se boasts, incurred the suspicion of having been a guilty and conspicuous actor n the destruction of the Caroline, he vas arrested and indicted therefor upon i charge of murder arson. Mr. Fox, on ;he 13th of December, demanded of the Government of the United States the lib. ? c \r?r around " that irauun ui mv/ucwu, ^? the destruction of the Steamboat Caro. line is well known to have been a public net of persons in Her Majesty's service, nbeving the order of their superior authorities." The demand was refused because the Government of the United S.;:t s hid no right to interfere with the judicial tribunals of New York, which ban lake;; cognizance of the case; and in .'eg.ird to the decimation of Mr. Fox, Mr Fcr.sytb stated that "if the destruction of the Caroline was a public act of persons in Her Majesty's service, obeying the order of their superior authorities, the fact has not been be fore communicated to the Government of the United States by a person authorized to make the admission. and it will he for the court which has taken cognizance of the offences with which McLeod is charged to decide upon its validity, when legally establish, cd lie fore it." Mr. Fox recurring to the same subject, in his letter to Mr. Forsyth of the 29th Decemlier, 1840, stated that tti... ??.? outfn nronounce the "lie *? tlJ II Vt IH4UIUI itiVM p _ decision of Her Majesty's Government upon the remonstrance which had been id dressed to it bv the United States igainst the act in question." Thus stood the question at the accrs. 3ion of the present Administration. The destruction of the Caroline had not as yet been avowed hy the Britisli Government is a public and authorized act. But on the 12th of March, eight days after the inauguration of President Harrison, Mr. Fox addressed a letter to Mr. Webster, Secretary of State informing him that he was instructed by his Government to state that "the transaction" (the destruction of the Caroline within the territorial limits of the United States,) "on account of which McLeod was arrested, was a transaction of a public character, planned ? J-.t and excuien ny persons cjuiy v(ii|>u?cicu by Her Majesty's colonial authorities to take any steps and to do any acts whihh might be necessary for the defence of Her Majesty's territories, and for the protection of Her Majesty's subjects; and, consequently, that those subjects of Her Majesty who engaged in that transaction were performing an act of public duty, for which they cannot be made personally and individually answerable to the laws and tribunals of any foreign country." Upon these grounds, he was instructed to demand again from the Government of TTnifpd States the immediate release of Alexander McLeod. This communication of the British minister gave a new aspect to the subject, and presented for the consideration of the American cabinet a grave question, of the first importance in the intercourse and responsibilities of nations. The destruction of the Caroline, for a supposed participation in which McLeod had been arrested and indicted in the courts of New York was now avowed by the British Government to have been an act of pub. lie military force, planned and executed by competent public authorities, in alleged defence of Her Majesty's territories and, such, was justified by Her Majesty's Government at home. However unwarrantable the act, from that moment it could be viewicd only as a national wrong, the full responsibility of which was assumed by the British Government, and in which the individuals concerned were but irresponsible instruments, acting under orders which they were implicitly bound to obey. [Concluded on fourth page] SPEECH OF MR. WISE, In defence of Mr . Websters Letter to Mr. Fox. Mr. Wise said: Sir, I cannot sustain this resolution in any aspect it presents. In thefirst place, it is out of time. Negotiations are pending, and we are too much in the habit in this country of making diplomatic correspondence public before negoti ations are brought to maturij ty. By this means every man in the na' tion is too frequently made a Secretary of State to settle foreign affairs, and a biassed public sentiment is afforded the opportunity to constrain or embarras an enlightened Cabinet course of conclusion. The adoption of this resolution now might interfere with the action of both the co. ordinate departments of the Government ?the Executive, which is negotiating, and the Judiciary, which is deciding upon the case of McLeod. But, in the second place, the advocate of this resolution (Mr. Ingersoll) has put it out of my power, were I so disposed, to vote for it. He has accompanied its introduction withsuch a course of remarks that its adoption could not be considered as any thing short of an implied censure upon the present Secretary of State for the position which he has assumed in re'iation to this affair. Seeing nothing to censure and every thing to approve in tbe conduct and correspondence of both the present and late Secretaries touching this whole case, I shall avoid the least implication of the censure which I consider involved in an affirmative vote on this proposition. Mr. Forsyth has Keen attacked by nobody, and therefore needs no defence. What has Mr. Webster done in this matter, since the honor and interest of the nation have been confided to his care, to draw down upon him directly or indirectly, the censure of this House?? Why, sir, on the 12th day of March, 1841, Mr. Fox, " in the name of the British Goverament," demanded 44 the immediate'release of Mr. Alexander JfcLeod." Now what should have been the courso of Mr. Webster, in the name of the United States ? The rule to govern him, it strikes me, was to place his Government in the attitude and assuming the beaming oi a noble-mimded. generous, gallant man. conscious of his own dignitv, weight or character, ao d power of self-red res-, when appioached by another man in any doubt.k.na nf nmcp nr IUI or nniuiguu us onnpv vi |/v?kv ?. .......... ty. The ool y exception to this rub: should bo that a nation may be more slow to anger ;ind resentment, more pacific in its temper, more conciliating and forbearing in i ts conduct and correspondence, than a a individual in a personal quarrel. Mr. Fox's demand was doubMul and ambiguou s. Its meaning was either arrogant or overbearing, intending to demand somethi ng which neither the law of nations nor ou r own peculiar state and federal relation? could allow ; or it was urgent only in demanding what was due under our own laws and the laws of civil, ized nations, 'without disrespect to the Government ol'the United States or its constituted authorities. The Secretary tells that its dol itful "occasioned, with the President, som e hesitation," and thus intimated delicately that our Government was not insensi ble to its own self-respect and a consciou p dignity and generosity which true grea tness always feels, very properly chose to construe this dem ind as intended to be respectful, and to be a demand only of what was lawfully due? nothing. In this the Secretary was very eom i . I? *?_iV a.- _ J J? mendahly rignc. ne icn i? 10 a umm v dignity and a cockney knighthood to flare up" upon a point of mere etiquette and punctilio, to rage about nothing and get nothing for its rage,' and he rightiy assumed, against the letter if you please, that Great Britain in addressing the United States of America, could not mean otherwise than to be decorous, respectful, and just in her demands. This was almost a matter of course ; quite a matter of course, unless gross a.nd palpable haughty; insult was hurled, which could not he broked without instant and indignant resentment. It was due to ourselves no I less than to Great Britain, whom we had taught to respect us, to say, You cannot possibly mean any disrespect to us, to demand more than what you think lawfully right; and we will therefore, respectfully examine your claim and proceed to dispense justice to you." This course was magni- J fving ourselves, and belittling the might-! iness of Mr. Fox; it was truly " pnrtonizing his wrath," and well, very well, done. But, in the place, Mr. Webster tells Mr. Minister that if the demand of Her Majesty's Government meant more?to require the Federal Executive to usurp judicial power, to interfere with the course i of municipial judicatures, to interrupt jus.! tice in the forum, to obstruct the authority j of the courts of law under criminal or| civil process, or to violate the rights of the State of New York?it meant something which could not " have been expected" from either Government, and something " to which to this Government cannot accede" And this Government has not acceded to any such demand. The President calmlv tells us in his message, dated long since the letters both of Mr. Fox and Mr. Webstor,44 it may be proper to state that Alexander McLeod, has been heard i ii ~? ? j hy the Supreme Court ofthte State of New 11 j York, on his motion to be discharged ; i from imprisonment, and that the decision < J of that Ccourt has not yet been pronoun-11 ! ced." The demand, then, in any and | every offensive sense, lias been both theo. ] retically and practically refused, I And thirdly, sir, so far from croiighing < orsucumbing, in a wav to tempt .-iggres- I l sion; on, when Mr. Fox avows " it was 11 j F.ngland, Mr. Secretary, and not Mr. Mc- I |leod," Mr. Webster does not, like* a cow. < ard, select the weaker adversary, the poor 1 individual, but replies: "Ah! very well, < Mr. Minister, I now understand you. If | England assumes the responsibility, I i rnadilv admit that4 individuals ought not' i ?he does not say shall not l ie?ought \ not to he holden personally responsible ; l M he & President presumes that it can hard- j lv be necessary to say that the American < People, not dirlrustfid of their ab 'dity to re- \ | dress public tcrongs by public means, can- < i not desire the punishment of individuals, i ' when the act complained of is declared to < ! have been act of the Government itself, \ We therefore take you at your word, Min- i ister, and hold England responsible. We i will leave the courts of justice to deal i with AfcLeod?av, even send our Attor- j 1 ^ l 1 I I ney uenorai, as amicus curia?, 10 aavise | the court to discharge him, if you chose. I The United States will deal with England1.' ! Nothing could be more proudly gallant, I and generously brave ; and he mistakes) the point of chivalry much, who would censure a true knight for "seeking a foe. 1 man worthy of his steel." | This is my view of the case. The Secretarv has my thanks, and shall not have | , mv censure. I have confidence, full confidence, in his American heart and American head to maintain the honor and 1 interest of mv country, and its present! ! Administration, in controversy with any j ! foreign Power ; and as long as he main- j ; tains both, as he has in this instance ofj | iVoLeod, that confidence shall be grate- t j fully continued. | Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. Washington, July 3. Though this is the last day of the fifth ' week of the extra session, there is less pros- j ; pact than ever of a speedy despatch of . I the public business. The discordant! j opinions in the Senate in relation to the j I details of the hank charter are not likely ; i soon to he reconciled, each party support- j ! ing its opinion with great pertinacity.? The debate, to-day, was very animated and interesting. Mr. Choate of Afass., came out rather unexpectedly in support 1 of Mr. Rives' plan. He advocated it as j i likely to give harmony to the Whig par- j J tv. and continue its ascendency. If it j j was forced upon the States, in opposition j : to their constitutional opinions, it would j j have an unquiet time, being like a fortress ' nr? thn !?nrAt*r nf ?n PllPmv's t'TritOfV. I . j " WW. WW. .... -:.J ' ~.J. t I It would be the object of continual jeal- !c lousy and hostility. He said he knew 1 8 I that if we did not embrace the plan pro- j ^ posed by the administration we should : have no bank at all. Mr. Clav inquired what was the source f, of Mr. Choate's knowledge on this point, j r j Mr. Choatc said he could not refer to it j r| ! without a breach of order. , : ^ j Subsequently, in consequence of a re- , 'mark of Mr. Archer, .Mr. Clay explained |( I that he found it to be the opinion here ! f j that the charter would not go beyond the j t : two houses, and he was desirous of know- j j : ing the reason for the opinion. Hp had j ^ j therefore proposed a question to Mr. i ( j Choatc, when that gentleman asserted j j with a positiveness that surprised him 1 f | that we could have no bank unless we j \} j took this amendment. The answer indi- j s j cated that the opinion was authorized by i t j the President. He was anxious that this j u should be avowed, and that if the President ; e * had disclosed his opinions with a view to ( a operate on this body, it should be known. 1 Mr. Chonte protested against the infer- ; tj i ences of the Senator. He had not heard i a syllable from the President or any one a r.r Pfihinpf nn fhfi Riihipct. h it he 1. I"' ~ ? J ' j M leathered from circumstances that the j ( j project of the Senator from Ky. could not j t [ succeed. I j| I Mr. Simmons, of R. I., opposed Mr. j L Rives'amendment, and replied, with some ' n point, to his arguments. j a Mr. Archer, of Va., unequivocally cen. ! c sured the course of his colleague, and de- a nounced his amendment and the reason g upon which it was founded. He declared a that no one here approved the Treasury 0 project, but his colleague and others had f| embraced it because the President was in 0 favor it. He said he should vote against 0 both projects. g Mr. Rives replied with some severity, j The debate will bo continued to-dav. Washington, July 4. t| In the Senate, yesterday morning, some tl explanations were made in reference to tl supposed personal reflections occuring in | j, debate the day before. Messrs. Rives n and Archer mutually explained, and were w | entirely reconciled. Mr. Clay also took |a ! occasion to say that in pressing his ques- a, tions upon Mr. Choate as to the source of I e his knowledge as to the fate of the bank bill, he had no intention to treat him with ^ any unkindness, &c. Mr. Linn, after a ! high wrought eulogy on General Jackson, e I animadverted with some severity on the remarks which fell from Mr. Archer in jj individual, and announced ? tsg.IIV. >? ? || his intention to go all lengths hereafter ja in vindication of that venerable man from ^ any personal assault on the floor of the 0 Senate. . ft The debate then proceeded in a very calm and grave manner, befitting the im- f( portance of the question. Mr. Bayard s, expressed hisenrrre assent to the constitu- 0 tional doctrines of Mr. Clay in regard to ti a bank, hut contended that the amend- ^ ment of Mr. Rives implied no abandon- r( ment of those principles. He moved to f( amend Mr. Rives' amendment so as to fl; provide that the States respectively should 0] l J J . ?wrmmm be deemed as assenting to the establishment of branches therein, unless they declared their dissent, through a legislative let. passed within a certain time. fa Mr. Phelps, of Vt., advocated Mr, Rives' amendment, but declared that ho bad no doubt of the constitutional power if Congress to establish a bank with tranches without the assent of the States, ind he protested against any inference from this provision unfavorable to the existence of that power. He believed that every practical end that was desired could be obtained without asserting' a disputed power; but if ho found, after experiment, that such would not be the case he would then go as far as any one ingrantng additional powers, under the charter. Mr. Huntington, of Conn., spoke in reply, and maintained that the adoption of the amendment would be a virtual' abandonment of the constitutional powers if the government, and that they could never he resumed. Ilere the debate was dropped, for the p*esent, and the Senate went into Executive session. There are no limits, that I can see, to the continue mce of the debate. Almost every whigSenator will speak. The loco Senator* ceep aloof from the discussion. They lave, it is said, agreed to take no part ?*?' t, but to reserve themselves for an asi.iult on the bill when its friends-have deermined what it shall be. There areihnnt * dn7.pn Senators with Mr; Rivesi The locos must therefore decide the fate )f his amendment. From present ap. >earances, they will, I think, go against t. The final question will then be on he passage of Mr. Clay's bBl. Those of Vfr. Rives' friends who act merely from expediency, will then go with Mr. Clay, ind it is probable that the bill will pass.? ts fate in the House is doubtful, but if it caches the President, without Mr. Rives' tmendment. it will he vetoed. The following is Mr. Bayard's modifr- Q ration: ' . 44 Strike out all after the word 44 corpornion" and insert, "may establish agencies, o consist of three or more persons, or to employ any hank or banks, at any places hey may deem proper, to perform the duie* hereinafter required of the said corjoration as the fiscal agent of the Gov. rrnment, and to manage and transact the msincs* of the said corporation other than' he ordinary business of discounting >mmissory notes. That is to say, the iaid corporation shall have the right at inch agencies to receive de.posites, to deal >r trade in bills of exchange, gold or silver coin, or bullion, or goods or lands, nirchased on execution, or taken bona (idfi n payment of debts, or goods which shall' L>e the proceeds of its lands, and to circulate its notes. And moreover, it shall be awful for the said Board of Directors to convert such agencies into offices of discount unless the Legislature of any particilar State in wYch such agency shall be istahlished, shall, -at its next session after uoh agency is established, express its i.sscnt thereto." WASHINGTON, JULY 5. General Scott, now .Major General if lere and apparently in fine health. His esidence, hereafter, will he at this cilv. rhe promptness with which the President las acted in this appointment, is deservng of commendation. Some snppoeethat ten. Gaines will refuse to obey orders rom (ren. Scott. Mr. Itilmkr scotnimiee of retrenchment, which is to report ?t he next session, have before them the [iiestion of abolishing the office of Major xeneral. We learn, from private sources, that he decision of the New York court will f >e adverse to the release of McLeod, but till they will not. at present, decide on he sufficiency of the plea that he acted inder the authority of the Bri ish Gov. rnment. That question is to be argued t the July term. The opposition have made a question of he policy and the patriotism of the course aken by the present Administration, in dmitting that McLeod ought to be re jascd upon the avowal by the British Jovernment of the act of which he waa he instrument. The question is between l/r. Van Buhen's course and Mr. Ty? kr's course. The policy of the late ad. fenestration is simply this?to remain inctive on the question for four years; to over up and conceal the kindling fire s long as they were in power,* then to ive the alarm, ring the fire bells, and ccuse the new administration ot a want f patriotism. The honesty of that course liere can he no dispute about. On the ther hand, the present administration, n coming into power, found ibat this. Teat outrage on our. national rights and ignity had been unatoned for. There were but two modes in which ley could seek satisfaction?one was le mean, humiliating mode of punishing lase individual agents who might fali ito our hands; and the other was tode~ land satisfaction of the principal, by hom the act had been avowed. Tho itter course was taken b}' the present rlmim.trahnn on/1 it la /lift / nil tn fin/t UIJJI I1IOII U UUU( UIIU ?i 10 uuuwuiv ?V M ven in the fury and blindness of defeated iction, an apology for any opposition to There is one reason, if no other, why very American should maintain the ad* linistration, in the present position of lis matter, viz: that the negotiation is X ow pending; that the answer of the Brit- * h Government to our demand for redress as not been received; and that, in case fa refusal on their part, to render satisiction, the result will be mat*/ It is for the purpose of calling attention > this view of the matter that I notice the ' II T* 4. U-.--. Jbject ai an. Ik appeals iu u?vc uvcii verlooked by many that this adrainistraon, by the course which they have taen, are pledged to press their demand for ?drcss upon the British Government even > icar ! There can be, there will be no inching on their, part.. There is no reasa to believe that the-British Government